(navigation image)
Home American Libraries | Canadian Libraries | Universal Library | Community Texts | Project Gutenberg | Children's Library | Biodiversity Heritage Library | Additional Collections
Search: Advanced Search
Anonymous User (login or join us)
Upload
See other formats

Full text of "The magazine of American history with notes and queries"

PUBLIO LIBRARY 
Ef°^^ fORT WAYNE &. ALLEN CO.. INr 

JO 



REFERENCE 



L?^AJ 



ALLEN COUNTY PUBLIC LIBRARY 



3 1833 01747 7081 



GENEALOGY 
973.005 

nil 

1880 
V.4 



THE 



MAGA7 



ERIC AN Hi^ 



NOTES Aim. ^ 



VOLUMt iv 



NKV. VORK ANP CHI 

i88o 



1 



-t 

t 4 






^'^ 



^^ 



s?5|||^ 



THE 



MAGAZINE 



OF 



AMERICAN HISTORY 



WITH 



NOTES AND QUERIES 



VOLUME IV 



A. S. BARNES & COMPANY 

NEW YORK AND CHICAGO 
1880 



Copgrigbttb, 1880, bg % ,§. ^arnes ^ €o. 



CONTENTS 



The Operations of the Allied Armies before New York, 1781, with Appen- 
dix, by John Austin Stevens, .... 

Rochambeau's Headquarters in Westchester County, N. Y., 1781, by Charles 
A. Campbell, ....... 

Lady and Major Ackland, by William L. Stone, . 

An Affair of Honor ; Daniel Webster and John Randolph, 

Notes, Queries and Replies, . . . . 57, 145, 214, 308, 386, 453 

Literary Notices, 73,230,314,395,469 

The Letters of Washington, by John Austin Stevens, . . . . .81 
A National Standard for the Likeness of Washington, by William J. Hubard, S^ 
Robinson's House in the Hudson Highlands — Headquarters of Washington, 

by Charles A. Campbell, 

The Saint-Memin Washington, by John Austin Stevens, 

Letters of Washington, now for the first time published (thirty), i78i» 

Itinerary of General Washington, additions, ..... 

Washington's Headquarters during the Revolution, additions, 

The Scotch-Irish in America, by George H. Smyth, 

The Mound-Builders of America, by R. S. Robertson, . 

Benedict Arnold and his Apologist, by John Austin Stevens, 

The Chews of Pennsylvania, by Elizabeth Read, .... 

Diary of a French Officer, Aid to Rochambeau, presumed to be Baron 

Cromot du Bourg, translated from the original MS., . 205, 293, 376, 44 
The Pawnee Indians ; their History and Ethnology, by John B. Dunbar, 
Colonel Return Jonathan Meigs, Connecticut Line, by Henry P. Johnston 
The Battle of San Jacinto, by Captain R. M. Potter, U. S. A., . 
The Battle of Harlem Plains, with an Appendix, by John Austin Stevens, 
The Hudson River and its Early Names, by Susan Fenimore Cooper, . 
Brevet Brigadier-General Samuel Blatchley Webb, by John Austin Stevens, 416 
Engineer's Journal of the Seige of York, in Virginia ; translated from the 

French original, 448 



109 
119 
121 

158 
159 
161 
172 
181 
192 



241 
282 
321 

351 
401 



Lo^^^ 



ILLUSTRATIONS 



Portrait of Washington, from the Atheneum Head ; steel etching by Hall, i 

Map showing the scene of attempt on the British posts at Kingsbridge, . 2 

Position of the Allied Armies at Philipsburg, from a French chart, . . 10 
Map of Operations before New York, from Erskine's MS. survey, . . 23 
Odell House ; Rochambeau's Headquarters, Westchester, N. Y., by A. Hosier, 46 

Partial plan of Westchester Co., N Y., 48 

Four Washington Heads — Peale, Houdon, Trumbull, Stuart — steel etchings, 

H. B. Hall, 81 

Fac-simile of Gilbert Stuart's bill for the Pierrepont portrait of Washington, 104 
Beverley Robinson House. — Washington Headquarters — by Abram Hosier, 109 
The Arms of Robinson, . . . . . . . . -n? 

Portrait of Washington, from the Saint Memin Crayon Head in the posses- 
sion of J. Carson Brevoort, steel engraving by Hall, 
Portrait of Benedict Arnold, steel etching by Hall, .... 

Cliveden — the Chew House— Germantown, Pa., by Abram Hosier, 
The Old Stone Well at Cliveden, from a drawing by Miss Howard, 
Drawing by Andre of a Knight of the Mischianza, by Miss Howard, 
The Chew Arms, ........... 

French Chart of Newport and its defences in 178 1, . . . 

An Ancient Gold Medal, New Magdeburg, property of Henry Remsen, 
View of the Interior and Exterior of Pawnee Lodges, .... 263, 264 

Portrait of Colonel Return Jonathan Meigs, steel etching by Hall, . 
French Plans of Morrisania and Frogs Point, ..... 

French Chart of the Camp of the Allies at Philipsburg, 

French Route from Providence to King's Ferry, ..... 

French plan of West Point, 1781, ........ 

French Map of the Northern Defences of New York Island, 
Portrait of Santa Ana, from original in N. Y. Hist. Soc, wood engraving 
by Richardson, .......... 

Plan of San Jacinto battle ground, ....... 

Sauthier's Map of the Northern part of New York Island, 1776, . 
Map of New York Island from McGowan's Pass to the Morris House, 
Part of Map of the Campaign of 1776, from an English original, 1780, . 

French Plan of the Battle of Trenton, 

Map of the Hudson River, with its early names, 

Portrait of Brev. Brig.-Gen. Samuel Blatchley Webb, steel etching by Hall, 427 
The Webb House, Wethersfield, Conn., j^lace of conference between Wash- 
ington and Rochambeau, by Abram Hosier, 439 

The Arms of Webb, 440 

French Plan of the Siege of Yorktown, ....... 448 



119 
181 
192 

199 
200 
201 
213 



282 
294 
296 
298 

304 
306 

321 
337 
351 
362 
S68 

37S 
419 



MAGAZINE OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

Vol. IV JANUARY 1880 No 1 



THE OPERATIONS OF THE ALLIED ARMIES BEFORE 

NEW YORK, 1781 

I.— THE ATTEMPT UPON THE BRITISH POSTS AT KINGSBRIDGE 

THE frigate Concorde arrived at Boston on the 8th May, 1781 with 
dispatches from the French Ministry withdrawing the restric- 
tions, which had before controlled the action of de Rochambeau 
and held the French contingent in complete quiet on Rhode Island. 
The brilliant officers of the small, but splendidly appointed force, 
chafing under the restraint, hailed with joy the prospect of an active 
campaign. The news of the sailing of the Count de Grasse from Brest 
with a strong squadron and reinforcements of troops assured a suffi- 
cient naval co-operation for any movement which the allied commanders 
should agree upon. 

A conference between Washington and Rochambeau was held at 
Weathersfield, near Hartford, on the 22d May, 1 781, to concert a plan 
of joint operation. At this interview Washington was attended by 
General Knox and Brigadier-General du Portail of the artillery, and 
Rochambeau, by the Chevalier de Chastellux. The Count de Barras, 
who had arrived by the Concorde to take the command of the fleet, vacant 
by the death of de Ternay, was detained at Newport by the English 
fleet, which still held its post of observation at Gardner's Bay. To the 
conference de Rochambeau brought word that de Grasse would dis- 
patch from the latitude of the Azores a reinforcement of six hundred 
recruits for his army under convoy of the Sagittaire, and the remainder 
of the funds necessar}^ for the payment of the army, a part of which 
had already arrived by the Concorde ; and the French General further 
declared his readiness to move so soon as these were received. 

At the same interview Washington produced dispatches of Lord 
George Germaine to Sir Henry Clinton of the 7th February and 7th 



2 THE ALLIED ARMIES BEFORE NEW YORK, I/Sl 

March, which had been intercepted by an American privateer. In these 
the English Minister gave directions to Sir Henry to turn his immediate 
attention to the conquest of the Southern States. Thus advised of the 
plans of the enemy, Washington was in favor of striking a decisive 
blow by a direct attack upon New York, where the British forces under 
Clinton had already been weakened by the several detachments made 
to the southward during the Spring. Rochambeau, on the contrary, 
hesitated to adopt a plan which involved the crossing of the Sandy 
Hook bar, the passage of which was pronounced by experienced pilots 
dangerous, if not impossible, for the heavy French ships of the line, 
and leaned towards a renewal of the operations in the Chesapeake, 
which had onlv failed because of the inferior force of the fleet 
under Destouches. A compromise plan Avas agreed upon, which 
excluded neither of the two opinions. The allied armies were to march 
from their respective encampments, and form a junction on the east 
bank of the Hudson, whence New York might be menaced, any further 
diversion of British troops to the southward arrested, and freedom 
given for a Southern campaign. The result of the conference was 
communicated by Washington to Genisral Sullivan, then a member of 
Congress, sitting in Philadelphia, and by de Chastellux to the French 
Ministry. Both of these letters fell into the hands of Sir Henry 
Clinton ; a fortunate circumstance, in which, to use the words of 
Dumas, who was an actor in the campaign, ** chance served better 
than the ablest spies could have done." How completely Sir Henry 
Clinton was deceived concerning the purposes of the allied Generals, 
appears in his own manuscript notes on this period of the war, in 
which he writes that ** there were a thousand circumstances to prove 
that New York was their object, till de Grasse's pilots refused to carry 
his long-legged ships over the bar of New York." 

On his return to his camp at Newport, de Rochambeau immediately 
organized the movement of his troops. Marching orders were issued 
on the 9th June, and a first rendezvous had at Providence, where the 
army halted for eight days. On the i6th the Baron de Viomenil, second 
in command, held a general review at Providence. 

On the 18th the line of march was again taken up; the regiment of 
Bourbonnais, under de Rochambeau and M. de Chastellux, leading the 
van; on the 19th, that of Royal Deux-Ponts, under the Baron de 
Yiomenil ; the 20th, that of Soissonnais, under the Count de Viomenil ; 
the 2ist, that of Saintonge, under M. de Custine. Keeping a distance 
from each other of a day's march, they encamped the first day at Wa- 




THE SOUND 



SCENE OF ATTEMPT ON THE BRITISH POSTS AT KINGSBRIDGE, JULY 3, I/^^ 



THE ALLIED ARMIES BEFORE NEW YORK, I781 3 

terman's Tavern, the second at Plainfield, the third at Windham, the 
fourth at Bolton, and the fifth at Hartford. These places were distant 
from each other about fifteen miles. The roads were heavy for the 
artillery, and the baggage was left behind. Arrived the 22d June at 
Hartford, the regiment of Bourbonnais broke camp on the 2;th ; that of 
Deux-Ponts, the 26th ; of Soissonnais, the 27th, and of Saintonge, the 
28th. They encamp>ed the first day at Farmington, twelves miles dis- 
tant : the second day, at Barons Tavern, thirteen miles ; the third day, 
at Break-neck, thirteen miles, and the fourth, at Newtown, thirteen miles. 
Here the route was better. The artillery was far in the rear. 

By the orders of M. de Beville, the Quartermaster-General, the 
Count de Dumas, of his staff, went in advance of the line to reconnoitre 
the country, prepare lodgings and select the camping grounds. For this 
he was particularly well qualified. He had already been over the 
route from Rhode Island in the winter of 1780, once on a mission from 
Rochambeau to West Point after Arnold's defection, and again making 
a careful reconnoissance of the country when sent into Connecticut to 
establish the headquarters of Lauzun. 

To cover this movement of the infantry, the Ehike de Lauzun left 
Lebanon, where his legion had winter quarters, and keeping the French 
army about fifteen miles to his right, moved between their line of march 
and the coast of Long Island Sound. Until the arrival at Newtown 
there was no necessity of any special precaution, but here in the midst 
of a tory population, and in close proximity to the enemy, more care 
was required. It was the original intention of de Rochambeau to mass 
kis forces at Newtown and march towards the Hudson in closer column, 
but on the evening of the 30th a courier arrived from General Wash- 
ington with a message, urging him not to halt at Newtown, as he pro- 
posed, but to double the march of his first half brigade and Lauzun's 
corps. Accordingly the first division, composed ot the regiments of 
Bourbonnais and Deux-Ponts left Newtown at dawn on the ist July 
for Ridgebury. It was formed in one brigade. The second brigade, 
formed of the regiments of Soissonnais and Saintonge. marched the 
next day for the same point. The road, fifteen miles long, they found 
hilly and bad. 

On the morning of the 2d June the grenadiers and chasseurs of the 
regiment of Bourbonnais left Ridgebury for Bedford, which they 
reached, after a hard march across a hilly country, a distance of fifteen 
miles. At Bedford this detachment made a junction with the legion of 
Lauzun, which had until this point marched on the left flank of the army. 



4 THE ALLIED ARMIES BEFORE NEW YORK, 1781 

but now took a strong position beyond Bedford. Beyond his lines there 
was also an advanced post, consisting of a body of one hundred and 
sixty horse of Sheldon's legion. 

On the 15th June, Washington issued his General Orders from his 
headquarters at West Point, congratulating the army on the successes 
of the American arms under General Greene in South Carolina, reciting 
the forced evacuation of Camden by Lord Rawdon, the surrender of 
Orangeburgh to General Sumter, of Fort Mott to General Marion and 
Fort Granby to Lieutenant-Colonel Lee, and the investment of the posts 
of Augusta and Ninety-six by General Pickering; and declaring these 
brilliant successes to be a presage, that, with proper exertions, the enemy 
would soon be expelled from every part of the Continent. On the 17th 
a detachment was drawn from the different brigades for the garrison of 
West Point, and on the i8th all the troops were brigaded for a move- 
ment to Peekskill. The annexed diagram is taken from a General Order 
book of the period : 

The American army had lain at New Windsor during the winter and 
spring. On the 26th June Washington broke camp, and moved to 
Peekskill, where he invited Rochambeau to visit him in person. On the 
27th he sent Lieutenant-Colonel David Cobb, one of his aids-de-camp, 
to Hartford to attend the French General on his forward move- 
ment. 

Intelligence reaching him as to the probable purposes of Sir Henry 
Clinton he resolved to make an offensive movement. Hearing, also, that 
Colonel Delancey Avas lying at Morrisania with a party of dragoons, and 
had burned some houses in the neighborhood of Bedford, he determined 
to cut him off. Without waiting for the arrival of de Rochambeau, 
he at once entered on the campaign, and on the 30th June, organized a 
l)lan to surprise the British posts on the north end of New York Island, 
and began to concentrate his forces. 

Major-General James Clinton, in command at Albany, was ordered 
to send down the regular troops, and Governor George Clinton, 
then at Poughkeepsie, was notified to hold himself in readiness to march 
down with the militia towards Kingsbridge, upon signals given, by 
alarm guns and beacons, of the success of the co7ip de main. 

At the same time he sent a courier to Lieutenant-Colonel Cobb 
with a despatch for the Count de Rochambeau informing him of the 
movement, urging him to push on his troops to cover and support the 
attack ; advising him, also, that he had sent a courier to Lauzun to hasten 
his march with his hussars. On the arrival of the courier at Newtown 



THE ALLIED ARMIES BEFORE NEW YORK, 1 78 1 






u 

T3 
C 



>J '^ 



c 

o 






2 O 



Durkee 



Sherman 



Webb 




> 

O 

O 
c 

9 



1 1 
91 



« S 



Vose 



Brooks 



Sheppard 



Sprout 



Michael Jackson 



Putnam 





^ 









K 






hJ 


rt 




;-H 


Q 


CL> 


^, 


C 


C 

u 


(U 




w 


1 


O) 






C 

o 



Scammel 



O 



Reade 



Tupper 









X 






>^ 







"o 





z 

^ 


fM 




)-i 


d 






<^ 


« 










j^ 
















< 








H 


>2 




l« 


ei 


Oh 






p 

5 


cT 








en 




<H 


C 








' (U 












11 



Greaton 



Henry Jackson 



Smith 



6 THE ALLIED ARMIES BEFORE NEW YORK, 1 78 1 

the Marquis de Chastellux was immediately sent for by de Rochambeau, 
a consultation had with the Chiefs of Staff upon the new route advised 
by Washington, and orders issued for the march of the First Brigade 
the next morning. The Legion of Lauzun, then at New Stratford, was 
directed to march at the same time. 

On the ist of July, Washington, from his headquarters at Peekskill, 
gave his instructions to Major-General Lincoln, to whom the command 
of the expedition was entrusted. The force consisted of two regiments, 
formed into four battalions, under the comm.and of Colonel Scammel 
and Lieutenant-Colonel Sprout, of the corps of watermen, under the 
command of Major Darby ; a detachment of artillery under Captain 
Burbeck ; the water-guard under command of Captain Pray; the object 
of the expedition to attempt the seizure of the enemy's posts upon 
the north end of York Island. Fort George on Laurel Hill was desig- 
nated as the primary object of attack, because success at that point 
would open a communication with the mainland, and afford a rallying 
point and secure place of retreat in case of disappointment. Should the 
prosecution of the plan prove unadvisable upon reconnoitering the enemy, 
the boats were to be secured, and if necessary destroyed. General 
Lincoln was directed to support an attempt to be made on the morning- 
of the 3d, by the Duke de Lauzun, upon Delancey's corps, which were 
lying at Morrisania. This was to be effected by landing his men above 
Spuyten Devil Creek, and marching them to a cover in the high ground 
in front of Kingsbridge to wait the attack of Lauzun, and cut off the 
retreat of Delancey's party. To cooperate in this plan, Brigadier-General 
Waterbury was ordered to march with all the troops he could collect to 
a rendezvous at Clapp's Tavern, in King street [Rye], with Colonel 
Sheldon, where they were to be joined by the Duke de Lauzun, who was 
to take command of the expedition. 

On the 2d he advised de Rochambeau to move to North Castle and 
concentrate his whole force. North Castle was selected as beinsr in a 
direct route by which to receive provisions from Crompond, and also 
on the road for an advance to White Plains, if circumstances should 
warrant. By Colonel Hull, the messenger who carried the despatch, 
he also sent his instructions to the Duke de Lauzun. Washingfton rec- 
ommended him as a confidential and competent officer, informed as to 
the intended movement and the scene of operations. 

Three accounts have been given of this movement; the report of 
Washington to Congress, written from his Headquarters at Dobbs' 
Ferry on the 6th ; the British account of the Skirmish at Kingsbridge, 



THE ALLIED ARMIES BEFORE NEW YORK, 1 78 1 7 

which appeared in Rivington's Royal Gazette on the 14th, and was 
copied in Ahnon's Remembrancer for the year 1781, and Lauzun's 
narrative printed in his posthumous memoirs. 

The account of Washington relates the movement of Lincoln in 
detail. The army marched from camp near Peekskill on the morning 
of the 2d without tents or baggage, and reached Valentine's Hill, about 
four miles from Kingsbridge, a little after daybreak the morning follow- 
ing. General Lincoln, with a detachment of eight hundred men, fell 
down the North River in boats (they had embarked the night before, 
after dark, at or near Teller's Point), and took possession of the ground 
north of Harlem River near where Fort Independence stood. The 
Duke de Lauzun, notwithstanding the heat of the day of the 2d, 
marched from Ridgebury, in Connecticut, and reached East Chester very 
early next morning. Here he found that General Lincoln had been 
attacked and the alarm given. General Lincoln skirmished with the 
enemy in order to draw them into the country far enough to permit the 
Duke de Lauzun to turn their right and cut them off from the east side 
of Hudson River, and prevent their repassing the river in boats. Gen- 
eral Parsons had possession of the heights immediately commanding 
Kingsbridge, and could have prevented their escape by that passage- 
Washington adds that on going down himself he found that all the 
main body of the enemy had withdrawn to New York Island, but that 
he had made a thorough reconnoissance of the works on the north end 
of the island with General du Portail. He gives Lincoln's loss at five 
or six killed and thirty wounded. He expresses to the President of 
Congress the warmest obligations to the Count de Rochambeau for the 
readiness with which he detached the Duke de Lauzun, and for the 
rapidity with which he pushed the march of his main body to bring it 
within supporting distance in case a favorable stroke upon the enemy 
had allowed the pursuing of any advantage which might have been 
gained. 

The British account explains the failure of the attempt at surprise- 
In the evening of the 2d Colonel Emmerich went up from the British 
lines with a picked body of one hundred men to the Philipse's House at 
Yonkers, as an advance guard for a party which was to march the 
next morning as an escort for wagons sent to the same point for hay. 
Late in the evening word was brought into the British outposts that the 
American troops had been seen at Sing Sing in the afternoon. This 
was the army on the march. The wagon movement was abandoned^ 
and Lieutenant-Colonel de Preuschenck went out before dav break with 



8 THE ALLIED ARMIES BEFORE NEW YORK, 1 78 1 

a body of two hundred Hessians and thirty Yager horse. Arrived at 
Kingsbridge about dawn on the morning of the 3d, the wary com- 
mander determined to reconnoitre the abandoned Fort Independence, 
on the heights beyond the river, before pushing further up into the 
mainland. Here his party fell upon the command of General Parsons, 
who were lying in a covert behind the dismantled parapets. A brisk 
skirmish ensued. The Hessians, pursued by a superior force, and driven 
by the bayonet, endeavored to fall back within the range of the guns of 
Fort Charles, but being hard pressed, and their cavalry aiding on the low 
ground, rallied, and the Americans in turn retreated, falling back, in the 
h(jpe of drawing the enemy from their cover, until they reached the 
main body of the army, which was already arrived, after a forced march 
from Tarrytown, within two miles of Kingsbridge. Meanwhile Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel Von Wurmb reached the scene of action from Kings. 
bridge with the remainder of the Yager corps, and posted his force on 
the rising ground between the bridge and Fort Independence. Recon- 
noitering the American position before venturing further, he found them 
in force, their lines extending from the Mile-Square road over the height 
to Williams' bridge, their left covered by a body of French horse. An 
offensive movement was out of the question, but some action was neces- 
sary to relieve Colonel Emmerich from his precarious situation at 
Fhilipse's house, four miles in the rear. A reinforcement of two hundred 
men from the line arriving from the forts on the island, and Delancey's 
Refugee corps coming in from Williams' Bridge and Morrisania, the 
Yagers moved forward and took possession of Cortlandt's bridge, driv- 
ing the advanced posts of the Americans, who fell back towards Will- 
iams' Bridge on their left. This opened the wa}^ for Colonel Emmerich 
to join his command. He had dropped down from Fhilipse's house, about 
four miles above, by the old Kingsbridge road (the Albany post-road), 
with the purpose of crossing the Spuyten Devil, but found himself cut 
off by the enemy, who held Cortlandt's house. Colonel Emmerich 
brought in some prisoners who had fallen into his hands at Fhilipse's house. 
1 Ic brouglit in word to General Von Losberg, who had gone out in person 
10 take command, that the Americans were moving in two columns, one 
of which he had seen on Valentine's Hill, towards Cortlandt's bridge. 
T!i(' Hessians then fell back to their former position, leaving one hundred 
Yagers nt Fort Independence to watch the movement of the Americans. 
They observed the reconnoitre of the Spuyten Devil by Washington in 
person in the afternoon at three o'clock, and at four withdrew within 
their lines and to their encampment. 



THE ALLIED ARMIES BEFORE NEW YORK, 1781 9 

The Duke de Lauzun describes his movement in a very general way. 
He marched with great rapidity, and reached the rendezvous at the 
hour appointed for the junction. From his narrative it would appear 
that General Washington gave him his orders in person, but at what 
point he does not mention, and confirmation of this is lacking, while it is 
not improbable that such was the case. He does not mention the 
purpose to surprise Delancey's corps, which fell through ; that wary 
partisan having shifted his quarters from Morrisania. Of the attack of 
Lincoln he speaks almost with contempt, saying of him that he was 
beaten, and would have been cut off from the army but for his own prompt 
succor ; but facts do not support this judgment. He exaggerates, also, 
the number of killed and wounded in Lincoln's command, which he 
states at two or three hundred. Other French accounts give a lesser 
figure. De Fersen and de Vauban, aids-de-camp of Rochambeau, 
reported that Lincoln had only four killed and fifteen wounded. They 
also reported that Delancey was found at Williams' bridge, and not at 
Morrisania, where it was supposed he would be surprised, and that he 
had notice of the attack. This is not improbable, as the neighborhood 
was infested with tory refugees. 

In his diary, Washington sets down that he moved from Peekskill with 
the Continental army at three o'clock on the morning of the 2d, made a 
small halt at the New Bridge over Croton, about nine miles from Peeks- 
kill, another by the church at Tarrytown, nine miles more, and completed 
the remaining part of the march, arriving at Valentine's Hill (Mile Square) 
about sunrise. The baggage and tents were left standing in the camp at 
Peekskill. Disappointed in the object of the expedition, Washington 
withdrew his troops to Valentine's Hill on the afternoon of the 3d, 
where they lay on their arms; the Duke de Lauzun and General 
Waterbury, on the east side of the Bronx River, on the East Chester 
road. On his arrival at Valentine's Hill, Washington issued a General 
Order, thanking the '* Duke de Lauzun, his officers and men for the very 
extraordinary zeal manifested by them in the rapid performance of their 
march to join the American army." In the evening he wrote from 
Valentine's Hill, inviting Rochambeau to join him at White Plains witli 
his troops on the 5th. 

On the 4th the American army again marched, and took position a 
little to the left of Dobbs' Ferry, and marked out a camp for 
the French army on their left. The Duke de Lauzun marched to White 
Plains and Gen. Waterbury to Horseneck. Apparently satisfied that Sir 
Henry Clinton had no intention of coming out from his defences, Wash- 



10 THE ALLIED ARMIES BEFORE NEW YORK, 1781 

ington wrote again to Rochambeau, apprising him that there was no 
further reason to fatigue his troops by long and rapid marches, and 
leaving the time of his arrival at North Castle entirely to his own dis- 
cretion, only desiring notice of his approach, that he might have the 
happiness of meeting and conducting him to the camp laid out for him, 
which, he says, '' will be about four miles on this (the west) side of the 
village of White Plains." 

De Rochambeau, whose experience had taught him the value of 
promptness, had not lost a moment on the march. His entire army was 
already at North Castle, where the first division, under his personal 
command, went into camp on the morning of the 3d. They were joined in 
the afternoon by the second ; this excellent brigade, which was composed 
of the regiments of Soissonnais and Saintonge, had made a forced march 
of twenty miles. Their fine discipline was here apparent, as the 
weather was intensely hot, and they had not had a day's rest since 
leaving Providence. Their commanders, the Count de Custine and the 
Vicomte de Noailles, set their troops the example of endurance, marching 
on foot at their head. On the evening of the 3d de Rochambeau reported 
his arrival to Washington, and expressed his readiness to execute his 
orders. The position of the camp was excellent, and the troops found 
grateful relief in the cool breezes of the summer nights. 

On the 5th Washington visited the French camp at North Castle; 
de Rochambeau, notified of his approach, rode out to meet him. After 
visiting the camp, the party dined together, and he was again escorted 
several miles on his return by his polished hosts, who were charmed 
with his mein and breeding. 

II. — THE CAMP OF THE ALLIES AT PHILLIPSBURG 

On the 6th the French troops broke camp at North Castle, and 
marched to make a junction with the main body of the American army 
at Philipsburg. The roads were good and the distance not over sev- 
enteen miles, but the heat of the day was intense, and the French troops, 
who had never experienced the torrid heat of a July day in these lati- 
tudes, suffered terribly ; more than four hundred men fell on the march. 
The junction was made in the evening on the grounds which had been 
marked out on the left of the American lines. The legion of Lauzun 
was already in position on Chatterton's Hill, in advance of the plains, 
on the west of the river Bronx. The same day the Chevalier de la 
Luzerne, the Minister of France, arrived in camp from Philadelphia. 
Washington issued a General Order, expressing his thanks to Count de 



II 



!^ ^ H 






^ 




I ' 1 -^ s> 



^5 



|> ^ s^ i 

r ? r 

I ^ I- 



i f r t^ 

^j ^ r tf 



secuted his 
the French 
regiment of 
supported 
ight up the 

he army in 
}{ his expe- 
nch troops, 
s march of 
a country 
lacked for 
there was 
:ised by the 
water with- 
ubt greatly 
3lonel com- 
, which he 
his example 
esults." 
lOr defence, 
ch. Every 
1 here first 
it, masterly 
1 attempted 
Uipsburg is 
3 described 
lous White 
try ; to the 
>• to o-reater 
the secure 
istfully, but 
streams of 
tary manor, 
e residence 
: New York 
cultivation ; 
i forces here 
ige mixture 
r the entire 



lO THE ALLIED ARMIES BEFORE NEW YORK, 1781 

ington wrote again to Rochambeau, apprising him that there was no 
further reason to fatigue his troops by long and rapid marches, and 
leaving the time of his arrival at North Castle entirely to his own dis- 
cretion, only desiring notice of his approach, that he might have the 
happiness of meeting and conducting him to the camp laid out for him, 
which, he says, '' will be about four miles on this (the west) side of the 
village of White Plains." 

De Rochambeau, whose experience had taught him the value of 
promptness, had not lost a moment on the march. His entire army was 
already at North Castle, where the first division, under his personal 
command, went into camp on the morning of the 3d. They were joined in 
the afternoon by the second; this excellent brigade, which was composed 
of the regiments of Soissonnais and Saintonge, had made a forced march 
of twenty miles. Their fine discipHne was here apparent, as the 
weather was intensely hot, and they had not had a day's rest since 
leaving Providence. Their commanders, the Count de Custine and the 
Vicomte de Noailles, set their troops the example of endurance, marching 
on foot at their head. On the evening of the 3d de Rochambeau reported 
his arrival to Washington, and expressed his readiness to execute his 
orders. The position of the camp was excellent, and the troops found 
grateful relief in the cool breezes of the summer nights. 

On the 5th Washington visited the French camp at North Castle; 
de Rochambeau, notified of his approach, rode out to meet him. After 
visiting the camp, the party dined together, and he was again escorted 
several miles on his return by his polished hosts, who were charmed 
with his mein and breeding. 

II.— THE CAMP OF THE ALLIES AT PHILLIPSBURG 

On the 6th the French troops broke camp at North Castle, and 
marched to make a junction with the main body of the American army 
at Philipsburg. The roads were good and the distance not over sev- 
enteen miles, but the heat of the day was intense, and the French troops, 
who had never experienced the torrid heat of a July day in these lati- 
tudes, suffered terribly ; more than four hundred men fell on the march. 
The junction was made in the evening on the grounds which had been 
marked out on the left of the American lines. The legion of Lauzun 
was already in position on Chatterton's Hill, in advance of the plains, 
on the west of the river Bronx. The same day the Chevalier de la 
Luzerne, the Minister of France, arrived in camp from Philadelphia. 
Washington issued a General Order, expressing his thanks to Count de 



Position 

aPhilies-bourg 

Mci^lL Jr deux mi^ ttn^LU 



[^ -ifjion. dt -LauyJrw. 

1 fi"dr5^era/jtOiiujJtLZ"'jiiijSicr' 

2 UooOontmM du C. Kaferiary. 

5 B wutf Aouftrui/- U^aX 'de. /yar?t/eiiut 

C ^ali"j: I'f^'cu dlS.dliJe^Z ^d.J 
•'fa. Tftfi^rtJf 



10 

ington wrot 
further reas 
leaving- the "i 
cretion, onb 
happiness of 
which, he sa 
village of W 

De Rod 
promptness, 
already at I 
command, w 
the afternoo 
of the regim 
of twenty i 
weather wa 
leaving Pro\ 
V^icomte de 
on foot at th( 
his arrival 1 
orders. Th- 
grateful reli< 

On the t 
de Rochaml 
visiting the 
several mile 
with his mei 



On the t 
marched to 
at Philipsbu 
enteen miles 
who had ne^ 
tudes, suffer 
The junctior 
marked out 
was already 
on the west 
Luzerne, th( 
Washington 



THE ALLIED ARMIES BEFORE NEW YORK, 1 78 1 II 

Rochambeau for the unremitting zeal with which he had prosecuted his 
march, in order to form the long wished for junction between the French 
and American forces. He pays a special compliment to the regiment of 
Saintonge for the '' spirit with which they continued and supported 
their march without one day's respite." This regiment brought up the 
rear. 

The Abbe Robin, who crossed the Atlantic to follow the army in 
the campaign, and the next year published a narrative of his expe- 
rience, bears testimony to the admirable conduct of the French troops, 
and the fatherly and prudent care of their officers. " In this march of 
two hundred and fifteen miles in extreme heat, and through a country 
almost without resources, upon which the soldiers often lacked for 
bread, and were forced to carry several days' provisions, there was 
less sickness than even in French garrisons. The care exercised by the 
superior officers, in not permitting the soldiers to drink the water with- 
out rum to counteract its unwholesome properties, no doubt greatly 
contributed to this result. The Count de Saint-Maime, Colonel com- 
manding the Soissonnais, at each halt sent forward cider, which he 
caused to be distributed to the soldiers at a trifling price. This example 
was followed by the other corps with the most satisfactory results." 

The position chosen for the camp was admirably suited for defence, 
and to restore the vigor of the troops after their severe march. Every 
inch of the ground was familiar to Washington, who had here first 
shown his great capacities as a commander, in the quiet, masterly 
withdrawal of his army from the toils in which Howe had attempted 
to entrap him in the fall of 1776. The country about Phillipsburg is 
everywhere hilly, but yet nowhere mountainous. It may be described 
as rolling land on an elevated plateau. Below lay the famous White 
Plains, on which an army might deploy in perfect symmetry ; to the 
north the rocky hills of North Castle, and behind, still rising to greater 
height, the impregnable fastnesses of the Highlands ; the secure 
gate through which the British forces had looked often wistfully, but 
ever in vain. Through the mountain vallies ran abundant streams of 
clear, pure water. An old settlement, a part of an hereditary manor, 
which, from the earliest colonial days, had been the favorite residence 
of one of the wealthiest and most powerful families of the New York 
province, the land about Phillipsburg was in admirable cultivation ; 
forest and field covering its entire extent ; but when the allied forces here 
pitched their tents this beautiful landscape presented a strange mixture 
of luxuriance and ruin. The county of Westchester, during the entire 



12 THE ALLIED ARMIES BEFORE NEW YORK, 1 78 1 

war of the revolution, was debateable ground ; hostile armies marched 
and countermarched over it, from its northernmost rock-bound limit to 
its southern extremity, where its hills descend in easy slope to the 
waters of the Harlem and the Sound. 

The position now taken lay between the American and British lines, 
and the farms were deserted by their owners. In consequence '' the roads 
and commons, as well as the fields and pastures, were covered with grass ; 
while the many deserted houses and ruined fences depicted the horrid 
devastation of war." So wrote Heath, whose simple, soldierly narrative 
rarely bends to sentiment or pathos. More glowing the enthusiastic 
description of Dr. Thacher, whose heart warmed with delight at leaving 
the winter cantonments at West Point, where the vegetation of a late 
spring was but just appearing. He marched with the troops through 
the Highlands, and found all nature in animation with color and fra- 
grance and song. But it needs not to dwell on the scenic beauties of a 
country which Irving has hallowed and Drake has sung. 

Washington describes the military position in a few words. '' The 
American army was encamped in two lines, the right resting on Hud- 
son's River. The French army was stationed on the hills at the left, in 
a single line, reaching to the Bronx River. There was a valley of con- 
siderable extent between the two armies." Gordon says that the French 
left extended towards the Sound. To this knowledge of the topo- 
graphical situation of the respective camps, little addition was made 
by subsequent investigation, until the discovery in Paris, about a 
quarter of a century ago, of a chart entitled " Position de I'Armee 
Americaine et Frangaise a Phillipsbourg," which is now reproduced 
bv the kind permission of Mr. James F. D wight of New York. It w^as 
found on a little bookstand on one of the Paris quays. The name of the 
officer who made the survey is not known, but he was evidently not 
only a thorough engineer, but an admirable draughtsman. The chart 
is a model of delicate drawing, and is besides beautifull}^ colored, pre- 
senting almost a landscape effect. Its remarkable precision of detail is 
so great that it is even now a perfect guide to the ground ; each eleva- 
tion and depression, ever}^ road, and even the smallest stream being 
plainly indicated. 

The headquarters of the Commanders are both laid down. The 
house occupied by the Count de Rochambeau is still standing on the 
high ground a little to the west of Hart's Corners, on the Harlem 
railroad. It was then owned by Colonel John Odell, a noted guide of 
Washington. Rivington, however, in his Royal Gazette of July 21st, 



THE ALLIED ARMIES BEFORE NEW YORK, 1 78 1 I3 

says : '' The Compte de Rochambault's headquarters is at Capt. Ged- 
ney's, near Chatterton Hill, west of the Bronx." On this occasion the 
Tory printer was probably misinformed. De Lauzun may perhaps 
have had his quarters at the house named, but there is no record of de 
Rochambeau having had his headquarters so far from his lines, nor is it 
probable. The house occupied by Washington was destroyed some 
years ago, but a house built on its site was occupied in 1877 by Mr. 
Barker; it stood on a little elevation to the south of west of the French 
headquarters. The hill on which it stood is still called Washington's 
Hill. In Rivington's Royal Gazette, July 14, 1781, it is described as at 
•'Joseph Appleby's seven miles from Colonel Philipse's Manor House." 
This gives correctly the distance to the spot marked upon the French 
chart. The Appleby Place was a well-known place. It is laid down on 
Erskine's Map on the cross road from Dobb's Ferry to White Plains, a 
little east of the point where it is joined by the road from Philipse's 
Manor House, the road lying between the roads known as the Sawmill 
River road and the Tuckahoe road. It is marked as the house of John 
Appleby. 

Heath gives the disposition of the American forces. The Connecti- 
cut and Rhode Island lines and six regiments of the Massachusetts lines 
composed the front lines ; the New Hampshire line, four regiments of 
Massachusetts, Crane's and Lamb's regiments of artillery, with the sap- 
pers and miners, the second line ; the right wing commanded by Major- 
General Heath, the left wing by Major-General Lord Stirling ; the 
advance of the American army on a height a little advanced of Dobb's 
Ferry under the command of Colonel Scammel, and Sheldon's dragoons 
near Dobb's Ferry. The French army in one line on the left of the 
Americans, with the Legion under the Duke de Lauzun at White Plains. 
General Waterbury with the militia under his command towards New 
Rochelle. 

This information has been also completely supplemented by a dis- 
covery quite as important as that of the French plan. This is to be 
found in a chart showing the position, not only of each division, but of 
each brigade and regiment, with the names of their olTficers. This 
paper forms a part of a manuscript diary of one of the aids of M. 
de Rochambeau (presumed to be M. Cromot du Bourg), purchased at the 
Maisonneuve sale in Paris, 1867, for Mr. C. Fiske Harris of Providence. 
To the method and industry of the officers of our French allies we 
are thus indebted for some of the most important, because precise 
accounts of even the disposition of the American forces. 



14 THE ALLIKD ARMIES BEFORE NEW YORK, 1 78 1 

The tirst line of the American army was commanded by General 
Washington in person. Its right was held by the First and Second 
Connecticut Brigades; the First Brigade on the extreme right was com- 
manded by Brigadier-General Huntington, and consisted of the First 
Connecticut under Colonel Durkee, the Fifth Connecticut under Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel Shearman, and the Third Connecticut under Colonel 
Webb; on their left lay the Second Connecticut Brigade, Colonel Swift 
commanding, composed of the Second Connecticut, Col. Swift, the Fourth 
Connecticut, Colonel Butler, and the Fourth Rhode Island Regiment, 
under Lieutenant-Colonel Olney. On the right of the left wing was the 
the First Massachusetts Brigade under Brigadier-General Glover, com- 
posed of the First Massachusetts, Colonel Vose, the Seventh Massa- 
chusetts, Lieutenant-Colonel Brooks, the Fourth Massachusetts, Colonel 
Shepard ; the extreme left was held by the Second Massachusetts 
Brigade, composed of the Second Massachusetts, Lieutenant-Colonel 
Sprout, Eighth Massachusetts, Colonel Michael Jackson, Fifth Massa- 
chusetts, Colonel Putnam. 

The second line of the Americans was commanded by Major-General 
Howe. The right wing, under command of Major-General Parsons, 
the New Hampshire Brigade, was composed of the First New Hamp- 
shire, Colonel Scammel, the Second New Hampshire, Lieutenant-Colonel 
Read, the Tenth Massachusetts, Colonel Tupper. The left wing the 
Third Massachusetts Brigade (the commander not named), composed of 
the Eighth Massachusetts, Colonel Greaton, Ninth Massachusetts, Colo- 
nel Henry Jackson, Sixth Massachusetts, Lieutenant-Colonel Smith. In 
the centre, on the right, was the park of artillery under Brigadier-Gene- 
ral Knox ; on the left the engineers' corps, the sappers and miners, under 
Brigadier-General Duportail. 

Beyond and in front of the first line lay Colonel Sheldon with his legion 
on the extreme right, covering the river road, the King's Highway, and 
the Pine's bridge road to Kingsbridge, while General Waterbury, with 
the light infantry, was posted in a similar position on the left flank, 
reaching to the Sound. To protect the river approaches a strong 
redoubt was thrown up by the engineers under du Portail, and com- 
pleted with a celerity and thoroughness that astonished the French 
officers. Of the two batteries one carried eight guns and the other as 
many mortars. The fire of these crossing with that of one of two guns 
on the west bank of the river, was intended to control its passage. The 
French diary, from which this careful description of the American 
lines is taken, contains no similar detail of the French position, but 
the plan of position fortunately supplies the deficiency. 



THE ALLIED ARMIES BEFORE NEW YORK, 1 78 1 15* 

The French infantry lay to the south and west of the American 
camp, towards the East Chester road, in one line. In their rear their 
artillery, chiefly of light pieces, the heavy seige guns having been left 
behind at Newport in the care of M. de Choisy. A short distance to the 
northward, about half-way between the White Plains and the Pine's Bridge 
road, the hospital was posted. M. Blanchard, the French Commissary, 
describes the rural beauties of the farm on which this building was 
located with unusual warmth, and remarks with the delight of a botanist 
on the splendid tulip and catalpa trees which were standing in the 
neighboring fields. 

The French army was a picked body, composed of the most ancient 
and celebrated regiments of the kingdom, and commanded by officers 
illustrious in name and experience ; men for whom destiny had in store 
a varied brilliant future, and for most, alas, a tragic end ; and the com- 
missioned officers, from the colonel commanding to the youngest second- 
lieutenant, were almost without exception of high birth. Their General, 
Jean Baptiste Donatien de Vimeur, Comte de Rochambeau,was of a distin- 
guished family. Born in 1725, at the period of the American campaign he 
had just entered on his fifty-sixth year. From his youth he had been 
in military service. Entering the cavalry regiment of Saint Simon at 
the age of sixteen he made his first campaign in Bohemia and Bavaria 
under the Marechal de Broglie ; commanded a company in the war of 
Alsace; distinguishing himself at Weisemburg and Fribourg; was present 
at the battle of Raucoux and served as aid-de-camp to the Duke d'Orleans 
at the seige of Namur. At twenty-two he was Colonel of the Regiment 
de la Marche and distinguished himself at Laufelt, where he was twice 
wounded under the eyes of the King. In 1748 he invested Maestricht 
on the Rhine with fourteen companies of grenadiers, for which he was 
made Brigadier of Infantry and Chevalier of St. Louis; in 1756 he assisted 
at the seige of Mahon by the Marechal de Richelieu, and led his troops 
into the English trenches under fire. As Major-General of the army of 
the Rhine he was at the battles of Crevelt, Minden, Cerbach and Kloster- 
camp, where he was brilliantly distinguished, and, after the death of 
the Chevalier d'Assas by his efforts decided the fortunes of the day. 
He now held the rank of Marechal de Camp with the title of Inspector- 
General of Infantry. By nature and experience he was eminently suited 
to a distinct and independent command. His reputation for courage 
and dash required of him no unusual exposure, and placed his motives 
for inaction beyond the range of suspicion. The gravity of his character 
and his remarkable reticence impressed respect on his officers and held 



1 6 THE ALLIED ARMIES BEFORE NEW YORK, 1 78 1 

his troops in perfect control; yet while as a disciplinarian he was rigid 
and severe, he endeared himself to his troops by his fatherly and watchful 
care for their personal comfort. 

The brothers Viomenil held the highest rank in the army after Roch- 
ambeaii, both being major-generals; the Chevalier de Chastellux also 
performed this duty. Of these the Baron de Viomenil was the oldest in 
rank, having been in service since 1740, and Marechal de Camp since 
1770. Next in age the Chevalier de Chastellux, in service since 1747, 
and a Brigadier-General since 1769; he was one of the famous French 
Academy of Forty. He rendered great service to Rochambeau in his 
interviews with Washington at which he was on nearly all occasions 
present. The Count de Viomenil had served since 1761, and held the 
post of Brigadier since 1770. Each of the General officers was attended 
by a large and brilliant staff. 

The regiment of Bourbonnais was the seventh in date of creation of 
the French infantr}^ It was formed in 1595 of the ancient bands of 
Montferrat. It bore successively the names of Nerestan, Silly, Sainte- 
Mesme, Castelnau et Refages, and did not take the name of the prov- 
ince of Bourbonnais until 1672. Its last important service had been in 
the German campaign of 1760-62. It was now under the command of 
the Marquis de Laval as Colonel, assisted by the Vicomte de Rocham- 
beau, son of the General Commanding, as Second Colonel (Colonel en 
Second), a rank peculiar to the French organization. Monsieur Gilbert de 
BressoUes as Lieutenant-Colonel, and M. de Gambs, as Major. 

Next in age of creation. No. 41 in the military organization of the 
25th March, 1776, was the regiment of Soissonnais, ordered to be raised 
by Louis XIV, in 1684, and called after the province of the name. 
Under the names of Segur and Brigueville this regiment had also made 
the German campaign. Its Colonel was the Comte de Saint-Maime, 
appointed to the command in 1775, assisted by the Vicomte de Noailles 
as Second Colonel, M. d'Anselme as Lieutenant-Colonel, and M. Des- 
peyron as Major. 

The regiment of Saintonge (85 in the order of 1776) was commanded 
by the Comte de Custine-Sarreck, who was appointed Colonel on the 
8th March, 1780, at the time of the formation of the expeditionary 
corps for the American campaign. His Second Colonel was the Comte 
de Charlus, son-in-law of the Marechal de Castries, the Minister of 
War ; the Lieutenant-Colonel, the Chevalier de la Valette, and Major, 
M.Teissedre de Fleury, the hero of Stoney Point, who had served in the 
American army as a volunteer with great distinction, and enjoyed a 



THE ALLIED ARMIES BEFORE NEW YORK, 1 78 1 1 7 

reputation for dashing gallantry, not surpassed by any officer in the 
service. On the determination of the French Government to take an 
active part in the military operations, he sought and obtamed his 
appointment in the King's service. 

The regiment of Royal Deux-Ponts was of Franco-German origin, 
raised and recruited in Alsace. Its officers were of the same province. 
It was commanded by Christian Comte de Forbach, Marquis des Deux- 
Ponts, who was made its Colonel in 1775, and his brother William, 
Comte de Forbach des Deux-Ponts, was its Second Colonel. Under 
them the Baron d'Esbeck commanded as Lieutenant-Colonel, and M. 
Desprez as Major. In this regiment also the Comte de Fersen held the 
titular rank of Mestre de Camp, an office which has no precise parallel 
in the English or American service. 

These four regiments were all of the regular establishment. The 
Legion of Lauzun was a corps of a different character. Its com- 
mander, Armand Louis de Gontaut, under his consecutive titles of Due 
de Lauzun and Due de Biron, was a conspicuous figure in the revolu- 
tionary drama of Europe as well as of America. He Avas in his thirty- 
fifth year when he received the command of the exceptional corps 
which bore his name. Of illustrious descent, and distinguished for the 
elegance of his person and the fascinating charm of his manners ; 
favored by fortune, and courted by the highest aristocracy, he was yet 
no carpet knight. The Capuan delights of the gayest city in Europe 
never held him supine when either fame or duty called. He first 
attracted the attention of the Ministry of France b}- a memoir on the 
'' State of the Defenses of England and all its Possessions in the four 
quarters of the Globe," and begun his military career as the leader of 
an expedition which seized the English possessions in Gambia in 1779. 
On his return he was promised the proprietary command of an inde- 
pendent legion of twenty-four hundred men, to be composed of troops 
of all arms, but the Ministry were unable to carry out the engagement. 
Eager to engage in the expedition forming for America, he was obliged 
to content himself with the command of eight hundred infantry and 
four hundred cavalry, which were formed into a command, entitled 
de Lauzun's Foreign Volunteers, of which he was appointed Colonel 
Proprietor and Inspector, and which was known in America as the 
Legion of Lauzun ; even of these a part, consisting of a third of 
his regiment, were left behind, from the lack of transports, and the 
deficiency which was never made good was the cause of bitter complaints 
to the Ministry whom he openly accused of a want of good faith. He 



I8 THE ALLIED ARMIES BEFORE NEW YORK, 1 78 1 

aspired to the glorv to be obtained by independent command ; and it is 
but justice to de Rochambeau to say that he never lost sight of the 
claims of the Duke to detached service, M. de Gugean was the 
Lieutenant-Colonel of this corps. 

The French troops were disposed in one line. On the right wing, 
commanded by the Baron de Viomenil, was the Brigade of Bourbonnais 
consisting of the regiments of the Bourbonnais' and Royal Deux-Ponts. 
The left, the Brigade of Soissonnais, commanded by the Count de 
Viomenil, consisted of the regiments of Soissonnais and Deux-Ponts. 

The camps presented a strange contrast. In strength the two armies 
were about equal. There is no means of estimating the precise force, 
but it was not far from ten thousand men. 

No account of the appearance of the American troops can be better 
than that of an eye witness. We may safely recur again to the Abbe 
Robin, who returned to France after Yorktown and published his 
narative in 1782. 

" The American troops have as yet no regular uniform. The officers 
and the artillery corps alone are uniformed. Several regiments have 
small white fringed casaques, the effect of which is sightly enough ; 
their wide, long, linen pantaloons neither incommode them nor interfere 
with the play of their limbs on the march, yet with a nourishment 
much less substantial than our own, and a temperament much less 
vigorous, for this reason alone, perhaps, they support fatigue much 
better than our troops. ^ ^ -jf These American 

garments, although easily soiled, are nevertheless kept extremel}' clean. 
Their neatness is particularU' observable among the- officers. To see 
them you would suppose that they had a large amount of baggage, but 
I was surprised to find in their tents, which accommodate three or four 
persons, not as much as forty pounds weight ; hardly any have any 
mattrasses, a single covering stretched upon the knotty bark of trees 
serving them for a bed ; I observed the same care exercised by their 
soldiers never to sleep on the ground, which our own prefer. Their 
cooking gives them little trouble ; they are satisfied to broil their 
meat, and to cook in the ashes their corn cake — an unleavened bread." 

Of the discipline of the American forces the observant Abbe speaks in 
the same high terms. He notices its extreme severity and the extensive 
power of the officers. In these simple words may be found the best 
existing account of the American troops. They were hardened to war ; 
the raw militia of the earlier campaigns had become inured to service 
until they were the equals in discipline and tenacity of an}^ troops in 



THE ALLIED ARMIES BEFORE NEW YORK, 1 78 1 I9 

the world ; a little army of veterans who shrank from no difficulty or 
danger, and acknowledged no superiors. Yet, with this fine training 
they had lost none of the enthusiasm of patriotism, and while steady as 
the best English soldiery in the hardest trial of troops — a protracted 
halt under fire — they moved to the assault with the dash of the French 
grenadier. 

The French army, on the other hand, was in every way representative 
of the martial race, whose perfect armament, elegant equipment and well- 
appointed accoutrements had always been the admiration of Europe. 
Discarding the striking distinctions between rank and file, an example 
only in late years followed by other countries, their officers and men 
wore the same uniform. The infantry, long waist-coats and coats of 
white cloth ; the uniform of the officers only differing from those of the 
soldiers in the color of the cloth. The distinction between the regi- 
ments was in the colors of the lappels, ornaments and buttons. Thus 
part of the Bourbonnais wore crimson lappels, with pink collars and 
white buttons ; the Fores, which had been consolidated with the Bour- 
bonnais, but kept their distinctive uniform, crimson lappels, with green 
collar and white buttons ; the Soissonnais, red lappels, skj'-blue collars 
and yellow buttons ; Saintonge, sky-blue collars and yellow buttons ; the 
Royal Deux-Ponts, (who had changed their costume from the regula- 
tion of 1776) in 1779 adopted blue for the uniform and collars, and 
lemon color for the lappels. The buttons were marked with the 
number of the regiment. The non-commissioned officers and soldiers 
wore a panache of white plumes. The grenadiers wore red plumes ; 
the chasseurs, white and green. The artillery wore iron-gray coats, 
with lappels of red velvet. 

There was one notable exception to the general uniformity. This 
was in the regiment of Soissonnais, who wore linen breeches, and in 
consequence suffered far less from the heat of the march than their 
snugly dressed neighbors. This wise change they owed to the thought- 
fulness of their Colonel, the Count de Saint-Maime. 

The days, immediately following the arrival of the French, were 
passed in an exchange of visits between the officers of the two nations. 
On the afternoon of the 8th Washington reviewed the two armies. The 
French were surprised at the admirable discipline of the American 
troops, and the Americans delighted with the perfect equipment and 
martial array of their allies. The Rhode Island regiment is men- 
tioned by one of de Rochambeau's staff as presenting a superb appear- 
ance. On the loth another review was held in the presence of M. de la 



20 ^ THE ALLIED ARMIES BEFORE NEW YORK, 1 78 1 

Luzerne, each army being- drawn up in turn. All the General officers 
were present. On the nth a visit w^as paid to the Legion of Lauzun, 
which was posted at Chatterton's Hill, and their line appearance was 
equally gratifying. Heath says of it, that it was " as fine a corps as he had 
ever seen." De Lauzun was a favorite of Washington. In the emulation 
which sprung up between the two forces each had to learn something- 
of the other. The Americans, precision and regularity ; the French, 
endurance and patience under danger and privation. The officers of 
both armies were untiring in their efforts to prevent any jar or collision 
between men of races, habits and religion so different, which might 
compromise not only the alliance, but the safety of the cause. In spite 
of the intimations of quarrels circulated by the tory press of New 
York, there seems to have been no breach of the pleasant relations. 
Washington himself, in a letter to Stirling (14 July, 1781), says, ''that 
the greatest harmony subsisted between the French and American 

soldiers." 

In the diaries of the officers there are numerous references to the 
interchanges of courtesy Dr. Thacher tells of a dinner given by a 
number of French officers to the officers of the Virginia regiment to 
which he was attached. They were received in an elegant marquee, 
the entertainment consisting of excellent soup, roast beef, etc., served 
m the French style. From the description he gives of their coats, 
white broad-cloth, trimmed with green, it seems that his hosts were of 
the regiment of Fores. He particularly notices their chapeaux as 
being cocked, but with two corners instead of three, which, he says, 
gave them a very novel appearance. No doubt he was right, and this 
shape was the Jiaute-iiouveant^. In the officers he recognised the accom- 
plished gentlemen, free and affable in their manners. What else could 
be expected of the highest nobility of the most polite court in Europe ! 
Dr. Thacher alludes also to the abundance of solid coin in the French 
camp. 

M. Blanchard, the French Commissary, on the other hand, was not 
so well pleased even with the dinner he took with Washington under 
his tent. " The table," he says, " was served in the American style, 
and pretty abundantly ; vegetables, roast beef, lamb, chickens, salad 
dressed with nothing but vinegar, green peas, puddings, and some pie, 
a kind of tart generally in use in England and among the Americans; 
all this being put upon the table at the same time. They gave us on the 
same plate beef, green peas, lamb, etc. At the end of the dinner the 
cloth was removed, and some Madeira wine was brought, which 



THE ALLIED ARMIES BEFORE NEW YORK, 1 78 1 21 

was passed around whilst drinking different healths to the King- of 
France, the French army," etc. He relates another occasion in the 
same company, when they sat long at table, and drank twelve or fifteen 
healths with Madeira wine ; and this after dinner, during which beer 
and gncin, a mixture of rum and water, were served. 

The Count de Dumas has left a charming i-eminiscence of the 
delicate nature of French politeness, and the adaptability of French 
character to surrounding circumstances. His own words cannot be 
improved upon : '' My friend Charles de Lameth, the two brothers 
Berthier, who had lately arrived from France and joined our staff, and 
myself established our bivouac near the Headquarters of our General, 
M. de Beville (the Quartermaster-General of the army), in a very 
pleasant situation between rocks, and under the shade of magnificent tulip 
trees. We amused ourselves in ornamenting this little spot near which 
our cannon were fixed, and in a short time and at a very trifling expense 
we had a very pretty garden. General Washington, who was taking a 
survey of his line, desired to see us. We had been apprised of his 
visit, and he found on our tables the plans of the battle of Trenton with 
the account of the war of West Point, and several other actions of the 
war." De Rochambeau also entertained the generals of the American 
armies and their military families, and it is tradition that on these 
occasions, the farm house which he occupied being too small to accom- 
modate his guest, tables were set in the adjoining stables for the 
gentlemen of the staff, while the mangers served to hold their hats 
and swords. These occasions served for conferences between the 
generals, and under the cover of festivity their plans were laid. 

It was at a dinner on the 14th, in the tent of General Lincoln, that the 
allied commanders arranged a forward movement. The Baron de 
Viomenil was to be left in charge of the camp, and Lord Stirling, 
who was to command the American army during Washington's 
absence, was directed to take the parole and countersign from him 
daily for the American line as being the " oldest in commission." 
On his return from dinner at about five o'clock in the afternoon, 
M. de Rochambeau gave orders for an immediate march, but hardly 
were the troops ready than they were ordered back to camp, the 
weather, which had been bad all day, becoming still more stormy. 
At nine o'clock the same evening the camp was alarmed by the sound of 
guns from the direction of the Hudson. A part of each army was 
immediately moved. General Howe leading the American line, but the 
main body was again ordered to their tents. The alarm was occasioned 



22 THE ALLIED ARMIES BEFORE NEW YORK, 1 78 1 

by two sloops of war, two tenders and a g-alley, which came up the river 
with intent to destroy the stores at West Point; meeting- two sloops 
laden with cannon and powder, they pursued them and run them 
aground near Tarrytown. There being no troops at Tarrytown, 
Colonel Sheldon, who was posted at Dobbs' Ferry, marched his 
mounted dragoons to the place ; dismounting, they unloaded the stores 
with despatch. Meanwhile, the British vessels, which had anchored off 
Tarrytown, sent boats to destroy the vessels. The small party on 
board was forced to the water, and the vessels were set on fire, but the 
boats were in their turn compelled to withdraw under the fire of the 
dragoons and the French guard. When General Howe arrived with 
two pieces of artillery which de Rochambeau had furnished him at 
Washington's request, the guns of the American army not being as yet 
arrived from West Point, a battery was opened on the vessels which 
compelled them to drop down the river about two miles ; General Howe 
again opening fire they stood up to Teller's Point, where they lay a few 
days and ravaged the country about Haverstraw ; becoming uneasy 
concerning their situation they stood down the river again, but were 
severely handled by the batteries from the French works, and the 
American batteries on the other side of the river ; one of the shells 
bursting on board the Savage, the largest of the ships. 

On the 1 8th the Count de Dumas, who was constantly engaged in 
reconnoitering the several roads beyond the camp, made an extensive 
examination of the country between the camp and the British outposts. 
His own account of it is no doubt the best. He says that he was ordered 
by M. de Rochambeau to push his reconnoissance as far as he could, even 
within sight of the enemy on the point of the island. '* He confided to 
me a detachment of lancers of the legion of Lauzun, at the head of which 
was the sub-Lieutenant Killemaine, who afterwards attained the rank of 
General of Division and distinguished himself as one of our cavalry 
officers. I was indebted to his energy and judgment for fulfilling to 
the satisfaction of the General-in-Chief the task which he had assigned 
me. After having made some small posts of Hessian chasseurs fall back 
we arrived within musket shot of the works, and met at this point with 
a detachment of light infantry which had in like manner explored the 
ground on our right." 

On the 1 8th Washington and de Rochambeau, attended by General 
de Beville and General Duportail, crossed the Hudson at Dobbs' Ferry, 
and under an escort of a hundred and fifty men from the Jersey troops, 
spent the day in reconnoitering the island from the top of the Palisades. 



1 






)^^ 



B'J 



f^^. 






m%m/f/m'' .^ m''. 






fflDGEBURY «?^^^"\ 









,_:5i /^^ riia/>^*'^*""'. CC? **C ^^^:?=1liV.^ ) U.< ..0/' . A-v^ ''^'fe 









M 



^^^.A^1 



:5X?5 









'^^^V^ 



^^v^ 



'c^^ 



M 



^^^^™' 



^tWTM OASTLE 






.ou 



nd 



8/D^ 












K^i I 



^'^' 



.? 



mi 







009 

^0 






41 ^ 



fSi 



»!: 



fH 






f^EWl 






'flNDlNCC 



• LAHCtrS H/i 






SCENE OF OPERATIONS 

BEFORE NEW YORK 

1781 

MS. SURVEY BY ROBERT ERSKINE, F. R. S., 

GEOGRAPHER TO THE ARMY OF THE U. S. 

IN THE N. Y. HIST. SOC. 



THE ALLIED ARMIES BEFORE NEW YORK, 1 78 1 23 

The object of all these reconnoitering parties was to prepare the way for 
a grand recoiinoissance by both commanders, which would assume the 
importance of a demonstration in force. 

Washington still held tenaciously to his original plan of operation 
against New York, which, to use his own words to Richard Henry Lee, 
" should produce either the fall of New York or the withdrawal of the 
(British) troops from Virginia." 

III. — THE RECONNOISSANCE IN FORCE OF THE NEW YORK DEFENCES 

On the 2ist the orders of the 14th were repeated; the troops were 
directed to be ready ; at eight o'clock in the evening, at the sound of 
the retraite, about five thousand troops were set in motion in four 
columns on four different roads; the right consisting of the Connecticut 
troops, twenty-five of Sheldon's horse, took the river road ; two divisions, 
under Major-Generals Lincoln and Howe, the Saw-Mill river road. 
On the left of the Americans was the French right ; the First Brigade 
of Bourbonnais, with its battalion of grenadiers and chasseurs, two field 
pieces of twelve and two howitzers of four. The French left was com- 
posed of the regiment of Soissonnais, with two field pieces and two 
howitzers and the legion of Lauzun ; the whole under the command of 
the Marquis de Chastellux. General Waterbury, with the Connecticut 
State troops and militia, was ordered to make a junction at East Chester 
with Sheldon's cavalry, and together they were to scour Throg's 
Neck, while Lauzun, joined by Sheldon's infantry, and covered by 
Scammel's light infantry, was to advance through the fields. Small 
parties were sent out to waylay all the roads from the North River to 
East Chester. Not a person, city bound, was permitted to pass. The march 
was difficult in the darkness, and the roads being heavy the artillery came 
up slowly, but at five in the morning a junction was made at Valentine's 
Hill, about four miles above Kingsbridge. The arrival of the Americans 
and the order of their march surprised the French officers. They marched 
in perfect silence and with the greatest possible celerity. At five o'clock 
the two armies were drawn up in line of battle on the heights back of 
Fort Independence which commands Kingsbridge ; the left extending 
to Delancey's Mills. The enemy were completely surprised, having 
received no intelligence of the movement. Meanwhile the hussars and 
chasseurs were scouring Morrisania and the Neck. In this, their first 
offensive service, they appear to have yielded to the temptation to 
pillage and maltreatment of the inhabitants. Their own officers note the 



24 THE ALLIED ARMIES BEFORE NEW YORK, 1 78 1 

fact with surprise and regret in their journals, which relate also the 
severe punishment the delinquents received for their excesses. There 
may be seen in Rivington's Gazette a pitiful letter from a lady in West- 
chester to her son, of the Loyal Refugee regiment, in New York, com- 
plaining of the briitality of the Swiss troops, while paying high enco- 
miums to the French officers and men. 

No time was lost by the generals in making a complete reconnoissance 
of the whole ground in the most thorough manner, though repeatedly 
under heavy fire of cannon and musketry. At home in the saddle, and 
at the head of his troops, Washington attracted the admiration of the 
French officers by his noble bearing and perfect coolness under fire. 
Durmg the reconnoissance the Harlem creek was crossed and the explo- 
rations pursued close up to the British defences. The next day the com- 
manders pushed on to Throg's Neck, which they crossed, remaining until 
the engineers had measured the distance to Long Island by their instru. 
ments. Detained until after the rising of the tide, and the bridge being 
broken, they were compelled to swim their horses across the intervening 
stream, an incident remembered by Rochambeau in his memoirs as new 
in his experience and partaking of savage warfare. In this exhausting 
and fatiguing reconnoissance, in which the general officers were con- 
stantly in the saddle for forty-eight hours, the casualties were insignifi- 
cant. Count de Dumas had a horse shot under him. The surprise 
which the French had expressed at the excellent marching of the Ameri- 
can troops was again aroused by their admirable coolness under fire. 
Rochambeau himself, to whose long experience every phase of military 
life was familiar, dwelt repeatedly on his astonishment that an army half 
naked, badly paid, and composed of old men and young and negroes 
even, should conduct themselves so well on the march and under fire. 
The recormoissance finished, the troops were taken back at five o'clock 
by the same routes they came ; but in a reversed order of march, and 
reached the camp at Philipsburg about midnight. On the 21st Washing- 
ton wrote to de Grasse, whose appearance off Sandy Hook was daily 
expected, in the cypher of de Rochambeau, informing him of the 
junction ol the allies, their strength, position and future plans, together 
with the force of the enemy. This he sent to General Forman at Mon- 
mouth, with instructions to keep lookouts on the Jersey heights, and on 
the approach of the fleet, to go on board and deliver the letter to the 
Count de Grasse in person. 

Meanwhile Count de Barras, who had wisely declined to leave 
Newport with his fleet until he should have definite information con- 



THE ALLIED ARMIES BEFORE NEW YORK, 1 78 1 25 

cerning- the movements and intentions of De Grasse, despatched an 
expedition, consisting of two hundred and fifty land troops, under the 
command of Baron d'Angeley, to surprise a fort built at Lloyd's Neck, 
near Huntington Bay, Long Island, and garrisoned by a large body of 
loyalist refugees. A landing was effected on the morning of the 12th, 
but the post was found to be stronger than supposed, and not to be carried 
except by cannon, which had not been provided. Thus the expedition 
failed. 

At the close of July the artillery joined the army. In June, while 
the troops were still at West Point, two six-pounders were attached to 
each of the divisions of the line, but the Park of Artillery did not 
take up its march until Sunday, the 15th July, when they were moved 
down the river by boats. They arrived on the 27th. 

The attention of the enemy was kept constantly engaged by repeated 
foraging parties, which at times assumed a threatening attitude. On 
the 30th July, Colonel Scammel, a most enterprising officer, led his 
detachment as low as the Philipse Manor House, where, after loading 
his wagons, he laid in ambush in the woods, in the hope that the 
enemy might be tempted from their works ; but they would not come 
out. 



IV. — THE MARCH OF THE ALLIES TO KING S FERRY 

Early in July letters from Cornwallis, advising Clinton of his plan 
of campaign, had been intercepted, and towards its close still further 
information was received, announcing his intention to embark his troops 
at Portsmouth and sail for New York. On the afternoon of the 
30th, a report being brought into camp of the arrival of Cornwallis 
at New York, the advanced posts were doubled, and the grenadiers 
and chasseurs, with two pieces of cannon, were pushed forward by 
Rochambeau to strengthen Lauzun's position at Chatterton's Hill. On 
the 2d of August an English deserter brought in news that the arrival 
was not of Cornwallis, but of the English garrison from Pensacola, to 
whom, on the capture of the town, the Spaniards had granted their lib- 
erty, on condition of not serving against their allies. It seeming 
apparent that Cornwallis had concluded to reinforce New York from 
Virginia, Washington began to consider other plans, in which the 
expected naval cooperation might prove of more advantage. The 
accounts of the movements of Cornwallis, faithfully reported by Lafa- 
yette, made it plain to the keen eye of Washington, who was inti- 



26 THE ALLIED ARMIES BEFORE NEW YORK, 1 78 1 

mately acquainted with the country, that an opportunity was presenting 
itself for a rapid blow. On the 2d August, he wrote to the Superin- 
tendent of Finance at Philadelphia for information as to the stores at 
Philadelphia, and the number of vessels, including deep waisted sloops 
or schooners, proper to carry horses, which could be obtained at 
Philadelphia, Baltimore or on the Chesapeake. 

The face of affairs began now to change with startling rapidity. On 
Saturday, the nth, the long-expected reinforcements from Europe 
reached Sir Henry Clinton. They consisted of a fleet of twenty-three 
sail of transports, having on board near three thousand Hessian troops, 
under convoy of the Amphion man-of-war, accompanied by two armed 
ships. They had been thirteen weeks on the passage from Bremen. 
This news reached the allied camp on the 13th. On the 15th informa- 
tion also reached New York that Cornwallis, leaving a garrison at 
Portsmouth, which it was intended to hold as a permanent post, had 
marched up ths peninsula to Yorktown. At the same time the British 
were startled by the news, brought in by a prize bound from the West 
Indies to Philadelphia, that the French fleet under de Grasse passed 
the island of St. Thomas, steering westward, on the i8th July ; fifteen 
line-of-battle ships, and about two hundred merchantmen, transports, 
storeships, etc. These vessels, reinforced by the Newport squadron 
under de Barras, made up a fleet of thirty-two sail of the line and two 
ships of 50 guns, besides frigates. As the British fleet, with its expected 
reinforcement, would only amount to twenty-eight sail of the line, the 
superiority for the first time lay with the French armament. 

Encouraging as was this news to the allies, that brought in by the 
same favoring gales was still more inspiriting. On the nth the frigate 
Concorde arrived at Newport in seventeen days from the West Indies, 
with dispatches from de Grasse, which a courier brought in to camp in 
the afternoon of the 13th. She brought the exciting news of the revolt 
of Hyder Ali in the Indies and the capture of Pondichery. De Grasse 
was to sail on the 3d August to effect his junction w^ith de Barras. 

The camp was alive with excitement and discussion as to where the 
contemplated blow would be struck ; but the chiefs kept their own 
counsel. De Grasse found at Saint Domingo the letter of de 
Rochambeau, asking for the troops under M. de Saint-Simon for an 
operation in the Chesapeake. To this he replied, dispatching the 
frigate without delay, that he would reach the Chesapeake by the end of 
August. There was not a moment to be lost. Washington on the 15th 
wrote Lafayette that he would at once reinforce him, and instructed 



THE ALLIED ARMIES BEFORE NEW YORK, 1 78 1 2/ 

him to take such position as would prevent the retreat of Cornwallis 
through North Carolina. The same day M. de Rochambeau wrote to 
the Count de Barras, and sent his dispatches by the Count de Fersen in 
person. A letter was also addressed on the 17th to the Count de Grasse, 
with the general outline of the plan of operations. This was signed 
jointly by Washington and Rochambeau, and sent by Brigadier-General 
Du Portail, commander of the engineers, whose familiarity with the 
defences of Charleston and general abilities particularly recommended 
him for the important mission. It was imperative that by no indiscre- 
tion should the movement, the success of which depended as much on 
its secrecy as its dispatch, be compromised. The English flags of 
truce were stopped at the outposts, their constant repetition irri- 
tating Rochambeau to the point of open denunciation of their disloyal 
abuse by Sir Henry Clinton. 

General Heath alone was on the 17th informed by Washington "in 
confidence " of his intentions. Washington had by this time concluded 
to lead the expedition in person, and to Heath was to be entrusted the 
command of the main army in his absence ; a most important trust in 
view of Clinton's large force, which now reached eleven thousand men. 
The allied forces were kept busy in exercise and manoeuvre, each of 
the French brigades being reviewed in turn by Washington, who was 
well pleased with their evolutions. 

The general uncertainty as to the point to which the operations were 
directed is admirably depicted by the Abbe Robin in his pleasing narra- 
tive. ''PJiilipsbiirg Campy Aug. 15, 1 781. — Those who hoped we were 
going to Virginia begin to fear they have been deceived ; the roads 
below here have been repaired towards Kingsbridge ; orders have also 
been given to prepare those on the other side towards Staten Island, 
and even to build ovens there ; and yet those to Philadelphia are also to 
be repaired. What to believe ? This resembles the scenes at a theatre ; 
the interest and uncertainty of the spectators constantly increases ; will 
the end be of equal interest ? The Isle of States, it is said, is guarded by 
eight or nine hundred regular troops ; its capture would be a fortunate 
beginning; it is only seven or eight miles distant from Long Island. 
This proximity would annoy the English greatly, and would enable us 
more easily to make an effort on the Great Island. The troops are full 
of ardor and confidence ; their leaders are men to inspire it ; the pres- 
ence of Washington heightens it by the idea they have of his talent, of 
his local knowledge of the country, and by reason of the impenetrable 
veil behind which he meditates and prepares his projects. It is said the 



28 THE ALLIED ARMIES BEFORE NEW YORK, 1 78 1 

army will move in a few days ; we can then judge better which is 
intended." Nor yet were the higher officers any better informed ; the 
Duke de Deux Fonts in his diary expresses his entire ignorance of the 
point of attack. 

On the i8th Major-General Heath received his instructions. The 
troops left in the department consisted of the two regiments of New 
Hampshire, ten of Massachusetts and five of Connecticut, the corps of 
Invalids, Sheldon's legion, the Third Regiment of artillery, and such of 
the State troops and militia as should be retained. The position recom- 
mended as the most eligible was that north of the Croton, so as to 
support West Point, as well as cover the country, in security and repose. 
The redoubts at the east side of Dobbs' Ferry were to be dismantled ; 
the block house on the other side maintained, evacuated or destroyed 
in Heath's discretion. 

The detachment intended for the southern expedition included the 
entire French army, with the two regiments of New Jersey, the First 
Regiment of New York, Colonel Hazen's regiment. Colonel Olney's 
regiment of Rhode Island, Colonel Lamb's regiment of artillery and the 
light troops under the command of Colonel Scammel. 

A word as to the light troops, who were destined to play an impor- 
tant part in the campaign here finds an appropriate place. On the 17th 
July a corps of light infantry was selected from the New England regi- 
ments, and placed under the command of Colonel Alexander Scammel, 
formerly Adjutant-General of the army. The light infantry corps had 
performed noteworthy service in several campaigns, but had not been 
continued as a standing organization. It originated in 1777 in the rifle 
regiment which Washington sent under Colonel Morgan to Gates, to 
which a body of infantry, selected from the line under Major Dearborn, 
was added, and distinguished itself at Saratoga. In 1779 ^t was reor- 
ganized, and under Wayne, stormed Stony Point. In 1780 it was 
placed under command of Lafayette, who devoted himself to its dis- 
cipline, and armed it at his own expense; in the fall the corps was 
broken up and the men joined their regiments. It was again reorgan- 
ized by Washington by his General Orders of February ist, 1781, one 
ninth of its members being selected from each regiment, the ''men to be 
well made, from five feet six to five feet ten inches stature," and in every 
way fitted for the service. On Feb. 19th it was formed into battalions 
and officers assigned ; but it was expressly declared that the appoint- 
ment of officers was not to affect the general plan of arranging the light 
infantry for the campaign. The corps thus picked marched with 



THE ALLIED ARMIES BEFORE NEW YORK, 1 78 1 29 

Lafayette on the expedition against Arnold. The corps now raised 
was likewise composed of the most active and soldierly young men, and 
Colonel Scammel was allowed to select his own officers. 

On the 31st July the light companies of the First and Second New 
York Regiments, with the two companies of the York levies, were formed 
into a battalion under command of Lieutenant-Colonel Alexander 
Hamilton and Major Nicholas Fish, and ordered to join the advanced 
corps under the orders of Colonel Scammel; and on the 19th August 
two additional companies were formed from the Connecticut line, and 
joined the light troops under Lieutenant-Colonel Hamilton. Finally 
on the 22d Washington, in his General Orders from Haverstraw, 
directed the detachment under Major-General Lincoln to consider 
themselves as Light Troops, and advised them to leave all their 
incumbrances behind. 

The American army was paraded under arms on the morning of the 
19th August, and pioneers sent forward to clear the road to Kings- 
bridge, but when the orders to march were given the troops were 
surprised by a command to face to the right-about. Marching rapidly 
by the river road they reached King's Ferry the next day, and at once 
crossed the river and went into camp at Haverstraw. 

The American Park of artillery struck its tents also at six on the morn- 
ing of the 19th, and marched at seven. They took the road to Sing 
Sing, where they halted that night ; the American line, Col. Putnam, 
with his infantry, and Col. Sheldon's horse leading. The stores and 
baggage at the different halts were covered, secured and sent forward. 

On the 22d the main body of the American army, under General 
Heath, destined to protect the Northern Department, marched from 
Crompond to Fishkill, and went into camp in two lines before the 
village. 

The French troops took up their line of march on the morning of the 
19th, and fell back to North Castle, a distance of eighteen miles. The 
rain fell in torrents, and the roads were knee deep in mud and water. 
They only reached their destination the next morning after a disorderly 
march, half the wagons remaining on the road. The next day, the 21st, 
they resumed their march by Pine's Bridge, and halted at Hunt's 
Tavern. The roads were better aud the march more orderly. On the 
22d they left Hunt's Tavern and marched to King's Ferry, where they 
went into camp on the high ground which overlooks the river. There 
being but a single house at King's Ferry, that belonging to the ferry- 
man, the headquarters of the French army were made at Peekskill, about 



30 THE ALLIED ARMIES BEFORE NEW YORK, 1 78 1 

four miles from the river. To cov^er the march of the troops, which a 
sudden sortie of Clinton would have seriously incommoded, de 
Rochambeau organized a strong rear guard, which included the two 
battalions of grenadiers and chasseurs and the legion of Lauzun, the 
whole under the Vicomte de Viomenil. The Duke de Deux Fonts com- 
manded the detachment of the Bourbonnais brigade, and the Chevalier 
de la Valette that of the Soissonians ; they covered all the roads leading 
to New York, completely masking the movement, until the troops and 
artillery were all under way At half-past two on the afternoon of the 
19th their posts were called in, but, detained by the heavy roads and the 
broken wagons they found in the rear of the march, they did not reach 
the front until the 21st, when they again formed the advance guard, 
and took post at Yerplank's Point. 

De Lauzun was surprised that the English did not come out from 
New York to attack the retiring columns. The march, he complains in his 
Memoirs, was badly organized, and across marshy ground. The entire 
cavalry and all the wagons were stuck in the mud for thirty-six hours, 
and only covered by two regiments of dragoons and one battalion 
of the grenadiers and chasseurs. 

The French lay in camp at Yerplanck's Foint and on the hills behind 
until the 226., when the heavy artillery and the legion of Lauzun crossed 
the river; on the 23d the wagons were sent over; on the 24th the 
Brigade of Bourbonnais followed and went into camp in front of the 
Smith House, noted as the scene of Arnold's meeting with Andre the 
preceding fall — a commanding and salubrious situation. On the 25th 
the second division crossed and occupied the camp held by the first 
the night before. On the 26th the rear guard of the French troops 
had crossed the river. Before he left de Rochambeau had the satisfaction 
of hearing of the departure of M. de Choisy with the Newport 
garrison and the heavy siege guns which were soon to come into pla3^ 
The vanguard were already far on their march. 

Washington preceded the troops. On the 19th, Heath sets down in 
his diary, he ''left the army, setting his face towards his native State, 
in full confidence, to use his own words (those of Washington), 'zvit/i 
a common blcssmg,' of capturing Lord Cornwallis and his army." 

From King's Ferry he wrote on the 24th to the Count de Grasse of the 
purpose of de Barras to join him in the Chesapeake. His headquarters 
were at this time at Smith's House, whence he superintended the cross- 
ing of the river, a tedious and difficult operation with the limited 
number of transports at his command. His next headquarters were at 



THE ALLIED ARMIES BEFORE NEW YORK, 1 78 1 3 1 

Paramus, where he was reported by Rivington as being on the 23d. 
Rivington may have been in error, or Washington may have returned 
for a visit to King's Ferry. 

The supineness of Sir Henry Clinton in permitting this movement to 
be made without the slightest effort to prevent it, although with the 
Hessian reinforcement his force was superior to that of the allies, has 
been severely censured by military critics. He has left it on record in 
his own hand that he believed that New York was the point of attack 
aimed at and intended by Washington. On the other hand, the mas- 
terly manner in which Washington concealed not only the number of 
his men, but his slightest movements, is a model worthy the study of 
the best commanders. Yet all this would not have availed without the 
cordial cooperation of the French troops and the excellent judgment of 
de Rochambeau. 

In the allotment of the abundant laurels which sprang into full leaf 
in this '' glorious summer," it is to Rochambeau himself as the author of 
the campaign that the chief honors are due. It was his advice that di- 
rected de Grasse to the Chesapeake, his request that brought the rein- 
forcements from the West Indies to assist in the siege of Yorktown, 
where his patience, his prudence and his fine military qualities were to 
receive their deserved reward. The fame of Washington needs no bur- 
nishing. His fertility of resources were never more conspicuous than 
in this campaign which in its conception, design, rapidity of execution 
and triumphant success was a marvel of military genius. Of this cam- 
paign the feint upon New York was the first and brilliant episode. 

JOHN AUSTIN STEVENS 

Note. — William de Forbach, the younger of the two brothers Deux-Ponts, left an interesting 
journal of his services, entitled " Mes Campagnes en Amerique." the rescue of which from destruc- 
tion or oblivion is due to the intelligent and critical eye of Dr. Samuel Abbot Green, who published 
the original text, with ar annotated translation, and an admirable introductory biographical memoir 
in 1867, Mr. Green found this rare manuscript in a little bookstall on one of the quays of Paris, 
which, until the late war, was a favorite ramble of lovers of the curious and antique in manuscripts, 
books or chart-;, and even now well repays patient research. The purchase of Dr. Green is the 
third of the acquisitions of original material to a complete knowledge of the service of our generous 
and gallant allies. A notable contribution to this literature has since been made in the letters of 
Count de Fersen, translated last year for the Magazine. Mention must not be omitted of the 
manuscripts collected by the late Thomns Balch of I'hilpdelphia. These are withheld from 
students since his death, but the originals exist and are fortunately accessible. In the Historical 
Society of Pennsylvania there is also a manuscript, entitled " Copies of so much of the Muster 
Rolls of the French Army which served in the Revolutionary War of the United States as give the 
names and rafik of the commissioned officers." These " Etats de Service" were copied from the 
original documents in the archives of the French War Department for the Honorable Richard 
Rush, whil- Minister to France. In the preparation of the present paper they have been con- 
trolled by the Etats de Logement of the officers of the army of Rochambeau at Newport, published 
in the July number 1S77 of the Magazine of .American History (III., 425) as part of an appendix 
to the article by the editor, entitled " The French in Rhode Island." 



APPENDIX 



THE MARCH OF THE FRENCH 

Providence, 15 June, 1781 
* * * Of my troops that have been landed 
to-day at Boston, there are four hundred in good 
condition to do duty, and two hundred and sixty 
attacked by scurvy. The four hundred will ar- 
rive here on Sunday, and on Monday, the i8th, 
I will set ofif with the regiment of Bourbonnais. 
The horses, the artillery and the wagons are ar- 
riving from different places, and I hope that the 
movement of every regiment will go on very 
regularly on Tuesday, Wednesday and Thurs- 
day. I shall leave two companies of artillery, 
that will be ready to be embarked. 

The Count de Rochambeau. 
His Excellency 

General Washington 



for our broken carriages to be mended, and our 
young artillery-horses and oxen to refresh them- 
selves. I shall set off the day after to-morrow 
with the first regiment for Newtown, the army 
to march in four divisions on before ; and I 
shall probably arrive there on the 2Sth, and stay 
the 29th and 30th to assemble the brigades, 
and march in two divisions to the North River. 
The corps of Lauzun will march as far ad- 
vanced as my first, division through ISIiddletown, 
Wallingfield, North Haven, Ripton and North 
Stratford, in which last place it will be on ths 
28th. 

I have the honor, &c.. 

The Count de Rochambeau. 

His Excellency 

George Washington. 



New Windsor, 24 June, 1781 
Sir, 

I do myself the honor to acknowledge the 
receipt of your Excellency's letter of the 26th, 
from which I have the pleasure to observe the 
progress you make in the march of the troops 
under your command, and your intention to come 
to my camp in person from Hartford. Be as- 
sured. Sir, I shall be very happy to see you 
whenever you arrive. You do not mention the 
route by which you intend to come. You will 
find meat Peekskill. My intelligence from the 
southward is too vague and uncertain to com- 
municate to your Excellency. By the time of 
your arrival I hope to be able to give you some 
certain information of our situation in that 
quarter. I am. Sir, &c., 

Gp:orge Washington. 
The Count de Rochambeau. 
[Hartfo'-d, Conn.] 

Hartford, 23 June, 1781 
* * * I arrived here yesterday with the 
first regiment, which has been followed this day 
by the second, and will be so to-morrow by the 
third, and the day after by the fourth. I shall 
stay here this day and to-morrow to give time 



Camp, near Peekskill, 27 June, 1781 
Sir, 

I have the honor of receiving your Excel- 
lency's favor of the 23d instant from Hartford. 
It would hay,e given me the greatest pleasure 
could I have made it convenient to meet you at 
Newtown ; but independently of many ar- 
rangements which are necessary at the first tak- 
ing of the field, I am detained by the hourly 
expectation of the Chevalier de la Luzerne. I 
am pleased to find, that your idea of the position 
which will be proper for the troops under your 
command coincides exactly with my own ; and 
I shall be happy in giving your quartermaster- 
general every assistance in reconnoitring and 
marking out your camp. 

Lieutenant-Colonel Cobb, one of my aids-de- 
camp, will have the honor of delivering to you 
this letter, and will return to me with any dis- 
patch or message which your Excellency may 
wish to communicate ; or should you rather in- 
cline to come forward from Newton before the 
army. Colonel Cobb will be proud to attend you. 
I shall be much obliged if your Excellency will 
present to the Count de Barras, by the next oc- 
casion, my sincere thanks for the readiness with 
which he was pleased to accept the pioposition 



THE ALLIED ARMIES BEFORE NEW YORK, 1 78 1 



S3 



I had the honor to make to him through your 
Excellency. I am, <li:c., 

George Washington. 
The Count de Rochambeau [Hartford] 

GENERAL ORDERS 

[Head Quarters, Valentine's Hill] 
3 July, 1781. 
The Commander-in-Chief takes the earliest 
opportunity of expressing his thanks to the Duke 
de Lauzun, his officers and men, for the very ex- 
traordinary zeal manifested by them in the rapid 
performance of their march to join the American 
army. And the General also takes occasion to 
thank the officers of the American army for the 
alacrity with which they have supported them- 
selves under the fatiguing march of yesterday 
and last night. The troops, who were engaged 
to-day, merit his particular thanks. 

Valentine's Hill, eight o'clock P. M. 
3 July, 1781. 
Sir, 

Count Fersen will do me the favor to deliver 
this to your Excellency. The operations of this 
day are over, and I am sorry to say, that I have 
not had the happiness to succeed to my wishes, 
although I think very essential benefits will re- 
sult to our future operations from the opportun- 
ity I have had, in a very full manner, to recon- 
noiterthe position and works of the enemy on 
the north end of York Island. The particular 
events of the day I shall do myself the honor to 
communicate, when I have the pleasure to join 
Your Excellency. 

The American army and the legion of the 
Duke de Lauzun will march to-morrow to White 
Plains. If it will be convenient to you, I shall 
be happy to receive your Excellency at that 
place the day after to-morrow. When I shall 
have an opportunity to converse with your Ex- 
cellency, I conceive I shall be able to give you 
such reasons for forming your junction at White 
Plains in the first instance, as will satisfy you of 
the utility and fitness of the position for com- 
mencing the operations for our concerted opera- 
tions of the campaign. 

I have the honor to be, &c., 

George Washington. 
To the Count de Rochambeau. 



North Castle, 4 July, 1 781. 
* * * I arrived here with the first brigade 
yesterday at nine o'clock in the morning. 'Ihe 
second brigade by a forced march, joined me in 
the afternoon ; and we are now all together 
ready to execute your orders. I wait with the 
greatest impatience to hear from you and the 
Duke de Lauzun. 

Count de Rochambeau. 
[His Excellency 

General George Washington] 

Camp near White Plains, 4 July, 1781. 
Sir, 

A few minutes after my arrival upon this 
ground I received your Excellency's favor of this 
morning. Were I to give way to the anxiety I 
feel to see the union between your army and 
mine, I should request you to march to-morrow 
morning from North Castle ; but when I con- 
sider the fatigue which your troops have under- 
gone from their long and rapid marches at this 
very warm season, I am much inclined to wish 
you to give them one more day's rests in their 
present quarters, and the more so, as there is 
now no real occasion for making an uncommon 
degree of haste. I shall however leave the 
matter entirely to your Excellency's determina- 
tion ; only wishing you to give me notice of your 
approach, that I may have the happiness of 
meeting and conducting you to your camp, 
which will be about four miles on this side of 
the village of White Plains. 

I have the honor to be, (S:c., 

George Washington. 
[The Count de Rochambeau] 

general orders 
Head Quarters Philipsburgh, 
Friday, July 6, 17S1. 
The Commander-in-Chief with pleasure em- 
braces the earliest public opportunity of express- 
ing his thanks to the Count de Rochambeau for 
the unremitting zeal with which he has prose- 
cuted his march in order to form the long- 
wished-for junction between the French and 
American forces, an event which must afford 
the highest degree of pleasure to every friend of 
his country, and from which the happiest conse- 



34 



THE ALLIED ARMIES BEFORE NEW YORK, 1 78 1 



quences are to be expected. The General 
entreats his Excellency the Count to convey to 
the officers under his immediate command the 
gratified sense he entertains of the cheerfulness 
with which they have performed so long and 
laborious a march at this extreme hot season. 
The regiment of Saintonge is entitled to pecu- 
liar acknowledgments for the spirit with which 
they continued and supported their march with- 
out one days' respite. 

THE ATTEMPT ON THE BRITISH 

POSTS AT KINGSBRIDGE 

JULY 3, 1781 

I 

ORDERS OF WASHINGTON 

Head Quarters, Peekskill, 30 June 1781. 
Dear Sir, 

The enclosed letter to the Count de Rocham- 
beau is of very great importance, and requires 
the utmost secrecy in its communication. This 
idea you will convey to the Count before its de- 
livery, to effect which you will first converse 
with the Chevalier Chastellux on the mode of 
its communication. Its object is to inform the 
Count that I have in contemplation a very sud- 
den surprise of some post of the enemy, which 
will be of very great importance in our opera- 
tions, and which we have flattering expectations 
of obtaining ; to cover and support which, if 
obtained, we shall want the aid of the French 
army ; in which case it will be necessary for the 
Count to push on his troops with greater haste 
than he at present intends, and by a different 
route from that now in his view. The Duke de 
Lauzun's legion is to advance. 

The movements, which I would wish to be 
made by the French army, are particularized in 
my letter to the Count, which you will see. It 
will be for you to impress the gentlemen with tlie 
.importance of their motions to support our op- 
erations, as it will be to little purpose for us to 
obtain advantages which we may not be able to 
maintain. 

As the Count, with his troops, is now in a 
very disaffected part of the country, and the 
Tories will be desirous to give every informa- 
tion in their power, the most profound secrecy 



will be necessary. Secrecy and despatch must 
prove the soul of success to the enterprise. 
This idea you will impress with energy, using 
your best discretion in the mode. 

I am, &c., 
George "Washington. 
Lieutenant-Colonel David Cobb. 
[Hartford] 



RE PL Y 



Newton, 30 June, 1781. 



I was at Count Rochambeau's this evening 
when I received your Excellency's dispatches. 
General Chastellux was immediately sent for, 
and the heads of departments consulted on the 
new-intended route of the army. The Count 
inquired whether your Excellency was acquainted 
with the removal of the Yagers and some other 
troops from Long Island to New York. I as- 
sured him your Excellency was perfectly ac- 
quainted with it, and all the other movements of 
the enemy at New York ; and that your Excel- 
lency would never undertake a matter of this 
kind but upon certain intelligence and the surest 
grounds of success. 

The Count was perfectly satisfied with the 
plan proposed, and assured me that duty, as 
well as inclination, prompted him to comply 
with your Excellency's wishes. Orders are ac- 
cordingly given for the march of the first brigade 
in the morning ; and the Duke's legion, which 
is now at New Stratford, will undoubtedly march 
at the same time. It will be at the place of des- 
tination by the time proposed, twelve o'clock. 
The rest of the army will follow when the other 
division arrives, which comes up to-morrow. 
The Count in his letter wishes an answer from 
your Excellency by to-morrow night. It would 
be more agreeable if it come sooner. 
I am, &c., 

David Cobb. 
His Excellency General Washington, 
Peekskill. 



Sir, 



Head Quarters, near Peekskill, 
30 June, 1781. 



You will immediately on receipt of this be 
pleased to collect as many men of your com- 



THE ALLIED ARMIES BEFORE NEW YORK, 1781 



35 



mapd as you possibly can, and march them from 
the place of rendezvous, so as to form a junc- 
tion, without fail, with Colonel Sheldon at 
Clapp's in King Street on the 2d of July by 
sunset. You must not exceed that time on any 
account. You will bring four days* provisions, 
ready cooked. You will receive further orders 
at Clapp's. Carry no baggage ; the movement 
is to be as light as possible. I must enjoin it, 
and I shall depend upon your keeping your 
movement a profound secret from every oflficer 
under your command. You will be pleased to 
inform me, by return of Captain Bulkley, of 
the number of men which you think you shall 
probably collect. I am, Sir, &c., 

George Washington. 
To Brigadier-Ceneral Waterbury, [Horseneck] 

Head Quarters, near Peekskill, 
3jj. 3oJune, 1781. 

In the fullest confidence I inform you that I 
intend to make an attempt by surprise upon the 
enemy's posts, on the north end of York Island, 
on Monday night. Should we be happy enough 
to succeed, and be able to hold our conquest, 
the advantages will be greater than can well be 
imagined. But I cannot flatter myself that the 
enemy will permit the latter, unless I am sud- 
denly and considerably reinforced. I shall 
march down the remainder of this army, and I 
have hopes that the French force will be near at 
hand by that time. But I shall, notwithstanding, 
direct the alarm-guns and beacons to be fired in 
case of success ; and I have to request that your 
Excellency will upon such signals communicate 
the meaning of them to the militia, and put 
yourself at the head of them, and march with 
the utmost expedition towards Kingsbridge, 
bringing with you three or four days' provisions 
at least. In that time I think we shall have so 
arranged matters as to have little need of the 
militia suddenly called out. I have upon a 
hope that we shall succeed ordered Brigadier- 
General Clinton to send down the regular troops 
immediately. Should circumstances make it 
necessary, I can countermand the order. 
I am, &c., 

George Washington. 
To Governor George Clinton, Poughkeepsie. 



Head Quarters, Peekskill, I July, 1781. 



Sir. 



I wro te to you yesterday by Captain Bulkley, 
directing you to march with all the troops you 
can collect under your command, and form a 
junction at Clapp's in King Street with Colonel 
Sheldon, who is to be at that place on the 2d 
instant. I am now to inform you that you will 
also be joined at the same time and place by 
the French legion, under the command of the 
Duke de Lauzun, who is a brigadier in the ser- 
vice of his Most Christian Majesty, and an 
officer of distinction, long service and merit. 
The Duke is to command all the troops that will 
be assembled at the point mentioned. You will 
therefore be pleased on his arrival to put your- 
self and troops under his orders and command, 
he being furnished with any instructions for his 
movement subsequent to meeting you at Clapp's. 

As the Duke will be a stranger to that part of 
the country, which is to be the sceneof your opera- 
tions, it will be in your power to give him much as- 
sistance and information, which I have no doubt 
but you will do with the greatest cheerfulness 
and accuracy. The service, to which you will 
be called, requires great precaution, attention, 
and despatch. I am, Sir, &c., ^O'V'^L 

George Washington. 
To Brigadier-General Waterbury, 
at Horseneck. 

INS TRUC TIONS 
Sir, 

The object of your present command — con- 
sisting of two regiments, formed into four bat- 
talions under the command of Colonel Scammell 
and Lieutenant Colonel Sprout, of a detachment 
of artillery under the command of Captain Bur- 
beck, of the corps of watermen under command 
Major Darby, and the water-guard under the com- 
mand of Captain Pray, — is to attempt the sur- 
prise of the enemy's posts upon the north end of 
York Island. 

My ideas, as to the most probable mode of 
attaining this object, have been minutely de- 
tailed in the several conversations which we 
have had upon the subject, and you have 
been furnished with such papers as I have been 
able to collect, and upon which my judgment has 
been formed. But it is not my wish, or desire, 



36 



THE ALLIIiD ARMIES BEFORE NEW YORK, 1 78 1 



that there should be any restraint upon you. 
Your own observation and the circumstances of 
the moment muft in a great degree govern you. 

The success of your enterprise depending 
absolutely upon secrecy and surprise it will be 
wrong to prosecute it a moment after you are 
discovered, unless the discovery is made so near 
the works, that you may, by a rapid movement, 
gain them before the enemy have time to re- 
collect and put themselves in a posture of 
defence. Fort George upon Laurel Hill ought 
to be your primary object, because success at 
that place will open a communication with the 
main afford an asylum to the troops, who may 
be disappointed in other attacks, and secure a 
retreat in case of necessity to the main body of 
the army. 

Should you carry Fort Knyphausen and Fort 
Tryon only, you cannot without infinite risk hold 
them, as we shall not be in a situation to sup- 
port you from without. I would therefore 
recommend your damaging them as much as 
you can and relinquishing them. The artillery- 
men will be proportionately divided for the three 
attacks ; each party will be provided with two 
lanterns and two rockets, one of which is to be 
fired in each work as soon as it is carried. 

If complete success should attend the enter- 
prise not a moment should be lost in drawing 
the boats across the Island from the North 
River into Haerlem Creek, and securing them 
under the guns of Fort George, if circumstances 
will admit of it. But in case of disappointment, 
and being obliged to retreat by water, and not 
being able to pass the enemy's ships and boats, 
the dernier resort must be a push over to the 
Jersey shore, and an abandonment of the boats, 
if they cannot be drawn up the bank and carried 
off on carriages. It will be very essential, that 
I should be made acquainted as early as possible 
with your success, and the extent of it. If com- 
plete you will announce it by the firing of thir- 
teen cannon, at one minute's interval, after all 
less firing and confusion have ceased. If Fort 
George only is carried, six cannon are to be fired 
in the same manner. For Fort Knyphausen, 
Tryon, or both of them, you need not fire a sig- 
nal, because you are, as before directed, imme- 
diately to relinquish them. 



The foregoing is upon a supposition that the 
principal object, the attempt upon the works of 
York Island is carried into execution ; but, 
should you, upon reconnoitring the enemy to- 
morrow, find it unadvisable to prosecute the 
plan, or should you be obliged to give it over on 
account of an early discovery by the enemy's 
shipping or boats, I would then have you tura 
your attention to the support of an attempt, 
which is also to be made on the morning of the 
3d by the Duke de Lauzun upon Delancey's 
Corps lying at Morrisania. To effect this, you 
will land your men at any convenient place 
above Spiten Devil Creek, and march to the 
high grounds in front of Kingsbridge, where 
you will lie concealed until the Duke's attack is 
announced by firing or other means. You may 
thus dispose of your force in such a manner, in 
view of the enemy, as to make them think your 
party larger than it is, which may have the 
double effect of preventing them from crossing 
over the bridge to turn the Duke's right, and 
also of preventing any of Delancey's party from 
escaping that way. Your further operations 
must depend upon the movements of the enemy 
and other circumstances. 

I expect to be in the neighborhood of Kings- 
bridge in the morning of the 3d with the remain- 
der of the army. I shall as soon as possible 
open a communication with you, and give you 
such orders as the general state of matters may 
require. If you land on the east side of the 
river, above Spiten Devil Creek, you will send 
your boat? up along the east shore. If Major 
Darby receives no particular orders from me, he 
will proceed with them to King's Ferry. 

Given at Head Quarters, near Peekskill, this 
1st Day of July, 1781. 

George Washington. 
Major-General Lincoln, 
[Present] 

Head Quarters, Peekskill, 2 July, 1781. 
Sir, 

I have this morning received your Excellency's 
fa/orof last evening. I think it will be very 
well for your Excellency to proceed to-morrow 
to North Castle where you will continue until 
you assemble your whole force unless you should 



THE ALLTED ARMIES BEFORE NEW YORK, 178 



J7 



hear from me within that time. Being at North 
Castle will put you in a direct route to receive your 
provisions from Crompond and it will be in a 
direct way for your troops to advance to White 
Plains, or any other point below, as circum- 
stances shall appear to demand. 

Colonel Hull, an active and very intelligent 
officer, will have the honor to deliver this to 
your Excellency. He is charged with my in- 
structions to the Duke de Lauzun ; and being 
perfectly acquainted with our intended move- 
ments, and with the scene of operations, he will 
give all the aid in his power to the Duke. The 
same gentleman will be able to reply to any 
queries your Excellency shall be pleased to put 
to him. 

With perfect esteem and regard, I am, &c., 
George Washington, 
To the Count de Rochambeau, 
[Hartford] 

Head Quarters, Peekskill, 2 July, 1781. 
Dear Sir, 

The arrangement you have made for the 
period of transportation of the heavy stores from 
Philadelphia agrees perfectly with my ideas of 
the matter, as I think we must be certainly able 
to determine ultimately upon our plan of opera- 
tions by the time they are to be in motion. 

An enterprise, which I have long had in con- 
templation, will be executed in the course of 
this night, if General Lincoln, who commands 
the operating party finds the attack advisable 
upon reconnoitring the position of the enemy, 
and he can do it by surprise. The enterprise is 
against the posts upon the north end of 
York Island. The remainder of the army 
marched this morning towards Kingsbridge. 
Part of the French troops were last night at 
Ridgebury and will be at Bedford this evening. 
They will, in the course of to-morrow, be at 
hand to support us, should there be occasion. 
At the same time that the posts upon York Island 
are attempted I have planned a surprise upon 
Delancey's Corps at Morrisania, which is to be 
■executed by the Duke de Lauzun in conjunction 
with Sheldon's regiment and Waterbury's State 
troops. 

Should we succeed in the attempt upon the 



posts every effort will be made to hold them, and 
your assistance will be materially necessary, I 
shall take the speediest method of communi- 
cating the event to General McDougall at West 
Point, who will bring out the militia to our sup- 
port. You may therefore take it for granted 
that we have succeeded if you hear the signals. 
You will in such case come immediately down, 
leaving Colonel Stevens to put every thing in 
readiness to follow. 

I am, &c., 

George Washington. 
To Brig. General Knox at 
New Windsor 



Washington's official report 
Head Quarters, near Dobbs' Ferry, 
6th July, 17S1. 
Sir, 

I do myself the honor to inform your Excel- 
lency that the army marched from their camp 
near Peekskill on the morning of the 2d with- 
out either tents or baggage, and reached Val- 
entine's Hill, about four miles en this side of 
King's bridge, a little after daylight the morning 
following. 

General Lincoln, with a detachment of eight 
hundred men, fell down the North River in 
boats, landed near Philipses' House before day- 
break on the morning of the 3d, and took pos- 
session of the ground on this side of Haerlem 
River, near where Fort Independence stood. 
This movement was principally intended to sup- 
port and favor an enterprise, which I had pro- 
jected against a Corps of refugees, under the 
command of Colonel Delancey, at Morrisania, 
and other light troops without the bridge, and 
which was to have been executed by the Duke 
de Lauzun with his own legion. Colonel Shel- 
don's regiment, and a detachment of State 
troops of Connecticut under the command of 
Brigadier General Waterbury, The Duke, not- 
withstanding the heat of the day of the 2d, 
marched from Ridgebury, in Connecticut, and 
reached East Chester very early next morning ; 
but upon his arrival there, finding by the firing 
that General Lincoln had been attacked, and 
the alarm given, he desisted from a further 



3« 



THE ALLIED ARMIES BEFORE NEW YORK, 1 78 1 



prosecution of his plan (which could only have 
been executed to any effect by surprise), and 
marched to the General's support, who contin- 
ued skirmishing with the enemy, and endeav- 
oring to draw them so far into the country that 
the Duke might turn their right and cut them 
off from their work on the east side of Haerlem 
River, and also prevent their repassing that river 
in boats. General Parsons had possessed the 
heights immediately commanding King's bridge, 
and could have prevented their escape by that 
passage. Every endeavour of this kind proved 
fruitless ; for I found, upon going down myself 
to reconnoitre their situation, that all their 
force, except very small parties of observation, 
had retired to York Island. This afforded Gen- 
eral Duportail and myself the most favorable 
opportunity of perfectly reconnoitring the works 
upon the north end of the Island, and making 
observations, which may be of very great ad- 
vantage in future. Finding nothing further 
could be done, I returned the day before yes- 
terday to this ground, where I expect to be 
joined this day by his Excellency the Count de 
Rochambeau, who reached North Castle on the 
2d instant. 

I cannot too warmly express the obligations 
I am under to the Count, for the readiness with 
which he detached the Duke de Lauzun, and for 
the rapidity with which he pushed the march 
of his main body, that he might have been 
within supporting distance, had any favorable 
stroke upon the enemy below given us an op- 
portunity of pursuing any advantage which 
might have been gained. General Lincoln had 
five or six men killed and about thirty wounded 
in this skirmish. 

I have the honor to be, &c., 

George Washington. 
The President of Congress. 

Washington's account in his diary 
I78i,y«/v 2 — General Lincoln's detachment 
embarked last night after dark, at or near Tel- 
ler's Point ; and as his operations were to be the 
movements of two nights, he was directed to 
repair to Fort Lee this day, and reconnoitre the 
enemy's works, position and strength, as well as 
he possible could, and take his ultimate deter- 



mination from appearances ; that is, to attempt 
the surprise, if the prospect was favorable, or to 
relmquish it if it was not ; and in the latter 
case to land above the mouth of Spiten Devil, 
and cover the Duke de Lauzun in his operation, 
on Delancey's Corps. At three o'clock this 
morning I commenced my march with the Con- 
tinental army, in order to cover the detached 
troops, and improve any advantages which might 
be gained by them. I made a small halt at the 
New Bridge over Croton, about nine miles from 
Peekskill, another at the church by Tarrytown 
till dusk (nine miles more), and completed the 
remaining part of the march in the night, ai-riv- 
ing at Valentine's Hill (at Mile Square) about 
sunrise. Our baggage and tents were left stand- 
ing at the camp at Peekskill. 

July 3 — The length of the Duke de Lauzun's 
march, and the fatigue of his corps, prevented 
his coming to the point of action at the hour 
appointed. In the meantime General Lincoln's 
party, who were ordered to prevent the retreat 
of Delancey's Corps by the way of King's 
bridge, and prevent succour by that route, were 
attacked by the Yagers and others ; but on the 
march of the army from Valentine's Hill, they 
retired to the Island. Being disappointed in 
both objects, from the causes mentioned, I did 
not care to fatigue the troops any more, but suf- 
fered them to remain on their arms, while I spent 
a good part of the day in reconnoitring the ene- 
my's works. In the afternoon we retired to 
Valentine's Hill, and lay upon our arms. The 
Duke de Lauzun and General Waterbury lay on 
the east side of the Bronx on the East Chester 
road. 

July 4 — Marched and took a position a little 
to the left of Dobb's Ferry, and marked a camp 
for the French army upon our left. The Duke 
de Lauzun marched to White Plains, and Wa- 
terbury to Ilorseneck, — Sparks' Writings of 
Washington, VIII., 98-99. 



FROM DR. THACHER'S DIARY 

Camp Phillipsburg, July 5. — The reveille beat 
at three o'clock on the 2d instant when we 
marched and reached Tarrytrwn in the evening; 
the weather being extremely hot, the troops 



THE ALLIED ARMIES BEFORE NEW YORK, 17S1 



39 



were much fatigued. Halted at Tarry town 
about two hours and then proceeded, marched 
all night, and at sunrise arrived within two 
miles of the enemy's works at Kings' bridge. 
Having halted about two hours, a firing of can- 
non and musketry was heard in front, and we 
were informed that a party of our troops had 
engaged the enemy, and we were ordered to ad- 
vance rapidly to their assistance ; but before we 
could reach the scene of action, the enemy had 
retired within their strong works. A detach- 
ment of continental troops, under command of 
Major-General Lincoln, went down the North 
river in boats in the night, to attack the enemy 
by surprise, or to draw them out to a distance 
from their works, to afford an opportunity to 
the Commander in Chief to engage them in the 
field, but this object could not be accomplished, 
and a skirmish only ensued in which both parties 
suffered severe loss and General Lincoln brought 
off ten prisoners. We took our repose for the 
night in the open field, and our tents and bag- 
gage having arrived the next day we pitched our 
encampment in two lines on the most advanta- 
geous ground within a few miles of the outposts 
of the enemy. The French army under General 
Rochambeau, have arrived and encamped at a 
small distance on the left of the Americans. 

The French legion of dragoons and infantry 
under command of the Duke de Lauzun arrived 
and took their station near our encampment, 
and appear in true military style ; they are a 
fine looking corps, full of military ardor, and in 
conjunction with Colonel Sheldon's dragoons 
much important service is expected. — Thachers 
Military Journal, \^2i,p. 257. 



IV 

NARRATIVE OF THE DUKE DE LAUZUN 

Translated for the ^fag;azine from Metitoircc du Due 
de Lauzun 

M. de Rochambeau received a letter from 
General Washington informing him that he ad- 
dressed to me a secret message containing an 
order for me to move with my regiment by a 
forced march, the day after next, to a rendezvous 
at a considerable distance. M. de Rochambeau 
sent forme in the middle of the night, to a distance 
of about fifteen miles, to give me the orders of 



General Washington, who had entered into no 
details with him. I was prompt at the appointed 
place, although the excessive heat and very bad 
roads rendered the march extremely arduous. 
General Washington was far in advance of the 
two armies, and told me that he intended me to 
surprise a corps of English troops encamped be- 
fore New York to support Fort Knyphausen, 
which was held to be the key of the fortifications 
of New York. 

I was to march all night in order to attack 
them before daylight ; he joined to my regiment 
a regiment of American dragoons, some compa- 
nies of light horse and some battalions of Amer- 
ican light infantry. He had sent General Lin- 
coln by another road about six miles to the 
right with a corps to surprise Fort Knyphausen, 
the relief of which I was to prevent. He was 
not to show himself until my attack had begun, 
when I was to direct him to begin his. He 
amused himself by skirmishing with a small 
guard which had not observed him, and thus 
gave the alarm to the corps which I was to sur- 
prise. This corps withdrew within the fort, 
made a sortie upon General Lincoln, who was 
defeated, and would have been lost and cut off 
from the army if I had not moved promptly to 
his assistance. 

Although my troops were worn out with 
fatigue I marched upon the English ; I charged 
their cavalry and my infantry exchanged shots 
with them. General Lincoln took advantage of 
this to effect his retreat, though in bad enough 
order. He had two or three hundred killed or 
prisoners, and many wounded. When I saw that 
he was safe I began my own retreat, which was 
made with good fortune as I lost hardly any one. 

I rejoined General Washington, who was 
marching with a large detachment of his army 
to the support of General Lincoln, about whom 
he was very uneasy ; but his troops were so 
much fatigued that they could go no further. He 
showed the greatest joy on seeing me again, and 
in his general orders gave to my division the 
greatest praise. He wished to take advantage 
of the opportunitv to make a reconnoissance 
close up to New York. I accompanied him 
with a hundred hussars ; we received the fire of 
numerous muskets and cannon but saw all that 



40 



THE ALLIED ARMIES BEFORE NEW YORK, 1 78 



we wished to see. This detailed service lasted 
three days and three nights, and was extremely 
fatiguing, as we were night and day on the 
march with nothing to eat but the fruit we 
found along the road. 



i;ritish account 

Rivingtoft's Royal Gazette^ New York^ 7^h i4i 1781. 

The following are the particulars of the trans- 
actions at King's bridge on the 3d instant, and 
of the skirmish between 200 Yagers and 30 
horse, under the command of Lieut. Colonel de 
Prueschentk, and the advance corps of the rebel 
army of 800 foot and 300 horse. 

In the evening of the 2d Lieut. Col. Em- 
merich marched with 100 men drawn from the 
regiments of the line to Philipses' house, as the 
next morning a number of waggons, under the 
escort of 200 foot and 30 mounted Yagers, were 
to be sent to the same place for some hay. But 
about ten o'clock the same evening intelligence 
was received of Gen. Washington's army having 
been at Singsing in the afternoon of the 2d 
inst. It was therefore resolved to leave the 
waggons within the lines, and send the detach- 
ment to recall Col. Emmerich. Lieut. Colonel 
de Prueschenck, with the following officers un- 
der his command: Captain Henricks, Capt. de 
Wangenheim, Lieut. Schaefer, Lieut, de Dei- 
mar, and Lieut, de Baltholmai, left the camp 
at day-break, and having left Kingsbridge 
would not pass a series of defiles before he had 
reconnoitred Fort Independence, he therefore or- 
dered his advanced guard, under Lieut. Schaefer, 
and another party of a sergeant and ten men 
to examine the Fort and its environs. It being 
not yet quite day, these parties did not perceive 
the enemy drawn up in a line of battle till they 
were within ten yards of them ; they received 
the enemy's fire, returned it, and fell back to a 
proper distance. Lieut. Col. de Preuschenck 
immediately, and with great resolution and 
presence of mind endeavored to gain the height 
in the rear of the fort, and tho' he received the 
enemy's whole fire, succeeded so far as to take 
possession of the ruins of a barn, which was 
formerly fortified by Colonel Emmerich ; from 
whence he attacked the rebels in their advan- 



tageous position, intending to dislodge them; 
but observing a batallion with flying colours in 
the fort, finding their superiority of numbers, 
being furiously attacked with the bayonnet, and 
at the same time being no possibility of gaining 
any ground to his advantage, resolved to fall 
back under the cannon in Charles' redoubt, but 
the rebels pressing too hard upon him, and his 
infantry, on account of the narrow passage, be- 
gan to lose ground, and being apprehensive of 
sustaining some loss in repassing the defile in 
such a situation, to avoid this and prevent con- 
fusion, he ordered his cavalry under Lieut. 
Flies to charge the advancing enemy. This 
had the desired effect, the rebels stopped, the 
Yagers formed again, and recommenced the 
attack with doubled vigor, obliged the rebels to 
quit the fort, and drove them from the heights 
as far as Deveaux's house, and took possession 
of the ground the rebels had quitted. At this 
time Lieut. Colonel de Wurmb arrived with the 
rest of the Yager corps from Kingsbridge, and 
took possession oft the rising ground between 
the Bridge and Fort Independence, reconnoitered 
the enemy's new position, extending from Miles- 
Square road over the heights to Williams' bridge, 
with a thick wood in their rear, plainly indicating 
a design to conceal their real strength ; and as 
repeated intelligence was received that 300 
French horse covered the enemy's left at Will- 
iams' bridge. Col. de Wurmb acted with pre- 
caution, and did not think proper to risk another 
attack ; but Lieutenant-Colonel Emmerich re- 
treating over Spiten Devil, and being cut off by 
the rebel's position, 200 men being arrived at 
this time from the regiments of the line, and 
the Refugees from Morrissania having joined, 
it was absolutely necessary to force the rebels 
from their ground, to give Col. Emmerich an 
opportunity of joining by the way of Cortlandt's 
house, still in possession of the rebels. The 
Yagers moved forward and took possession of 
Cortlandt's bridge ; the Refugees and the ad- 
vanced parties of the Yagers engaged the rebel 
advanced posts and drove them to their main 
body, who immediately filed off to the left and 
retreated towards Williams' bridge ; the passage 
being now open, Col. Emmerich was desired to 
leave Spiten Devil and to join, which he did, 



THE ALLIED ARMIES BEFORE NEW YORK, 1 78 1 



41 



snd informed General de Losberg that he drew 
200 rebels into his ambuscade at Philipses' house, 
of which he killed three and took nine — that the 
rebel army was moving in two columns (one of 
which was already seen on Valentine's hill ad- 
vancing towards Cortlandt's bridge). The troops 
■were now ordered to fall back to their former 
position, leaving 100 Yagers at Fort Independ- 
ence, and observed all the motions of Gen. 
Washington's army, who himself reconnoitred 
Spiten Devil at 3 o'clock in the afternoon. At 
4 o'clock the troops moved into the lines and to 
their encampment. 

The loss of the Yagers is 3 men killed, i offi- 
cer, I sergeant ; 26 men wounded and missing. 

That of the rebels is very considerable ; in- 
telligence is received that they embarked loi 
wounded men at Sing-sing, and sent them up 
the North River, besides a great many more 
who died of their wounds before they reached 
that place, and i officer and 17 men, who were 
left on the field with 17 stand of arms. 

THE RECONNOISSANCE IN FORCE OF 

THE NEW YORK DEFENCES, 

JULY 22, 1 781 

T 

Washington's orders 
Head Quarters near Dobb's Ferry, 
14 July, 1781 
My Lord, 

While I am with the detachment of the army 
below you will remain in command here Your 
principal attention will be paid to the good or- 
der of the camp, and the security of the bag- 
gage and stores left in it. There will be no 
need of advanced pickets, as you will be fully 
covered in front. The camp guards should be 
vigilant, and the officers commanding them 
should see that the men are not permitted to 
straggle, or to plunder the baggage of the offi- 
cers and soldiers. 

The greatest harmony having hitherto sub- 
sisted between the French and American sol- 
diers, your Lordship will be particularly careful 
to see that it is not interrupted by any act of im- 
prudence on our part ; and as Baron Viomenil, 
who will command the French here, is older in 
commission than your Lordship, you will take 



the parole and countersign from him daily. It 
is scarcely probably that the enemy will make 
any attempt upon the camp, while so respeet- 
able a force is near their own lines. Should 
they do it, it must be by water. The officer com- 
manding the water-guard will communicate any 
movement to Colonel Greaton at Dobb's Ferry 
who will give immediate intelligence to you, 
which you will of course transmit to Baron Vi- 
omenil. The party at Dobb's Ferry being for 
the purpose of erecting a work there, they are 
not to be withdrawn for camp duties. 
I am, &c., 

George Washington. 
Major-General Lord Stirling, 
[Present] 

Head Quarters, Camp near Dobb's Ferry 
21 July, 1781 
Sir, 

The army will make a movement this evening 
You will march your corps on the same route, 
and in such time and manner as to be at East 
Chester between daybreak and sunrise. Your 
troops should be supplied, if possible, with 
three days' cooked provisions ; and the move- 
ment of the army, as well as of your troops, 
must be kept a secret until the moment you 
march. 

In order to prevent the enemy from obtaining 
any intelligence whatever from us, I have or- 
dered small parties to waylay all the roads from 
the North River to East Chester. I must 
request that you will send an active subaltern 
and twenty men, with good guides, early this 
afternoon across the fields and woods from your 
encampment to some good position for an am- 
buscade, on the side of the road leading from 
New Rochelle to East Chester, as near the 
latter as may be without hazard of discovery. 
This party must remain perfectly concealed, 
with orders to apprehend all persons going to- 
wards Kingsbridge. It is essential that your 
party should not be seen by the inhabitants, as 
this might frustrate the very object of our oper- 
aiions. You will be convinced, Sir, by your 
own experience and good sense, that the pro- 
foundest secrecy is absolutely necessary in all 
military matters, and in no instance more indis- 



42 



THE ALLIED ARMIES BEFORE NEW YORK, 1 78 1 



pensably so than in movements towards the ene- 
my's lines. After you have given all the 
necessary orders, I could w^ish you would come 
to head-quarters and dine with me, as I may 
have many things to communicate personally to 
you. I am, &c., 

George Washington. 
To Brigadier Gen. Waterbury. 



WASHINGTON'S ACCOUNT IN HIS DIARY 

1781, July 21. I ordered about five thousand 
men to be ready to march at eight o'clock for the 
purpose of reconnoitring the enemy's posts at 
Kingsbridge, and of cutting off, if possible, such 
of Delancey's corps as should be found without 
their lines. At the hour appointed the march 
commenced in four columns on different roads. 
Major-General Parsons with the Connecticut 
troops, and twenty-five of Sheldon's horse, 
formed the right column, with two field pieces, 
on the North River road. The other two divi- 
sions under Major-Generals Lincoln and Howe, 
together with the corps of sappers and miners 
and four field pieces, formed the next column 
on the Saw-Mill River road. The right column 
of the French, on our left, consisted of the 
brigade of Bourbonnais, with the battalion of 
grenadiers and chasseurs, the regiment of Sois- 
sonnais, two field pieces and two twelve-pounders. 
General Waterbury with the militia and State 
troops of Connecticut was to march on the East 
Chester road, and to be joined at that place by 
the cavalry of Sheldon for the purpose of scour- 
ing Frog's Neck. Sheldon's infantry was to 
join the legion of Lauzun and scour Morrisa- 
nia, and to be covered by Scammell's light 
infantry who were to advance through the fields, 
waylay the roads, stop all communications and 
prevent intelligence from getting to the enemy. 
At Valentine's Hill the left column of the 
American troops and the right column of the 
French formed their junction, as did the left of 
the French also by mistake^ as it was intended 
it should cross the Bronx by Garrineau's and 
recross it at Williams' Bridge. The whole army 
(Parsons's division first) arrived at Kingsbridge 
about daylight, and formed on the heights back 
of Fort Independence, extending towards De- 



lancey's Mills ; while the legion of Lauzun and 
Waterbury's corps proceeded to scour Morrisania 
and Frog's Neck to little effect, as most of the 
Refugees had fled, and hid themselvs in such 
obscure places as not to be discovered ; and by 
'^tealth got over to the islands adiacent, and to 
the enemy's shipping which lay in East River. 
A few, however, were caught, and some cattle 
and horses brought off. 

July 22. — The enemy did not appear to have 
had the least intelligence of our movement, or to 
know we were upon the heights opposite to them, 
until the whole army was ready to display it- 
self. After having fixed upon the ground, and 
formed our line, I began with General Rocham- 
beau and the engineers to reconnoitre the ene- 
my's position and works ; and first from Tip- 
pet's Hill, opposite to their left. From thence it 
was evident that the small redoubt (Fort Charles), 
near Kingsbridge, would be absolutely at the 
command of a battery which might be erected 
thereon. It also appeared equally evident that 
the fort on Cox's Hill was in bad repair, and 
little dependence placed upon it. There is 
neither ditch nor friezing, and the northeast 
corner appears quite easy of access, occasioned, 
as it would seem, by a rock. The approach 
from the inner point is secured by a ledge of 
rocks, which would conceal a party from observa- 
tion till it got within about one hundred yards 
of the forf, around which for that or a greater 
distance this ground has little covering of bushes 
upon it. There is a house on this side under Tip- 
pet's Hill, but out of view, I conceive, of the cross- 
ing place most favorable to a partisan stroke. 
From this view, and every other I could get of 
Forts Tryon, Knyphausen and Laurel Hill, the 
works are formidable. There are no barracks 
or tents on the east side of the hill on which 
F'orts Tryon and Knyphausen stand, nor are 
there any on the hill opposite, except those by 
Fort George. Near the Blue Bell there is a 
number of houses, but they have more the ap- 
pearance of stables than barracks. In the hol- 
low, near the barrier gate, are about fourteen or 
fifteen tents, which are the only encamprnent I 
could see without the line of palisades. A con- 
tinued hill from the Creek, east of Haerlem 
River, and a little below Morris's White House, 



THE ALLIED ARMIES BEFORE NEW YORK, 1 78 1 



43 



has from every part of it the command of the 
opposite shore, and all the plain adjoining is 
within range of shot from batteries which may 
be erected thereon. The general width of the 
river, along this range of hills, appears to be 
from one hundred to two hundred yards. The 
opposite shore, though more or less marshy, 
does not seem miry, and the banks are very 
easy of access. How far the battery, under 
cover of the blockhouse on the hill northeast 
of Haerlem Town, is capable of scouring the 
plain, is difficult to determine from this side ; 
but it would seem as if the distance were too 
great to be within the range of its shot on that 
part of the plain nearest the creek before men- 
tioned, and which is also nearest the heights 
back of our old lines thrown up in the year 
1776. It unfortunately happens that in the rear 
of the continued hill before mentioned there is 
a deep swamp, and the grounds west of that 
swamp are not so high as the heights near Haer- 
lem River. In the rear of this again is the 
Bronx, which is not to be crossed without boats 
below Delancey's Mill. 

July 23 — Went upon the Frog's Neck to see 
what communication could be had with Long 
Island, and the engineers attended with instru- 
ments to measure the distance across. Having 
finished the reconnoitre without damage, a few 
harmless shot only being fired at us, we marched 
back about six o'clock by the same routes we 
went down, but in a reversed order of march, 
and arrived at camp about midnight. 

Ill 

FROM DR. THACHEr's DIARY 

Camp Phillipsburg, July 21. — In the even- 
ing of the 2 1st our army and the French 
were put in motion, and marching with great 
rapidity through a thick impregnable wood 
and swamps, and through fields of corn and 
wheat. Passing through a swamp in the night, 
our rear guard and myself with Dr. Munson lost 
sight of the main army for more than an hour, 
and I got a severe fall from my horse. In the 
morning we arrived near the enemy's post at 
Morrisania, but they had taken the alarm and 
escaped to New York. Having continued there 
during the day, we retired in the evening about 



five or six miles, and lay on the hills near King's 
bridge, where we remained unmolested till the 
night of the 23d, when we returned to our en- 
campment. While near the enemy's lines, the 
army was drawn up in a line of battle, and 
General Washington, General Rochambeau and 
all the general officers and engineers, were em- 
ployed in reconnoitring the different positions of 
the enemy's works in all directions. The posi- 
tion which we now occupy is the neutral ground 
between the lines, a beautiful fertile country,, 
and the woods and commons as well as the en- 
closures are covered with grass, while the de- 
serted houses in ruins, and the prostrate fences, 
exhibit the melancholy devastation of war. — 
Thachers Military Jotirnal, 1 827,/. 260. 

IV 
FRENCH ACCOUNT 
Narrative of the Count de Dumas 
Five thousand troops of the two nations with 
two battalions of field artillery, were set in mo- 
tion about midnight under the command of 
Generals Chastellux and Lincoln. The head 
of the column arrived at daybreak within sight 
of the English and Hessian advanced posts. 
All the ground between the arm of the sea 
which separates the continent from Long Island 
and North River to the east to the whole extent 
of the Island of New York this space, or rather 
this point of the continent, about three leagues 
in ils mean breadth, was soon cleared of the 
enemy's posts, most of them consisting of 
American loyalists, who were scattered over it 
and made but slight resistance. The hussars of 
Lauzun and the dragoons belonging to the es- 
cort of the generals in chief who were joined by 
their aid-de-camps charged these fugitives ; all 
who could not embark to return to the Island 
were taken or killed. 

The generals with their staff passed slowly 
over the open ground about the fortified points, 
and approached them as nearly as possible. The 
cannonade was very l)risk, as well frc m the 
several works as from the small men-of-war an- 
chored in the channel, and forming a kind of 
girdle round the island. These serious demon- 
strations produced the effect which the generals 
of the allies expected : and though General 



\ 



44 



THE ALLIED ARMIES BEFORE NEW YORK, 1 78 1 



Clinton had received on the iith of August a 
reinforcement of 3000 troops which with the 
garrison of Pensacola raised his force to 12000 
■effective men, which made it superior to that 
which observed him he did not venture to weaken 
it in order to reinforce Lord Cornwallis. 



Narrative of the Duke de Lauzun 
I encamped at the White Plains where the 
two armies effected a junction the next day. 
General Washington gave me the command of 
the two advance guards. We remained six 
weeks in the camp where I was greatly fatigued 
making constant foraging expeditions close up 
to the posts of the enemy. General Washington 
and M. de Rochambeau desired to make another 
reconnoissance of New York ; I was ordered to 
cover it with all the cavalry of the two armies, 
all the American light infantry and a battalion 
of French grenadiers and chasseurs. A consid- 
■erable detachment of the two armies under the 
command of the Chevalier de Chastellux and 
General Heath took up a position at some dis- 
tance that I might fall back upon it in case of 
accident. I drove back with ease aH that I met 
on my road and made some prisoners. The 
generals occupied two days in making their re- 
connoissance which was extremely dangerous, as 
they received a very brisk fire of cannon and 
musketry. 



BRITISH ACCOUNT 
Stedvian' s A merican War 
In the meantime General Washington had 
assembled his army at Peekskill, towards the 
end of the month of June, and marching from 
thence to White Plains, was then joint d on the 
sixth of July by the Count de Rochambeau with 
the French troops from Rhode Island. In the 
evening of the twenty-first, the whole American 
and part of the French army marched from 
iheir encampment towards King's bridge, and 
appearing before it early the next morning, 
v/ere drawn up in order of battle, whilst the 
French and American officers reconnoitred the 
positions of the British works. The same 
scene was re-acted in the morning of the twenty- 



third and in the afternoon the confederated 
armies returned to their former encampment. 

Rivington' s Royal Gazette^ July 25, 1781 
The Compte de Rochambault and Mr. Wash- 
ington, Lieutenant General of the army of his 
Most Christian Majesty the King of France, 
having with their united troops presented them- 
selves for some days past at our lines in the vi- 
cinity of Kingsbridge and Morrisania, on 
Monday night last suddenly decamped from the 
latter post. They were pursued ten miles by 
some of Colonel De Lancy's Refugees, who 
took five prisoners, seven horses and about 
twelve yoke of oxen. 

THE MARCH OF THE ALLIES TO 
KING'S FERRY 

WASHINGTON TO ROCHAMBEAU 

King's Ferry, 21 August, 1781 
Sir, 

I have this moment the honor of your letter 
by Monsieur Blapchard.* I am very sorry for the 
difficulties and impediments which fall in the 
way of your march, and hope they will decrease 
as you proceed. I have the pleasure to inform 
your Excellency that my troops arrived at the 
Ferry yesterday, and began to pass the river at 
ten o'clock in the morning, and by sunrise of 
this day they were all completely on this side of 
the river. I hope your army will be enabled 
to cross with the same facility when they 
arrive. 

I have no news worthy of communicating 
from any quarter. I shall be happy in your 
company to-morrow at dinner at my quarters, 
and will meet you at the Feny to-morrow by 
eight o'clock, when we will either be furnished 
with some cold repast en passant, or I will take 
you to my quarters, about three miles from the 
Ferry, where you shall be introduced to a warm 
breakfast. 

I have the honor to be, &c., 

George Washington. 
The Count de Rochambeau. 



* Blanchard was Commissary-General of the French 
Army. 



THE ALLIED ARMIES BEFORE NEW YORK, 1 78 1 



4S 



ALMANAC FOR NEW YORK 
1781 



JULY 



AUGUST 



July begins on Sunday, hath 31 Days. 

Full Moon, Thursday, the 5th. Last Quarter, 
Friday, the 13th. New Moon, Saturday, the 
2ist. First Quarter, Friday, the 27th 







iHigh wa- 


Sun 


Sun 






1 ter. 


rising. 


setting. 


I 


Sunday 


5.16 


4-37 


8 


2 


Monday 


6.09 


4.37 


8 


3 


Tuesday 


7.07 


4.38 


8 


4 


Wednesday 


8.02 


4.38 


8 


5 


Thursday 


9.02 


4.38 


8 


6 


Friday 


9-54 


4.39 


8 


7 


Saturday 


10.47 


4-39 


8 


8 


Sunday 


11.34 


4.39 


8 


9 


Monday 


12.21 


4.40 


8 


10 


Tuesday 


12.59 


4.40 


8 


II 


Wednesday 


1-37 


4.40 


8 


12 


Thursday 


2.14 


4.41 


8 


13 


Friday 


2.55 


4.41 


S 


14 


Saturday 


3.33 


4.42 


8 


15 


Sunday 


4ti7 


4.42 


8 


16 


Monday 


5.05 


4.43 


8 


17 


Tuesday 


5.49 


4.44 


8 


18 


Wednesday 


6.41 


4.45 


8 


19 


Thursday 


7.38 


4.45 


8 


20 


Friday 


8.33 


4.46 


8 


21 


Saturday 


9.29 


4.47 


8 


22 


Sunday 


10.24 


4.48 


8 


23 


Monday 


II. 13 


4.49 


8 


24 


Tuesday 


12.03 


4.50 


8 


25 


Wednesday 


12.51 


4.51 


8 


26 


Thursday 


1.38 


4.52 


8 


27 


Friday 


2.25 


4.53 


8 


28 


Saturday 


3.14 


4.54 


8 


. 29 


Sunday 


4.07 


4.54 


8 


30 


Monday 


5.02 


4.55 


8 


31 


Tuesday 


5.56 


4.56 


8 



August begins on Wednesday, hath 31 days. 

Full Moon, Saturday, the 4th, Last Quarter, 
Saturday, the nth. New Moon, Sunday, the 
19th. Firt Quarter, Sunday, the 26th. 





Days. 


High wa- 


Sun 


Sun 






ter. 


rising. 


setting. 


I 


Wednesd y . 


6.54 


4.57 


8 


2 


Thursday 


7.49 


4.58 


8 


3 


Friday 


8.42 


4.58 


8 


4 


Saturday 


9.26 


4.59 




5 


Sunday 


10. 14 


5.00 




6 


Monday 


10.59 


5.01 




7 


Tuesday 


11-37 


5.02 




8 


Wednesday 


12.16 


5.03 




9 


1 hursday 


12.55 


5.04 




10 


Friday 


1.37 


5.05 




II 


Saturday 


2.15 


5-06 




12 


Sunday 


3.02 


5.08 




13 


Monday 


4.36 


5.09 




14 


Tuesday 


4-57 


5.10 




15 


Wednesday 


5.30 


5-11 




16 


Thursday 


6.24 


5.13 




17 


Friday 


7.22 


5.14 




18 


Saturday 


8.17 


5.15 




19 


Sunday 


8.52 


5.16 




20 


Monday 


10.01 


5.17 




21 


Tuesday 


10 50 


5 19 




22 


Wednesday 


11-39 


5.20 




23 


Thursday 


12.27 


5.21 




24 


Friday 


1. 19 


5.22 




25 


Saturday 


2.10 


5-24 




26 


Sunday 


3.06 


5.25 




27 


Monday 


4.00 


5.26 




28 


Tuesday 


4-56 


5 27 




29 


Wednesday 


5.50 


5.29 




30 


Thursday 


6.44 


5.30 




31 


F'riday 


7.33 


5.31 





ROCHAMBEAU'S HEADQUARTERS IN WESTCHESTER 

COUNTY, N. Y., 1781 

On the 4th July, 1781, the American army went into camp at 
Philipsburg in Westchester Count}^, and were there joined, on the 6th, 
by the French troops under de Rochambeau. 

The Americans were in two lines, resting on the Hudson at Dobb's 
Ferry, where they were protected by strong earthworks,^ and extending 
east to the Neperan, or Saw-Mill River ; the French lay further east, 
beyond the valley of the Neperan. 

" It was a lovely country," said one who knew it well, " for a summer 
encampment — breezy hills commanding wide prospects, umbrageous 
valleys watered by bright pastoral streams, the Bronx, the Sprain, 
and the Neperan, and abounding in never-failing springs ; " the Count 
de Dumas wrote of it, " We have a charming position here among rocks 
and under magnificent tulip trees." 

The old Odell homestead, the house occupied by the Count de 
Rochambeau as his headquarters, which is figured in the illustration, is 
still standing on the north side of the road leading from Hart's Corners, 
on the line of the Harlem Railroad, westward to Dobb's Ferry on the 
Hudson River. Here the French General took up his quarters, and his 
camp became a scene of bright gayety. It was midsummer, and the 
tents made a fine display stretched among the rugged hills. Some of 
the young officers, we are told, vied with each other in decorating their 
encampment, and forming little gardens in the vicinity of their tents. 
Several times Washington dined with Rochambeau at the Odell house, 
and on these occasions long tables were spread for the military staffs of 
the two Generals in the adjoining stables, the mangers serving as a 
convenient repository for their hats and coats. The light-hearted 
Frenchmen soon won the favor of the country girls, and many a ball 
was given at the Headquarters. Mrs. Churchill, who was living in 
1848, the daughter of a former proprietor of the place, told the late Mr. 
Robert Bolton,^ the historian of Westchester County, that she remem- 
bered dancing in the parlor of the house with the celebrated Marshal 
Berthier, at that time a young man on Rochambeau's staff. 

The tradition of the family is that the French troops marched from 
North Castle to Young's Four Corners, later known as the burnt house, 
thence to Greenburg, or the Philipse Manor, by the Appleby place. 



I 



ROCHAMBEAU'S HEADQUARTERS 47 

The light horse halted to build a causeway for the artillery about a 
mile to the northward. In the open field across the road from the Odell 
house was a field of waving wheat, but so careful were the French 
officers not to do any injury to private property, and such the discipline 
of the troops, that, it is said, not a blade was taken away ; and a road 
was cut through the field for army purposes. In a field adjoining, to 
the southward, on the same side of the road, the east, there is still to be 
seen a few brick remains of the French ovens. 

The Odell family, numerous in this region, many of whom were in 
the patriot ranks, descend from William Odell, one of the early settlers 
of Rye in 1660. " The river Ouse," says Camden, '' runs under Odil or 
Woodhill, formerly Way hull, which also had its Barons of Way hull, 
eminent for their ancient nobility." A grandson of this William Odell 
of Rye was Colonel John Odell, a former owner of the house. This 
officer was a son of Jonathan Odell, the original proprietor of the man- 
sion now owned by the Hamilton family at Dobb's Ferry, and was born 
October 25, 1756. He served during the early part of the Revolution 
as a guide to the American army, and afterwards received a Colonel's 
commission. It was he, no doubt, who was reported b}^ Gaine, in the 
New York Gazette, as '''one Odell brought into New York June 13, 
1 78 1, by a party of Delancey's refugees, with three others, stiled guides, 
they acting as such to the rebel army, and receiving pay as captains." 
He died on the 26th of October, 1835. Jonathan Odell, the lather of 
Col. John Odell, was arrested, with four of his neighbors, by the 
British, at the time of the battle of White Plains, carried to New York 
and imprisoned. His companions died in prison, it is said from poison 
given to them in their food. Mr. Odell was saved by having his 
provisions brought to him every day by a friend. The cause of their 
treatment is alleged to have been the fact that each one had a son in the 
American ranks. 

The two armies were encamped here some weeks. During the time 
Washington, accompanied by Rochambeau and a corps of engineers, 
made a very wide and accurate reconnoissance of the country lying just 
outside the British lines between the Hudson and the Sound. This ac- 
complished, Washington turned his attention towards Virginia. Be- 
tween the 17th and 19th of August he broke up his encampment and 
started with his troops for Verplanck's Point, there to cross the river at 
the King's Ferry. Rochambeau followed, bidding farewell to the Odell 
house, and taking the route to Verplanck's by way of White Plains, 
Pine's Bridge and Crumpond. '' All Westchester County," said an elo- 



48 



ROCHAMBEAU S HEADQUARTERS 



quent writer, " was alive with the tramp of troops, the gleam of arms^ 
and the lumbering of artillery and baggage wagons along its roads."" 
The brilliant band left behind them forever the old mansion which had 
been the witness of their brief sojourn, and which stands to-day a fine 
specimen of the once numerous, but now rapidly disappearing Revolu- 
tionary houses of Westchester County. 

CHARLES A. CAMPBELL 



^ The remains of the fortifications at Dobb's Ferry may still be seen near the bridge arching 
the railroad track. 

2 Mr. Bolton died in October, 1877. At the time of his death he was engaged in preparing for 
publication a new edition of his History of Westchester County, a work which it is i^reatly to be 
regretted he did not live to complete, as with him passed away a great knowledge of the unwritten 
history and traditions of the County. 

3 The following are the names of the Westchester County guides in the Revolution : John 
Pine, John Odell, James Oakley, John McChain, Michael Dyckman, Abraham Dyckman, Isaac 
Odell and Frederick M. Post. The late Dr. Macdonald, of Flushing, left behind him a large 
number of papers and notes upon localities and persons of Westchester County. By his will he 
appointed Dr. George H. Moore, then Librarian of the New York Historical Society, his literary 
executor, some of the papers having been read before that institution. It is a matter of regret that 
they have not as yet been made public. 




LADY AND MAJOR ACLAND 

Up to the present time Lady Harriet Acland's life, after iier return 
to England, has been little known, and that little incorrectly stated. 
It has been published as veracious history that shortly after the arrival 
of herself and husband in England, the latter became involved in an 
altercation with a Lieutenant Lloyd, a brother officer, in which he 
defended the Americans against aspersions of cowardice ; that a duel 
followed which resulted in the death of Major Acland, who fell at the 
first fire; that Lady Harriet thereupon became insane, remained so for 
two years, and finally married Chaplain Brudenel. Wilkinson appears 
to have first given currency to this story ; and he has since been followed 
by Mrs. Ellet, Mr. Lossing, Fonblanque in his Life of Burgoyne, myself 
in The Campaign of Burgoyne, and in fact, by all w^ho have written on 
this subject. Even Miss Warburton, in a letter to her nephew, the late 
Sir John Burgoyne [Fonblanque, p. 301], relates substantially the same 
story, varying the narrative, however, by stating that the duel was 
fought with swords, and that Acland, in making a pass at his adversary, 
slipped on a pebble, struck his temple upon it in falling, and instantly 
expired. These stories, however, though quite romantic, have no 
foundation in fact. 

Being desirous of ascertaining what the truth really was, and thus 
setting, through the medium of The Magazine of American Historv, 
the matter forever at rest, I recently wrote to Sir Thomas Dyke Acland, 
whose father was an own nephew of Major Acland, asking if his great- 
aunt Avas ever married a second time, and if so, to w^hom? He replied 
that the question had never been raised in the family, as it was not 
doubted that Lady Acland had most certainly remained a widow after 
the Major's death. Thereupon, I again wrote him that the question was 
by no means settled in this country, and I would be greatly obliged 
if he would kindly furnish me with the reasons for his belief. He 
promptly, and with great courtesy, acceded to my request in the follow- 
ing letter, which 1 now lay before the reader : 

" KiLLERTON, Exeter, March 20th, 1879. 
" My dear Mr. Stone : 

" In accordance with your request, I have made further inquiries about Lady 
Harriet Acland. 



50 LADY AND MAJOR ACLAND 

Lord Carnarvon tells me that ' he is confident the story of a second marriage 
has no sort of foundation.'' Through the brother of Lord Carnarvon, Hon. Allan 
Herbert, who is the present owner of Tetton where Lady Harriet ended her days, 
I have been enabled to apply for information to a person whose father was in the 
service of Lady Harriet. The substance of it is as follows : 

Lady Harriet Acland left a will with four codicils of 1813 and 1815, respect- 
ively, wherein she is described as ' Lady Christian Henrietta Caroline Acland 
(usually called Lady H'arriet Acland), of Tetton, &c., widow.' She signed it as 
* H. Acland,' and before the executors proved the will and codicils, Mr. John 
Weech, of Milverton, Somerset, then the family solicitor, had to make an affidavit, 
with another person, that the signature was ' the proper writing of the said Lady 
Christian Henrietta Caroline Acland (usually called Lady Harriet Acland .' Mr. 
Weech must have known if Lady Harriet Acland had ever married again after the 
death of Colonel Acland, and he could not have made such an affidavit if she 
had married again. 

I have ascertained that there is a person now alive, whose father was living 
at Pixton, where Col. Acland died of the cold he caught when he went to Hants- 
ham to fight the duel on Bampton Down. Qo\. KaXd^n^ was not wounded there ; 
and the old man referred to continued to live in the service of Lady Harriet Acland 
to the day of her death at Tetton. He was fond of talking of Lady Harriet and 
the family ; but my informant never heard a word from him about a second mar- 
riage — nor from Mr. Roal of Brendon Hill, an enterprising farmer, who married 
Miss Grant, the governess to Lady Harriet's children. Mrs. Roal was also in the 
habit of talking about Lady Harriet and the family, but nothing was heard from 
her of a second marriage. The Rev. J. S. Gale, Vicar of Kingston, writes that 
three old people are still living who remember Lady Acland — none of them believe 
that she married a second time. 

I am indebted for the foregoing information to Richard Bere, Esq., of 
Milverton, solicitor, who, through his uncle, James Randolph, Esq., has succeeded 
to the business of Mr. Weech, who was my late father's agent. The management 
of our family property in Somersetshire and Cornwall has been uninterruptedly in 
the hands of the firm from the beginning of this century. For many years they 
were also the agents of the Earl Carnarvon, who inherited a considerable property 
in Somersetshire at Pixton near Dulverton and Tetton near Taunton, through his 
wife f Kitty), the daughter of Lady Harriet. 

From the same gentleman, Mr. Bere, I learn that Lady Harriet continued to 
reside at Pixton Park after her husband's death, interesting herself in the care of 
her children and the improvement of that property. When the second Earl of 
Carnarvon, then Lord Porchester, married her daughter Kitty, she removed to 
Tetton, the original seat of Dr. Dyke in the Parish of Kingston — a picturesque 
place on the slope of the Quantock Hills — the hills known to all readers of Cole- 
ridge and Wordsworth. I have heard that she bore a fearfully painful complaint 



LADY AND MAJOR ACLAND 5 1 

[cancer] for sixteen years without ever discovering the fact to those nearest to 
her, in order to spare their anxiety — carrying her fortitude to the very last. We 
have a beautiful painting of her by Reynolds in this house. Lady Acland rebuilt 
Tetton, and, having survived both her children, died there on the 21st of July, 
1815. 

The following is a copy of the Register of Lady Harriet's burial in this 
Parish, Broad Clyst (near Exeter), to which place her remains were removed a 
few days after her death. It seems to be a thoroughly conclusive answer to your 
question. 



EXTRACT FROM THE PARISH REGISTER OF BROAD CLYST CO.. DEVON. 


1S15. 


The Right Hon, Lady 
Harriet Acland, 


Age 
66. 


Brought from Tetton House, 
Somerset, July 2Sth. 


Mont. Barton, 
Vicar. 



" I have made out a pedigree which will show you clearly the relation of Lord 
Carnarvon to Lady Harriet, viz.: that he is her great-grandson. Lady Harriet 
was, by marriage, aunt to my late father, 

"Yours, faithfully, 

"T. D, ACLAND, 
" WiLLrAM L. Stone, Esq., 

" Jersey City Heights, 

" United States of America." 

From the same writer (in another letter) I am indebted for most of 
the facts in the following sketch : 

Major John Dyke Acland (not Ackland) — whom Gates speaks of as 
^' a learned and sensible man, though a confounded Tory " — was the 
eldest son of Sir Thomas Acland, Bart, (seventh Baronet) of an ancient 
and well known Devonshire family. He was born at Columb-John, 
Devonshire, and took the name of Dyke from the family of his mother, 
Elizabeth, the only daughter of Dr. Thomas Dyke of Tetton, Somerset- 
shire. According to the British army lists — kindly furnished me by 
General Horatio Rogers of Providence, R. I. — he was ensign of the 33d 
Foot, March 23d, 1774; Captain, same regiment, March 23d, 1775; 
Major, 20th Foot, December i6th, 1775. 

Wilkinson states that Acland, after his return to England, procured 
a regiment ; but this is not the fact, for, although Acland is styled 
" Colonel " in the announcement of his decease, he derived this title from 
holding, at the time of his death, the Colonelcy of the ist Battalion of 
the Devonshire militia. 



52 LADY AND MAJOR ACLAND 

Major Acland died on the 31st of October, 1778, at Pixton Park, the 
family seat of the Dykes in Somersetshire — now the residence of the 
present Earl of Carnarvon, a great-grandson of Lady Acland, and late 
Secretary of State for the Colonies. Major Acland was a member of 
Parliament at the time of his military service in this country (as was 
General Burgoyne), and reports of his speeches are given in the Register 
of Debates for the years 1774-5. In the list of the House of Commons,. 
1778, 14th Parliament, he is entered as a member for Callington Co.^ 
Cornwall, in the following words: ^' Callington — John D. Acland, eldest 
son of Sir Thomas Acland, Bart., a major in the army; died; anew 
writ ordered, Nov. 26th, 1778." The Annual Register and Gentleman's 
Magazine also notice his death as having occurred at Pixton, but Avithout 
reference to his having fallen in a duel, for the very sufficient reason 
that, as we have seen, such was not the fact. 

Major Acland left by his wife two children, viz. : Elizabeth Kitty, 
who married Lord Porchester (afterwards 2d Earl of Carnarvon, who 
survived his Countess twenty years, dying in 1833) and who inherited 
the Pixton estates in Somersetshire; and John, who succeeded to the 
Baronetcy on the death of his grandfather in February, 1785, but who 
died the same year. Thomas Dyke Acland, the younger brother of 
Major Acland, on the death of his nephew, John, succeeded in turn to 
the title as the 9th Baronet. The son of the latter (loth Baronet) is thus 
mentioned by Sir Walter Scott in his diary for the 15th of April, 1828 : 
" Dined with Sir Thomas Inglis, and met Sir Thomas Acland, my old 
and kind friend. I was happy to see him. He may be considered now 
as the head of the religious party in the House of Commons — a powerful 
body which Wilberforce long commanded." The Sir Thomas who is 
thus alluded to, died in 1871, aged 84. The present and nth Baronet, 
Sir Thomas Dyke Acland, the son of the latter and my correspondent, 
is the grandnephew of Major and Lady Acland. 

WILLIAM L. STONE 



ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS 



53 



AN AFFAIR OF HONOR 

DANIEL WEBSTER AND JOHN RANDOLPH 

An unpublished page of personal history 

Communicated by Charles Henry Hart 

Preliminary Note. — The following 
manuscript, covering two pages of fools- 
cap, all in the neat, careful autograph 
of John Randolph of Roanoke, was 
picked up by me at a public sale of 
odds and ends something more than a 
year ago. Its remarkable character led 
me to seek for some reference to its 
subject in the written history of the 
day, and the published lives of the two 
chief actors, but nowhere in print could 
I find the least clue ; on the contrary, 
in Mr. Curtis's Life of Webster he 
says : " It was during this session \end- 
hig April' 30, 1816] that Mr. Webster 
received a challenge from Mr. Randolph 
the sole ifistance in which a message of 
that character was ever sent to him," 
and Garland, in his Life of Randolph, 
is equally silent upon the subject. The 
italics in the quotation from Mr. Curtis's 
work are of course mine ; and it would 
seem that all the parties kept the secret 
well, until Mr. Inman, afterwards Con - 
modore Inman, U. S. N., either forget- 
ting Randolph's injunction to him on 
giving him the papers, or thinking that 
as all the parties had gone to their long 
account it was dissolved, gave the docu- 
ments away, unreservedly, as an inter- 
ecting bit of history. 

These papers were accompanied by 
another in Randolph's handwriting, en- 
dorsed by him, *' Minutes of the Pro- 
ceedings of the Comm'ee on Edwards's 
charges ag'st the Sec'ry of the Treasury 



1824." " I met with this by accident; 
copied by me in 1825, when I returned 
from Europe." Putting this and that 
together, I concluded that the corre- 
spondence of Randolph with Webster 
must have had something to do with 
this investigation, as they were both on 
the committee, and turning to that mine 
of historical gossip, the Diary of John 
Quincy Adams, I found, under date of 
May 27, 1824, the following paragraph : 
" On going into the House, I found a 
remnant of agitation upon a letter from 
John Randolph of Roanoke to his Con- 
stituents, published in the Richmond 
Enquirer, which came this morning. 
He was a member of the Committee on 
Investigation, but went away, embarked 
last week, at New York, for England, 
and wrote this letter at sea, and sent 
it back by the pilot. It is a gross and 
furious attack upon Edwards, upon the 
President and upon a majority of the 
Committee of Investigation. Webster, 
Livingston, Taylor, McArthur and even 
Floyd, flatly denied the truth of his 
statement respecting the majority of the 
committee." 

Here then was the whole story. Web- 
ster had ^^ flatly denied the truth of his 
statemejits " during Randolph's " absence 
from the United States," and for thus 
^^ aspersi?ig 7tiy veracity^'' was sent this 
deliberate and unequivocal challenge. 

The investigation was of some charges 
of official misconduct, brought by one 
Ninian Edwards, formerly a Senator from 
Illinois, against the Secretary of the 
Treasury, William H. Crawford, and the 
majority of the committee, consisting of 
Webster, Livingston, Floyd, Taylor and 
McArthur, brought in a report excul- 



54 



ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS 



pating Crawford entirely, and it was 
the expression beforehand of the views 
that led to this action, that brought forth 
Randolph's letter to the Richmond En- 
quirer. It would seem from this letter 
that the diarist must be in error in say- 
ing that it was " a furious attack upon 
Edwards ; " the name must have been 
a slip of the pen for Crawford ; and 
the odor of the challenge, which fol- 
lowed in February, could not have even 
been sniffed by Mr. Adams, for his pages 
are a blank upon the subject. 

Peter Harvey may refer to this occa- 
sion, when in his Reminiscences of 
Webster he says : *' One day I had been 
asking him some questions about his 
controversy with John Randolph. It 
was said, I told him, that John Ran- 
dolph had challenged him.. He replied 
that was not true. ' But,' said he, ' he 
sent Colonel Benton to me to know if I 
meant such and such things, and I told 
him that I did not choose to be called 
to account for anything I had said, and 
that I meant just what I said. It was 
evident that there was a purpose to have 
a row with me.' " But Mr. Webster's 
answer, as given by his friend, is hardly 
reconcileable with the papers now 
printed, from which it appears that Ran- 
dolph hvice challenged him. Not the least 
interesting part of the following docu- 
ments, now for the first time printed, 
is the amusing way Randolph has com- 
mented upon certain expressions of Mr. 
Webster. Chas. Henry Hart. 



Spruce St., Phil., April ist, 54 
Dear Sir 

Please accept the enclosed : auto- 
graph papers of the late John Randolph 



of Roanoke, and the endorsed news- 
paper; presented to me, on our voyage 
to Russia in 1830. They may possibly 
find some interest for you as a Litera- 
teur, and observer of men. * * * *^ 
Yours very Respy 

Wm. Inman 
Charles Henry Hart Esqr 

I 

RANDOLPH TO WEBSTER 

[Saturday, Feb 20, 1825] 
Sir 

I learn from unquestionable authority, 
that during my late absence from the 
United States, you have indulged your- 
self in liberties with my name [aspersing- 
my veracity] which no gentleman can 
take, who does not hold himself person- 
ally responsible for such insult. 

My friend Col. Benton [the bearer of 
this note] will arrange the terms of the 
meeting, to which you are hereby 
invited. 

I am Sir — your obed Servt 
John Randolph of Roanoke. 
To Daniel Webster Esqr 
of Massachusetts 



MEMORANDUM OF THOMAS H. BENTON 

Feb 25 
Mr W. is, now,* willing that Mr B. 
should say to Mr R. that he has no 
recollection of having said any thing 
which can possibly be considered as 
affecting Mr R's veracity, beyond what 
he said in the H. R. If he has used 
other expressions they must have been 
at about the same time — and of the 
same import. He does not now recollect 
them — & disclaims all of a different 
import. As to what Mr W. said in the 



ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS 



55 



house, he meant only to state that Mr. 
R. was under an entire mistake, or mis- 
apprehension as to the facts, — he meant 
to say nothing more ; and neither in- 
tended to make nor did make any impu- 
tation on the personal veracity of Mr. 
R. 

Me7n. — Recevd from Mr Webster to 
be delivered to Mr R 

* Why "«^z<:;"^What has happened since then 

Thomas H. Benton 

Feby. 25th, 1825. 

Ill 

WEBSTER TO BENTON 

Feb 25. 
My dear Sir. 

I send you Mr R's original communi- 
cation, of which I keep no copy. The 
letter prepared as an answer, is de- 
stroyed ; & no copy preserved. The 
correspondence * bg thus disposed of, I 
send you a memo of what I am willing 
that you should now* say to Mr R. & 
will add that it would have given me 
pleasure to have said the same at any 
time. Our understanding is distinct, I 
think, that the letters bg thus disposed 
of, no publication is called for, & none 
is to be in any way authorized by either 
of us. Yrs with much regard 

D. Webster 
Hon Mr Benton 

(* the word "now" intervened) much virtue 
in now as well as in "if." J. R. of R 

IV 
MEMORANDUM OF BENTON 

Feb. 25, 1825 

Mem. ' I received no letter from Mr 

Webster in reply to Mr R's note. I 

saw him burn one he had prepared in 

reply, but did not read a word of it, nor 



did he intimate the character of its con- 
tents. It was merely exhibited before 
me for the purpose of seeing that it was 
burnt. 

Thomas H. Benton 

( f Letters ! good ! i. e. my letter of Saturday 
20th [ J R. of R] ) 



BENTON TO RANDOLPH 

St. Louis, July 7th, 1825 
Dr Sir 

On my return from the Southern Cir- 
cuit, for I still practice law, I found 
your kind note of enquiry of the 17th 
April, and have the pleasure to say that, 
thus far, the banks of the Mississippi 
have proved as favourable to our 
healths as the summit of the Allegany. 

I am very glad to see that your con- 
stituents have pressed you again into 
the service. It is something to have 
honest witnesses, &c. 

The tissue of lies and nonsense of the 
N. Y. Evng. Post, I should suppose to 
be the work of somebody really ignorant 
of the truth, but very willing to propa- 
gate a lie ; I say ignorant of the truth, 
for such a statement would justify the 
publication of the paper which I deliv- 
ered you, and thus most cruelly disap- 
point the object of the writer. If not 
the work of a really ignorafit, it must 
proceed from some one who counts 
much on our forbearance, for in the 
most depraved presses, even in those in 
which the moral sense was wholly ex- 
tinct, I have not seen a more vile fabri- 
cation, one so easily exposed. 
Yours most faithfully 

Thomas H. Benton 
Mr Randolph of Roanoke 



56 



ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS 



VI 
RANDOLPH TO BENTON 

Roanoke, Aug 25th, 1825. 

My dear Colonel, 

You may well imagine that I was 
highly gratified with your letter for I 
hope you need no assurance on my part 
to satisfy you that I feel a lively interest 
in all that regards yourself and Mrs 
Benton, and your little ones. May 
health [and happiness too] continue to 
attend you, not only on the banks of the 
Mississippi, but, wheresoever you may 
go. 

I shall not publish the paper which 
you delivered me, notwithstanding you 
think such a step justifiable. The truth 
is that I shrink at the thoughts of com- 
ing out in a newspaper in a case of 
character; with a timidity more than 
feminine I have made it a rule thro life, 
in an affair of this sort, to satisfy my 
real friends, but above all myself — and 
'^malignum sperne vulgus " — whether 
they be ''the great vulgar or the small." 
But as I wish to leave behind me the 
means whereby my friends may vindi- 
cate my honour, in case it should be 
assailed, I must ask the favour of you to 
note down [at your perfect leisure] the 
progress of that affair so far as you were 
privy to it. The points to which I ask 
your attention are these : ist. Our first 
conversation before you went to Vir- 
ginia — 2. Our Interview jn the Senate 
chamber after your return. 3. at Daw- 
sons (on the morning when for the first 
time I learned, and from yourself, your 
sentiments on the approaching election. 
4. At the same place, on the day I gave 
you the unsealed note for Mr. W. — 



5. When you brought me his request "for 
time to search his memory " [how the 
thing got air]. 6. When you laid before 
me his proposal to explain in case my 
note should be withdrawn.* [the sub- 
stance of what he would say was in 
writing, in your own hand]. 7. His 
proposal to leave his card with me, &c. 

Our good friend Mr Mason has been 
bereaved by death of his youngest 
daughter. Outlaw, Gatlin, Hall and 
Spaight have lost their elections, and 
Mangain within a hairs breadth of it : a 
strong symptom of the sentiments of 
North Carolina. 

My health was never worse than now. 
I have been for a week confined to my 
bed, unable to move, or even to turn. 
The day before yesterday, for the first 
time I was able to rise and put on my 
clothes. Thanks for your congratula- 
tions on my kind reception by my con- 
stituents. In this canting and sneaking 
age, a high minded honorable man is 
the rarest of all rare things : to receive 
the approbation of such a one is to me 
worth more than the applause of " Cesar 
with the Senate at his heels." We may 
differ [and do differ] upon speculative 
points in politics ; but in one thing I am 
sure we shall always agree, in " prefer- 
ring the to the monk." You know 
whose the words are. 

I am dear Colonel 

most faithfully yours 
John Randolph of Roanoke. 
To Thomas H. Benton, Esq. 

St. Louis, Mo. 

* Note. — J. R. said that he would not make 
the withdrawal of the Paper, a condition pre- 
cedent — That the withdrawal and disavowal 
must be simultaneous acts. And it was settled 



NOTES 



57 



and agreed as Col. B.'s answer to this letter not 
yet copied [by him] will show. [T. H. B.] 

* Correspojidence consisting of one letter — /. e. 
my own. O Home Tooke how say you ? 

[J. R. of R.] 

Etidorsement. Mr. Inman will please to keep 
this as I have the originals or cettijied Copies by 
Col. Benton, but pertnit no copy to be taken for 
publication. 



NOTES 



Statue of king george the third, 
— The editor of the New York Journal, 
etc. ^May 31, 1770), among the articles 
of importance which had arrived from 
England at that period, says : "We hear 
that the Britannia has brought over the 
Statues of his Majesty and Mr. Pitt, *now 
Earl of Chatham ; also a large Bell for 
the New North {DutcJi) Church in this 
city, the gift of Simon Johnson, Esq., to 
said Church ; also a part of the Govern- 
or's baggage and several Servants." 

Extract from a letter dated New 
York, July 11, 1776: "Last Monday 
evening the Equestrian Statue of George 
III., which tory pride and folly raised in 
the year 1770 (August 20th), was by the 
Sons of Freedom laid prostrate in the 
dust, the just desert of an ungrateful ty- 
rant. The lead wherewith it was made 
is to be run into bullets, to assimilate 
with the brains of our infatuated ad- 
versaries, who to gain a peppercorn have 
lost an empire." 

The next day Gen. Washington, in 
"General Orders," dated July loth, no- 
tices the act as follows : " Tho' the 
General doubts not that the persons who 
pulled down and mutilated the Statue 
on Broadway last night were actuated 
by zeal in the public cause, yet it has so 



much the appearance of riot and want of 
order in the army that he disapproves 
the manner, and directs that in future 
these things shall be avoided by the 
soldiery, and left to be executed by 
proper authority." 

The last Governor, Oliver Wolcott, 
as also his patriotic father. Gen. and 
Gov. Wolcott, both of Connecticut, fur- 
nishes us with the following : " An 
Equestrian Statue of George the Third 
of Great Britain was erected in the City 
of New York on the Bowling Green, at 
the lower end of Broadway ; most of the 
materials were lead, but richly gilded to 
resemble gold. At the beginning of 
the Revolution this Statue was over- 
thrown. Lead being very scarce and 
dear, the Statue was broken to pieces, 
and the metal transported to Litchfield, 
Conn., as a place of safety. The Ladies 
of this village converted the lead into 
Cartridges, of which the following is an 
account of the numbers made : 

Mr Marvin (made) 6,-52 — Mrs Beach (made) 2,002 
Ruth Marvin " 11,592 — Sundry Persons " 2,180 
Laura " " 8,370 — Col. Wegglesworth's Regt 300 
Mary " '' 10,790 — Total ball Cartridges — 42,288 
Frederick '' "■ 936 — 

A i^ortion of this relic has a further 
history in the following communication: 
" The existence of one of the ' unhon- 
ored and unsung' relics of the revolu- 
tion, not generally known to have been 
in Jersey City for the last half century, 
was discovered to the public two or three 
days since. It is the pedestal of the 
equestrian lead statue of George III., 
which stood in the Bowling Green, New 
York, until the year 1776, when the 
statue was run into revolutionary bullets. 
In 1783 Major John Smith, of the 
British Armv, died, and was buried on 



58 



NOTES 



a hill near the present site of St. Mat- 
thews' Church, in Sussex street. This 
hill was levelled in 1804 by Andrew Dey 
or the Jersey Associates. It is not known 
what then became of the remains of Ma- 
jor Smith. John Van Vorst, Jr., and 
father of the i:)resent Alderman Van 
Vorst, took the stone and made a step of 
it to his old mansion, which stood a few 
rods south of the present J. Van Vorst's 
residence. That building was demol- 
ished in 1818, and the pedestal was 
transferred to the residence of the late 
Cornelius Van Vorst, on the northerly 
side of Wayne street, near Jersey street. 
It then became a stone step at the kitchen 
door, and remained until last week, when 
workmen were removing it to be used 
again for the same purpose, and upon 
turning it over, they discovered an in- 
scription, as follows : 

In memory of Major John Smith 

of the XLII. XI or Royal Highland Regiment, 

Who died 25 July 1768 in the 48th year of his age 

This stone is erected, 

By the fl brave officers of that Regiment, 

His bravery, generosity, and humanity during an 

Honorable service of 29 years 

Endeared him to the soldiers, to his acquaintances and 

Friends. 

The stone is of Portland Marble, 5I 
feet long, and 4 inches thick, and was 
brought to this country from England to 
be used as a pedestal to the statue. In 
1828 an English gentleman called upon 
Mr. Van Vorst, and offered him $600 
for this stone, but the offer was declined. 
It yet bears the marks of two of the feet 
of the horse, which are designated above 
by [\. A few months ago this pedestal was 
transferred to the New York Historical 
Society building, who have now in their 
possession all that remains of the Golden 
Statue of George the Third. 



The monument on which the pedestal 
and statue stood remained in its place 
until the month of May, 18 18, when its 
removal was thus noticed in the Evening 
Post (May 19, 1818), as follows: "I 
would enquire through your paper. Why 
the monument in the Bowling Green, 
which has remained standing so many 
years, should at this hour be removed, 
and the materials thrown into the street ? 
What was there odious in this simple 
memorial of a people's valour and devo- 
tion ? Why was it left untouched by 
hands that destroyed the Statue of a 
King, under circumstances that swell the 
breast of an American with the proud- 
est emotions ? Association entwined 
about this pillar a collection of events 
that no history could convey. A^nd 
might not our heroic fathers here have 
had in view their children's gratitude, 
excited by no ' storied Urn ? ' Perhaps, 
in our ideas of the magnificent, it is in- 
tended to rear on the spot some vast pile 
that shall perpetuate to after times the 
glories of the Revolution, and the science 
and wealth of the present day. What- 
ever be the motive, as a private individ- 
ual I cannot but lament to see this ves- 
tige, however obscure, thus removed 
forever from our view. And if it has 
been removed merely from a thoughtless 
but too prevalent disposition of ' tearing 
down,' I cannot fully express to you, 
sir, the extent of my regret. It appears 
like a criminal disregard of all those 
feelings of the heart which in every age 
statesmen have aimed to keep alive, and 
which virtue for once sanctioned, al- 
though in unison with policy." 

The next year, in the month of April, 
a Committee of the Corporation "was 



NOTES 



59 



appointed, and invested with powers to 
beautify and adorn the BowHng Green 
as a pubHc walk. It is expected that 
there will be erected in the centre a 
fountain, the water from which will fall 
upon a bed of rocks." 

The late introduction and exhibition 
in the rooms of the New York Historical 
Society of all that remains of the eques- 
trian statue of King George III., which 
was placed iu the Bowling Green in the 
year ryyo, has led me to furnish a few 
items relating to these interesting relics. 

T. F. D. V. 

♦Pitt's statue was removed by George Gosman 
in July, 1788, for which the Corporation paid 
him £s- 7s. 3^- 

Early history of new york. — i 
observe in the review of the historical 
address of Major Douglas Campbell be- 
fore the Oneida Historical Society, in 
the May number of the Magazijie of 
Amertcajt History ( III, 324 ), it is 
asserted that the real reasons why the 
early history of New York has not been 
written, are, " first, the inertness of the 
Dutch character, and secondly, that her 
directing minds, in nearly every depart- 
ment of life, commerce, science and lit- 
erature, have been of New England 
origin." This statement I beg to 
criticise. Mr. Campbell was alluding 
to the fact that New England's early 
colonial history had been so much better 
and more thoroughly written, at the 
time, than that of New York, that the 
latter colony had in consequence not 
been accorded by the recent writers her 
true importance in the colonial history 
of America. The real reason for this 
fact seems to me to lie beyond any 



cause stated by Major Campbell, or by 
the author of the notice of his address. 
Moses Coit Tyler, in his admirable but 
not altogether perfect history of Ameri- 
can literature, names more than one 
hundred New England writers, whose 
literary work is held to entitle them to 
elaborate criticism, and all of whom 
lived and wrote before the year 1765. 
In the colony of New York, up to that 
time, Mr. Tyler has succeeded in finding 
but six men, whose literary efforts are 
deemed worthy of any mention in this 
work, intended to be exhaustive. Here 
is certainly an immense literary dis- 
parity between the two colonies, for 
which there ought to be very distinct and 
unquestioned causes. What these causes 
were, Mr. Tyler's work incidentally indi- 
cates beyond peradventure, although he 
has made but trifling and unsatisfactory 
effort to outline those causes himself. 
Mr. Tyler divides the colonial literature 
into two periods ; and every one of the 
twenty-five writers of the first period, 
who are declared by him to have been 
the founders of American literature, 
was born in England, and emigrated to 
this country after receiving intellectual 
training and development in the English 
schools and universities — for a large 
proportion of these twenty-five were 
graduates of Cambridge University. 
At the time when these vigorous intel- 
lects were working out the humble be- 
ginnings of American literature. New 
York was nothing but a Dutch trading 
post, of a few hundred inhabitants, all 
of them either purely commercial or 
totally uneducated men. Among these 
imported writers of early New England, 
who laid the foundations for her subse- 



6o 



NOTES 



quent literary pre-eminence, were John 
Cotton, Roger Williams, and Francis 
Higginson. 

Turning to Mr. Tyler's " second pe- 
riod," we find that many of its most nota- 
ble writers were likewise born and edu- 
cated in England ; that others of them 
were the sons of the English born New 
Englanders of the first period ; and that 
most of the remainder were graduates 
of Harvard College. This latter insti- 
tution was founded in 1638, just one 
hundred and sixteen years before the 
first New York College, King's, now 
Columbia, was established. So that for 
more than a century before New York, 
the New Englanders enjoyed the edu- 
cational advantages and the intellectual 
stimulus of trained culture. One hun- 
dred and sixteen years is a long start in 
this young country. 

Still again, Mr. Tyler's work shows 
that a majority of the early writers of 
New England were theologians, and 
their writings were confined to religious 
subjects or theological controversies. 
Nothing has been so fruitful of book 
making as theology; and of theology New 
England had a little too much in the 
anti-colonial days. Polemics influenced 
the quantity and quality of the general 
literature of New England by educating 
the taste, and nursing the habit of writ- 
ing for the press. 

These seem to me the three leading 
reasons for the superior literary achieve- 
ments of colonial New England over 
New York: First, the scholarly character 
of her first settlers ; Second, the early 
founding of her college ; Third, the 
intensely theological spirit of her people. 
New York was remarkably dissimilar 



from New England in each of these 
respects. I can now recall the name of 
but one New York colonist — Cadwalla- 
der Colden — who had enjoyed excep- 
tional educational advantages in the 
mother country ; and certainly there were 
none such among the Dutch settlers, not 
excepting the ministers. The earliest 
men of culture in New York were obliged 
to go to Yale or Harvard for their educa- 
tion, and naturally there were not many 
among them. Finally the most distin- 
guishing feature of colonial life in New 
York was, perhaps, the absence of pole- 
mics occasioned by the extraordinary 
religious toleration which prevailed 
there while the New Englanders were 
persecuting moderate dissenters and 
confining the suffrage to members of 
the Church. 

These differmg conditions of course 
affected the colonial character quite 
perceptibly, and to one influence grow- 
ing out of them may be traced the his- 
torical overshadowing of New Eng- 
land. The habit of self-assertion was 
remarkably strong among the people 
of this section ; and it has found 
its way into their books, where it 
has its influence in moulding the 
judgment of the later generations. 
The early New Englanders were not 
over-modest as to the part they 
played in the development of the colon- 
ial history, and as a natural consequence 
the equally important and equally cred- 
itable part of New York has been belit- 
tled by being ignored. I am speaking 
now of the political history of the two 
sections. In the literary point of view. 
New York must yield the palm, however 
reluctantly, and however much the fact 



NOTES 



6i 



may be due to circumstances over which 
neither New York nor New England had 
much individual control. 

S. N. D. North. 
U/ica, AT. V. 



\ 



Judge jones and judge lewis mor- 
ris. — On page 358 of the second volume 
of this "veracious history " occurs a pas- 
sage, the scandalous untruth of which 
is not worth notice. Its incorrectness 
is pointed out as another instance of the 
carelessness or ignorance of Judge Jones, 
who should have known better, if he 
were received in the good society of the 
day, as his editor asserts. 

" An old worn out Judge of the Ad- 
miralty, who lived about ten miles from 
the city, when in town lodged at Lewis's. 
This old Judge had a young Dutch 
wife," &c., &c. 

Lewis Morris, Judge of the Admiralty 
for the province of New York, New 
Jersey and Connecticut, is the person 
here alluded to. He lived at Morris- 
ania, about ten miles from the city ; but 
he neither then nor at any other time 
had ' a young Dutch wife." Judge 
Morris was born in 1698. His first 
wife, Catharine, daughter of Dr. Samuel 
Staats, was born in 1697. In 1746 he 
married his second wife, Sarah, daughter 
of Nicholas Gouverneur, who was born 
in 1715, consequently forty-one years of 
age at the period named by Jones, 1756. 
She was no more Dutch than the 
Judge himself, as the editor should 
very well know, since the Morris dates 
are taken from a Fainily-Bible record 
contributed by him to the Biographical 
and Genealogical Record for 1876, Vol. 
VIL, page 17. J. A. S. 



Impromptu lines by Robert r. Liv- 
ingston. — Chancellor Livingston, many 
years since, being upon a tour with a 
male friend and four ladies, up the River 
Hudson, landed upon a small island op- 
posite Red Hook, said to have been a 
rendezvous for buccanniers infesting 
that part of the country, and supposed 
to contain much of their hidden treasure ; 
a partition of the island was jocularly 
proposed, which gave rise to the follow- 
ing impromptu from the Chancellor. It 
it necessary to premise that the names 
of the ladies were Forrest, Brook, and 
two Miss Livingston's. 

The i^le is rich, you often say, 

In hords of buried gold, 
Like friends then let us share, I pray, 

The good that it may hold. 

The trees at least no riches boast, 
No plunder'd treasures share, 

Take now the earth you value most. 
To me a Forest spare. 

Be yours the rocks with golden grains. 
The trcasur'd vales be thine — 

The Brooks that glide across the plains 
The Living stones be mine. 

— Baltimore Federal Gazatte, Jitl}\ 1 8 1 8. 

W. K. 



The justice of our fathers. — In the 
first decade of the century, which is 
now in its last quarter, Squire Brough 
meted out even-handed justice to all 
who applied for the same in Marietta, 
Ohio. He was the father of John 
Brough, the renowned " War Gov- 
ernor " of Ohio. Like his more distin- 
guished son, he was endowed with a 
plentiful supply of good, sound common 
sense, and a strict regard for justice, 
though, not having served an appren- 



62 



NOTES 



ticeship in a circumlocution office, lie 
knew but little about red tape, and was 
accustomed to take the shortest cut to 
the point he wished to reach. Upon a 
certain occasion a case was brought be- 
fore him, and adjudicated at a single 
sitting in a manner remarkable enough 
to make it worthy of being put on 
record. 

The plaintiff in the suit, Mr, Brown, 
alleged that a certain John Smith, who 
was present as respondent, had on a day 
mentioned borrowed of him a skiff, 
which was in good floating condition, 
with the understanding and assurance 
that said skiff should be returned in due 
time without evidence of injury in any 
way or manner. The defendant, John 
Smith, had failed to return the said skiff, 
and the plaintiff was a poorer man by 
the value thereof. Therefore he, the 
plaintiff, prayed that the said John Smith 
might be mulcted to the full amount of 
the damage that had inured to him. 

That the facts were as stated was 
clearly proved by the testimony of sev- 
eral witnesses. But it also came out 
that one Jeremiah Noggles, who was 
present as a witness, had taken the skiff, 
and was the direct and immediate cause 
of John Smith not being able to return 
the same to Mr. Brown, the rightful own- 
er. Whereupon Squire Brough, without 
further process of law or waiting for a 
new indictment, decreed that the wit- 
ness, Jeremiah Noggles, should pay to 
Mr. Brown the full value of the skiff, 
and added thereto all the costs resulting 
from the trial. The decision was so ob- 
viously ])ert, that no one present entered 
a demurrer. 

Marietta, O. M. C. 



Sullivan's EXPEDITION and colonel 
ERKURIES BEATTiE. — In the Hst of docu- 
ments, pertaining to this famous expe- 
ditionary campaign, appended to Mr. 
Edson's comprehensive article upon 
" Broadhead's Expedition," the Beattie 
manuscript Journal is one of the first 
mentioned. In 1873, shortly before its 
deposit in the archives of the New York 
Historical Society, being favored with 
its perusal by the venerable donor, the 
Rev. Charles C. Beattie, D.D,, of Steu- 
benville, O., a son of the author, we de- 
sire here to record our sense of the his- 
torical value of this manuscript journal, 
with the hope that it may soon appear 
among the publications of that Society. 
It is creditable alike to the head and 
heart of the youthful soldier-journalist, 
but, written in camp-life haste and on 
poor paper, ex necessitate ?'ei, and having 
suffered since somewhat in legibility 
from the "tooth of time," much needs 
the conserving types. 

Among the memoranda of a former 
merchant of this city, whose memory is 
very dear to me, I find some oral rem- 
iniscences of this important chapter in 
our revolutionary history, received by 
him from the same distinguished officer 
many years later in life. We give the 
introductory paragraph only, which is 
as follows: "About the year 1813 or 
1814," says the writer, "I became ac- 
quainted with Col. Beattie of Princeton, 
N. J., an intelligent gentleman and a 
prominent citizen of that town, who in- 
formed me that he was in General Sulli- 
van's army, sent to chastise the Indians." 

Of the incidents of the expedition 
mentioned in this interview, a prominent 
one was the sad fate of Captain Boyd 



NOTES 



63 



and his company, who were ambushed 
and cut off by the wily foe near the 
present beautiful village of Genesee. 
This tragical event, also circumstantially 
described in the " Journal," was fitly 
commemorated some forty years since 
in the Genesee Valley, at the instance of 
Henry O'Reilly, Esq., a veteran resident 
member of the New York Historical 
Society, and then postmaster of the city 
of Rochester. A monument to the fall- 
en heroes was dedicated in Mount Hope 
Cemetery in that city, and an oration on 
the occasion delivered by the eminent 
]\Iyron Holley. An interesting record 
of Boyd's calamity, as well as of this 
impressive commemorative act, may be 
found in Mr. O'Reilly's "History of 
Rochester and Western New York," a 
work which was in advance of all others 
relative to that part of our State, both 
in time and accuracy of research. 
Imvood, N. Y. City. W. H. 



British barrows. — Bearing the im- 
primatur of the Clarendon press, hand- 
somely printed, and illustrated in the 
highest style of art known to the en- 
graver in wood, is Canon William Green- 
well's British Barrows, presenting a 
faithful record of the examination of 
more than two hundred and thirty 
sepulchral mounds in various parts of 
England, the erection and use of which 
antedate the occupation of Britain by 
the Romans. This work contains a sup- 
plement, by Professor George Rolleston, 
wherein he discusses the peculiarities 
of pre-historic crania, and acquaints 
the reader with the characteristics of 
the Flora and Fauna of England during 
the Neolithic period. This effort to 



revivify an almost forgotten past has 
been performed with a care, intelligence, 
scholarly ability and zeal worthy of all 
commendation ; and this publication 
constitutes a contribution to Archaeolo- 
gical knowledge most valuable and ac- 
ceptable. Its merit has already been 
universally recognized in European cir- 
cles, and to the student of American 
Archaeology its accurate research, well- 
considered observations, pertinent sug- 
gestions, and apt illustrations must prove 
not only most interesting and instructive, 
but indispensable for the purposes of 
comparison. 

Among the vestigia of the pre-historic 
people of the earth appear a kinship in 
manufacture and a similarity in the 
monuments of early constructive skill. 
The battle with nature for life and sub- 
sistence was fought, in the main, with 
like rude weajDons ; and the primal 
methods adopted for the procurement 
of protection, comfort and final repose, 
bear close resemblance among tribes 
occupying seats widely separated. It is 
only after patient and extensive exami- 
nation of ancient burial places, refuse 
piles, open-air work-shops, caves, and 
the sites of aboriginal settlements in 
various portions of the globe, and by an 
intelligent comparison of the results, 
that we can hope to arrive at a just ap- 
prehension of the status of primitive 
man, and appreciate the diversities of 
customs, manufactures and ideas, born 
of race, climate, material and circum- 
stance. Every investigation, therefore, 
which interprets the arcana of a definite 
field in this wide domain of observation, 
is cordially welcomed. 

Canon Greenwell in his British Bar- 



64 



NOTES 



rows has lifted the veil which had been 
partially withdrawn by Sir Richard Colt 
Hoare, Mr. Ruddock, Mr. Warne and 
others, and we are now advised of the 
customs and the manufactures of the 
races inhabiting Britain at an early 
period of human occupancy. 

It is in the tombs of departed nations 
that we acquire surest warrant for con- 
jecture, and derive knowledge most re- 
liable when interrogating an inscription- 
less and unlettered past. The Barrow 
and the Tumulus have conserved for us 
what the elements and the iconoclastic 
touch of time would otherwise have 
consigned to utter oblivion. These are 
the treasure-houses, and the secrets 
which they disclose lend a tongue to the 
erstwhile dumb centuries. 

The work before us contains a full 
and most satisfactory account of the 
varying forms and locations of British 
Barrows, and fixes a classification of 
them. It discusses their physical pe- 
culiarities and the method of their con- 
struction. Their contents are laid bare 
for our information. The funeral cus- 
toms observed during the inhumation, — 
the practice of incineration — the orna- 
ments of jet, stone and bone, and the 
stone and bronze weapons and imple- 
ments interred with the dead, and the 
cinerary urns, incense cups, food vessels 
and drinking cups forming part of the 
original sepulture, are clearly described. 
The pottery exhumed from these 
grave-mounds is peculiar and full of 
interest. The difference between it 
and that of Roman manufacture made 
in England, is explained ; and we are 
by many and clever illustrations, made 
acquainted with the various types, 



ornamentations, and uses of this fictile 
ware. 

Having recently enjoyed the pleasure 
of a personal examination of Canon 
Greenwell's extensive collection of relics 
taken by him from these Barrows, I can 
testify to the accuracy of the illustra- 
tions with which this handsome and 
scholarly work is enriched. 

The social condition of the Barrow- 
makers, as disclosed by the contents of 
these tumuli, is considered. The use of 
domesticated animals is established, and 
the fact ascertained that these ancient 
peoples — skilled in the manufacture of 
various articles of use and ornament — 
had attained to high perfection in the 
process of casting bronze objects. We 
here learn that it was a custom among 
them at the solemnization of the funeral 
obsequies of the deceased, to slay and 
bury with the head of the family or 
tribe, wife, child, and slave ; and we are 
certified of their belief in a future life by 
the food, food-vases and various weap- 
ons, implements and ornaments lodged 
with the skeletons in these final resting 
places. 

The distinctive peculiarities of the 
skulls found in the Round and Long 
Barrows, the extensive lines of defensive 
works extending over the Wold district, 
and many other topics, connected with 
this interesting subject, are discussed 
with an accuracy and ability most at- 
tractive. 

Very extensive were Canon Green- 
well's explorations in the North, East, 
and West Ridings of Yorkshire. The 
aboriginal monuments of Cumberland, 
Westmoreland, Northumberland, Dur- 
ham and Gloucestershire, and the Long 



NOTES 



65 



I 



Barrows in various localities claimed 
and received his exhaustive attention. 
Specifying the situation, dimension, pe- 
culiarities and contents of each Barrow 
opened by him, he has perpetuated his 
observations with a candor and care 
quite unusual. 

In a word, our author has exhausted 
his subject, and leaves nothing more to 
be desired. He has erected another 
and a worthy monument in the Archae- 
ological temple whose porches have 
been enriched by the labors of Evans, 
Lubbock, Fergusson, and others \vhose 
names and researches are held in high 
repute. 

The comments of Professor Rolleston 
upon the series of Pre-historic Crania, 
and his remarks upon the Flora and 
Fauna of the Neolithic period, consti- 
tute a most valuable supplement to this 
interesting work. 

To these gentlemen we tender the 
unqualified thanks of an American 
reader for the distinguished service they 
have rendered in presenting to the pub- 
lic, in such attractive form, the results 
of their patient, intelligent and exten- 
sive research. 

Charles C. Jones, Jr. 

Augusta^ Georgia^ 



Judge jones's history of new york. 

SOME ERRORS corrected. Vol. I, p. 2I> 

Ritze/«a for Ritzewa ; p. 46, it is Ritzma ; 
e left out. 

45> 403> Domin/e for domine ; Domi- 
n/e is Scotch for schoolmaster. Walter 
Scott made the word popular with us. 

267, iiote^ Charlestown for Charleston. 

423, Daniel Kissam ; this must be 
Benjamin, a noted lawyer in New York, 



1765. So I think. John Jay was liis 
pupil. 

507, Pierre Yon Cortland for Yan. 

567, 592, Duyc//inck, // for /'. 

568, For deputies, 221 ; against 788. 
It should be 747. 

569-70, These names are wrongly 
placed. Rockaway should describe but 
one name, Thos. Cornhill ; and Hog 
Island but one, Justice Thos. Smith. 
Whereas in this statement Rockaway is 
made to include 5 names, and Hog 
Island 4 names. You will see the error 
better by looking in my " Queens 
County in Olden Times," p. 49. 

648, Rev. Mr. Keteltas was Jiot pastor 
of the Presbyterian church at Jamaica. 

661, Oliver Delancey did not die iVV??'. 
27; but Oct. 27, as I gave it in my Rev. 
Incid. of Queens County, p. 244. See 
Gent. Mag. for 1785, p. 918. 

401, 3d line "the" before Bishop, 
omitted. 

401, There are six mistakes in the 
account of Mr. Vesey's Induction, viz : 
I, The ceremony did not take place in 
the Dutch church in Garden street ; 2, 
the Governor did not officiate ; 3, nor 
did he make an address ; 4, nor did he 
deliver the keys; 5, Selyns and Nucella, 
the witnesses, were not the two Dutch 
clergymen of the city; 6, Mr. Yesey did 
not " on each occasion," morning and 
afternoon declare his assent and con- 
sent, etc. 

401, For the reasons of these re- 
marks, see The Churc/una?i, published in 
N. Y. May 3 and ic, 1879. 

Vol. II. p. 24, note, Daniel Kissam's 
children did not " settle in Nova Scotia." 
The widow died at the Homestead in 
1813, aged 85. 



66 



NOTES 



40,"it" is omitted, yth line from bottom. 

52, 4th line from bottom Gabriel \). 
Ludlow ; there is no such name. It 
should be George D. Ludlow. 

167, "The Kills " is in Newtown, not 
in Suffolk County. Sussex should be 
Success, now Lakeville. Cow Harbor is 
not in Queens County ; but Cow Bay 
and Hempstead Harbor are. 

701, in Index, ist col. Sam. Pintard 
did not retire to Jamaica on Long Is- 
land, but to Hempstead. 

709, in Index, Tol;//^e for Tolw/e. 

398, Ludlow resided at Hyde Park, 
not at Hempstead. 

407, Creedshill should be Creed's hill. 
It is not the name of any place, other 
than a hill on a Mr, Creed's land. 

462, James Coggeshall is John on p. 
163. 

462, Thos. Bayez/jx: and William Res- 
coria. See 163, Thos. BayCf^z/ and Wil- 
liam Riscola, 

456, Mayor for Major John Morrison. 

92, Amberman, the miller, lived in 
Jamaica, not at Hempstead. 

418, 1683 for 1693, bis. (The Vestry 
Act.) 

475, Rev. H^//ry Munro for H^rry. 

439, Waldron Bleaw, bis. n for //, Bleaz^. 

442, He says "the time of Fanning's 
death is not recorded ;" Yes! it is in my 
Rev. Incid's. of Kings, p. 172. 

444, note^ Dan. Horsenanden married 
Mary, widow of Rev. Mr. Vesey. She 
was daughter of J. Reade, not of Col. 
Abraham Depeyster. 

450, note^ Van Zandt of the firm of 
Van Zandt, not Van Zandts, & Keteltas. 

477, note^ B. Michael Hous<:al, c for e. 

508, 100, Patt/son, Patt^son ? Patter- 
son ? 



508, St. John'j- should be St. John 
without the s. 

512, Wick^am should be Wicky^am, k 
for h. 

561, Peter V^n Schaick, for a. 

597, 3d line West2£/«^^/ of Queens 
County should be West End^ as in the 
original letter, Woodhull was not out 
of the County. 

598, Carpenter's tavern is not still 
standing, nor is there still a tavern there. 

598, At the close of Woodhull's letter 
it is not "make bricks with^/^/ straw; 
the original has it, " make bricks with 
straw. 

305, 294, Vol, L, Hendrick Onderdonk 
was not a leading member in Queens 
County Committee. His name nowhere 
appears as such. By marriage and social 
position he was connected to the Tory 
side. Almost, it could be said, he was a:, 
nearly neutral as he could be ; nor was 
he "as great a Rebel as existed." Jones 
probably confounds him with his brother 
Adrian Onderdonk, who was Deputy 
chairman of a Whig Committee. 

597, Gen. Woodhull's movements are 
not stated correctly or clearly. All 
writers misplace his letters. I have 
given them /// the order they were writ- 
ten in my Rev. Incids. of Suffolk County, 

pp. 32, ZZ. 34- 

These writers take for granted that 
the letter yfrj-/ written was first received, 
which is not so. The second letter was 
received and acted on by the Conven- 
tion before the first came to hand. 

On August 25th and part of 26th, 
Woodhull was at Jamaica preparing to 
move westward (to drive off the cattle to 
keep them from falling in the enemies 
hands), on the morning of the 27th, he 



NOTES 



67 



had got to the *' west end'' of Queens 
County (probably where the road runs 
that divides Kings and Queens Coun- 
ties), or not far (about a mile) west of 
the present Woodhaven ; then, hearing 
the bad news of the defeat of our army 
at Brooklyn, he retreated eastward to 
Jamaica, where he wrote his second 
letter of August 27th. 

He halted at Jamaica, yet on the 28th, 
whence he wrote his third and last 
letter; and then he set out eastward and 
was overtaken at Carpenter's inn, about 
or nearly two miles east of Jamaica, 

598, note^ Woodhull's letter written on 
a foolscap sheet, got torn in two, and 
the leaves were bound up in separate 
Vols, of the MS. journals of the Con- 
vention, viz : the first half in Vol. 16, p. 
339, and the second half in Vol. 18, 
p. 35. When this correspondence was 
printed, the latter half escaped the no- 
tice of the Editor. I discovered the 
detached parts in 1844, and communi- 
cated the fact to Col. Force, who printed 
them together in his Archives. 

I made the same discovery in a de- 
tached letter about Daniel Kissam (MS. 
journal xxvii. 23, and xxxv. 563), which 
escaped the Argus-eye of the state ar- 
chivist, who prints only half of it in his 
Rev. Papers, Vol. I, p. 258. Both por- 
tions of it were printed together in my 
Rev. Incids. of Queens County, p. 48. 
Henry Ondekdonk, Jr. 



Sir JOHN burgoyne's grand daugh- 
ter ON the battle-field of SARATOGA. 

— "Rev. James L. Spurgeon, brother 
of the famous preacher of England, with 
his wife, arrived at Saratoga, Tuesday. 
Mrs. Spurgeon is a grand-daughter of 



Burgoyne, who capitulated at Saratoga 
in 1777, and one object of their visit to 
Saratoga was to see the historic battle 
ground. Wednesday they went over it, 
having the good fortune to be accom- 
panied by Mr. William L. Stone, the 
historian of the Burgoyne campaign, 
who was staying at Saratoga, Mrs. 
Spurgeon is the da'ughter of Sir John 
Burgoyne, distinguished in the Crimean 
war and a son of him who surrendered 
to our arms a hundred years ago. She 
was greatly pleased by her visit to the 
scene of her ancestor's famous battle, 
and carried away with her as a memento 
of the place an Indian arrow head, 
found by Mr. Stone near the spot where 
Gen. Burgoyne received three bullets, 
two of them entering his hat and one 
piercing his waistcoat. Mr. Stone also 
presented her with a copy of his inter- 
esting and complete monograph on the 
Burgoyne campaign." — Extract fro7n 
Saratoga newspaper, September, 1879. 

The readers of the Magazine will 
remember the exhaustive account of the 
battle, prepared by Mrs. Ellen Hardin 
Walworth for the May (1877) number. 
This interesting paper has been reprinted 
with the addition of a large map of the 
third Saratoga period of the Burgoyne 
campaign, and is now the accepted guide- 
book to Saratoga and its vicinity. 

It was with this book and map in 
hand that the grand-daughter of Bur- 
goyne went over the ground. 

Editor. 



Old NEW YORK TAVERNS. — An inter- 
esting and quaintly illustrated article in 
Scribner's Monthly for September, 1879, 
the author of which seems anxious to 



68 



QUERIES 



know something more of our old inns 
and taverns, tempts me to add one item 
to the general fund. 

I find in the will of Philip Van Cort- 
landt that he left to his son two houses, 
" fronting the City Dock in the Dock 
Ward, within the same city, one known 
by the name of the " Coffee House," 
and the other, the '^ Fighting Cocks," 
now in the possession of David Cox and 
James Napier." This will was made in 
1746. Philip was the grandfather of 
Colonel Philip Van Cortlandt, the roy- 
alist officer, whose monument Mr. Jen- 
nings saw at Hailsham, Sussex county, 
England. Colonel Philip Van Cort- 
landt was the great-grandfather of the 
present Lord Elphinstone, and an an- 
cestor of many descendants in the fe- 
male line, all his sons having died with- 
out male issue. Philip Van Cortlandt 
was the great-grandfather of Pierre Van 
Cortlandt, present proprietor of the Van 
Cortlandt Manor House at Croton Land- 
ing. 



Croto?i La7iding. 



C. E. V. C. 



Reference has already been made in 
the Magazine (HI., 635) to the " Fight- 
ing Cocks " Tavern, in a reply by our 
well-known antiquary. Colonel Devoe, to 
a query concerning the first use of fire- 
engines in New York. The indirect 
notice quoted by the Colonel from the 
New York Gazette of May 9, 1737, is, 
we believe, the only mention which oc- 
curs of it in our old papers. The house 
is there described as next door to the 
Exchange Coffee House, but the keep- 
er's name is not given. In 1750 "An- 
drew Ramsay, innkeeper near the Ex- 
change," who the year before had kept 



a house near the Long Bridge, adver- 
tised " that he had opened the Exchange 
Coffee House, next door to where Mr. 
Cox lately kept it." In 1754 David Cox 
is to be found at his house, next door to 
the King's Arms Tavern, and opposite 
the Royal Exchange, where he adver- 
tised for sale " an assortment of English 
hairs." The innkeepers of old New 
York were a restless set, and kept the 
columns of the newspapers full of their 
migrations. The houses named in the will 
of Philip Van Cortlandt above quoted 
were apparently adjoining. The name 
of Napier as a tavern keeper we do not 
remember to have seen. 

The query in the Magazine (II., 5C0) 
concerning the royalist Colonel Philip 
Van Cortlandt, whose monument Mr. 
Jennings mentioned in his "Field Paths 
and Green Lawns," called out a reply 
(III., 380), in which it is stated tha: 
the royalist Philip was a cousin of the 
famous Brigadier-General Philip Van 
Cortlandt of the Continental Army. 

Editor. 



QUERIES 

The rogerenes. — Can any one of 
your readers contribute information in 
regard to a queer sect known as the Rog- 
erenes ? The following is from a Boston 
newspaper of June 28, 1762: "We hear 
from New London that on Thursday 
last died there Mr. Ebenezer Bolles of 
that Town, a wealthy Trader, esteemed 
a very honest and hospitable Man. The 
Occasion of his Death was as follows : 
A few Days before he had been cutting 
some Vines or Bushes, which were of a 
noxious Quality, whereby he was poi- 



REPLIES 



69 



soned, and his Body swelled to a great 
Degree; but being of the Sect called 
by the Name of Rogerenes, who forbid 
the Use of Means in Sickness, he would 
neither allow a Physician to *be ntar 
him, nor the most simple Medicine ad- 
ministered. Just before he departed 
this Life, when in great Pain, he seemed 
desirous of some Help, but the Brethren 
and Sisters of the same Profession would 
not allow it, lest he should deny the 
Faith." Petersfield. 



Indian seer. — This day is published, 
2S. 6d., The Seer ; or the American 
Prophecy. A Poem, being the Second 
Sight of that eminent Ohio Man, or In- 
dian Seer, 

OOMIANOUSKI PITTIWANTI- 
PAW. In the year one thousand five 
hundred and eighty-eight. 

Our Senators 
Cheat the deluded people with a shew 
Of Liberty which yet they ne'er must taste of : 
All that bear this are villains, and one 
Not to rouse up at the great call of Nature 
And check the growth of these domestic spoilers, 
That make us slaves, and tell us 'tis our Charter. 

Otway. 

Printed for Harrison and Co., No. 13 
Paternoster row, and sold by all other 
booksellers in Great Britain and Ireland. 
[1779]- — Upcoifs America?! Clippings^ 
Vol. K, 391. 

Can any one inform me what manner 
of book this is ? Iulus. 

Boston mixed dances. — After (the 
sermon on" Mr. Cobbett's death, Nov. 
12, 1685) the Ministers of this Town 
Come to the Court and complain against 
a Dancing Master, who seeks to set up 



here, and hath Mixt Dances, and his 
time of Meeting is Lecture-Day ; and 
'tis reported he should say that by one 
Play he could teach more Divinity than 
Willard or the Old Testament. Mr. 
Moodey said 'twas not time for N. E. 
to dance. Mr. Mather struck at the 
Root speaking against mixt Dances. — 
Sewairs Diary. Can any one of your 
readers describe a mixed dance of this 
period ? Terpsychore. 



Rev. JONAS clark. — Did not Rev. 
Jonas Clark, who lived at the old Han- 
cock House at the time of the battle of 
Lexington, preach several sermoiis, in 
the old White Church on the Common, 
upon the anniversary of that battle ? If 
so, where can. the sermons be found? 

Ogsdensburg. R. W. Judson. 



HoBOKEN. — Was Hoboken an island 
at the time of Hendrick Hudson's dis- 
covery of the North River ? P. Q. 



REPLIES 

The TORY BALLADS OF THE REVOLU- 
TION. — (in., 636.) The writer of a note 
in the October number of the ^Magazine 
does not seem to be aware that nearly 
all the verses of this class have been 
published. Many of them are contained 
in Moore's " Songs and Ballads of the 
American Revolution," where may be 
found "The Trip to Cambridge." 

" When Congress sent great Washington, 
All clothed with power and breeches, 
To meet old Britain's warlike sons. 
And make some rebel speeches," 

The principal authority on this subject, 
however, is " The Loyalist Poetry of 



70 



REPLIES 



the Revolution," privately printed in 
1^57? by Winthrop Sargent and J. Fran- 
cis Fisher, from the originals in their 
possession. 

This book is exceedingly scarce, cop- 
ies of it (with t]ie " Suppressed tag ") 
being eagerly sought for by collectors. 
The one in the library of the Pennsyl- 
vania Historical Society, which I saw 
in 1876, was presented to the Society by 
the authors. 

Mr. Sargent in i860 published a sup- 
plementary volume, "The Loyal Verses 
of Joseph Stansbury and Dr. Jonathan 
Odell," which forms volume VI. of 
Munsell's Historical Series. 

C, A. C. 



Longevity in the colonies. — (HI., 
694.) In reference to this query, I will 
say that the average of fifty-six signers 
of the Declaration at their death was 
sixty-five years. Eight lived to be sev- 
enty and upwards, ten attained the age 
of eighty and over, and John Adams, 
William Ellery and Francis Lewis were 
over ninety, while Charles Carroll, the 
last survivor, was ninety-four. 

The average age of the fourteen New 
England delegates was seventy-five. 

I think the same will hold good as to 
the thirty-three members of the First 
Continental Congress that met at Car- 
penter's Hall, and who were not in the 
Congress July 4, 1776; Patrick Henry 
dying at sixty - three, Washington at 
sixty-eight and Charles Thompson, so 
long Secretary to the Congress, at nine- 
ty-four. R. M. JUDSON. 

Ogdensburg, JV. Y, 



In '' Clermont or Livingston Manor," 
by Thomas Streatfield Clarkson, Cler- 
mont, N. Y., 1869, p. 54, mention is 
made that Robert R. Livingston was one 
of the committee to draft the Declara- 
tion of Independence, and page 56,, 
'' Philip Livingston, Judge Livingston's 
cousin, was one of the signers of the 
Declaration of Independence, and Rob- 
ert R., although one of its chief advo- 
cates and framers, was prevented from 
signing, being called home to attend ta 
duties in New York in the Provincial 
Congress, of which he was a member. 
So he had not the good fortune to place 
his signature to that instrument. He thus 
lost the opportunity of being enrolled 
in popular biographies as 'one of the 
signers.' " 

Hudso7i, N. V. A. MuNGO. 



Picketing. — (III., 760.) John Smith 
Hanna's Life of Captain Samuel Dewees, 
page 238, contains an account of this 
barbarous punishment : 

" Our officers had a whipping post 
erected on the centre of the parade 
ground. Near to the foot of the post a 
wooden peg was drove into the ground, 
the top of which stuck out of the ground 
about ten or twelve inches, and was as 
sharp as the tip of a person's middle 
finger. Sometimes the soldiers, ^after 
being flogged, were made to stand on 
the tip or point of this peg ten or fifteen 
minutes each, with one foot, and it bare, 
the other foot raised up and held in one 
hand, whilst the other hand would be 
tied up to the whipping post. This was 
called ' picketing.' " Iulus. 



Robert r. Livingston.— (III., 694.) Groaning beer. — (HI-, 694.) Oc- 



REPLIES 



71 



tober 23, 1879, 1 visited Robert Hunter, 
aged 87, of the Scotch-Irish stock who 
peopled Bald Eagle Valley in 1769. He 
said, when a boy an old man named 
Billy Underwood invited him and some 
others down to his house to spend an 
evening and ''crack awhile;" that is, 
have a talk ; and Billy's wife, a good 
old Irish woman, among other accom- 
plishments, bragged that in the old 
" counthry " she was a good woman at 
a '' Karian ; " that is, following the bier 
to do the crying. It occurred to me 
that ''Groaning Beer'' was the solace 
Sewell furnished the pensive train that 
followed his wife to her long home. 
Belief onte, Pa. J. B. L. 



I have never seen Sewall's Diary, and 
of course my first reply was meant for 
a joke ; but my uncle, Dr. William Ir- 
vine Wilson (father of the wife of Ex- 
Governor A. G. Curtin), who is now in 
his eighty-seventh year, and very active 
and bright for all that, now sitting in 
my office, and is as good as an Irish 
dictionary, tells me that his teacher. 
Rev. Thomas Hood, told him seventy 
years ago that "groaning beer" was 
" the beer brewed for a woman in her 
accouchement^ and for her attending 
friends to rejoice over a safe delivery." 
He also says that Kenian was the Irish 
for crying at a funeral, not Karian, as I 
had it. " Shedost " they used as we 
say " good health," when they tossed off 
a glass of whiskey. 

Belief onte. John Blair Linn. 



die." It requires but a slight degree of 
familiarity with the works of Scott and 
Burns to enable one to give an answer. 
The "groaning malt" was the liquor 
invariably provided for a lying-in or a 
christening. J. Muir, M. D. 

Fierrepont Manor ^ N. V. 



Mourning women. — (III. ,451.) The 
query made is not answered by W. H. 
In our own time women have been seen 
bearing the tassels of the pall, but they 
were not " mourning women " in the 
sense that Sewall described them. They 
were not official mourners — in other 
words, female mourners paid to serve 
on the occasion, as is still the fashion 
with male mourners in Holland. The 
query remains unanswered. Can no 
New Englander certify to the habits of 
his ancestors ? Historicus. 



" Medicus " notes Sewall's reference 
to "brewing his wife's groaning beer," 
and asks if this was an old style " cau- 



Macoaib's dam. — (HI., 449.) Mr. 
Robert Macomb, the gentleman after 
whom this former structure across the 
Harlem was named, and whose old tide 
mill was at King's Bridge, near his fine 
residence there, was not a son of Major 
General Alexander Macomb, as inad- 
vertently stated, but a brotJier, and 
probably pretty near him in age. In 
Bolton's History of the County of 
Westchester, published in 1848, "a 
beautiful painting by Waldo " of the 
General is spoken of as seen in one of the 
rooms of the Kingsbridge house, then 
occupied by " the widow of Robert Ma- 
comb." This good lady is pleasantly 
remembered by a venerable friend of 
ours in the vicinity, who, some forty 
years ago, being on public work at the 
bridge, was often invited to a hospitable 



REPLIES 



* bowl of bread and milk " at her ta- 
ble. Mr. Edick also informs us that the 
ruins of the lower water gates at the 
mill are still visible. These and those 
at the dam were designed to shut in the 
ebbing tides in both directions, so as to 
preserve a continuous water-power for 
use at King's Bridge. We also learn 
from another source that Mr. Robert 
Macomb, either when repairing or in- 
specting his dam, met with an accident, 
which eventually occasioned his death. 
Our oldest Knickerbocker resident in 
these parts, one of the original Out- 
ward families and estates on Manhattan 
Island of the seventeenth century, Isaac 
M. Dyckman, Esq , recalls Mr. Macomb 
as " a man of great culture and fascin- 
ating manners." And a very aged lady, 
who has lived long near King's Bridge, 
has a delightful memory of him as a 
gentleman, whose politeness and kind 
recognition of his neighbors won the 
hearts of all. 

General Alexander Macomb had a 
a son (see Drake's Biographical Dic- 
tionary), who, if we mistake not, was a 
commodore in the U. S. Navy during 
the war of the Rebellion. Alexander 
Macomb, the father of the General and 
Robert Macomb, was the son of John, 
from Ireland, who established himself 
in this city in 1742. This son, Alexan- 
der, amassed a fortune at Detroit in the 
fur trade. There he married, and there 
the General was born in 1782. Re- 
turning to New York shortly, after this 
Alexander built for his own residence the 
large double brick house, 39 Broadway, 
which was obtained for General Wash- 
ington during the second session of the 
First Congress, and which he liked so 



much. Many years later it was noted 
as "Bunker's Mansion House." 

Alexander Macomb represented the 
city of New York, 1787-8, in the State 
Legislature. During the war of 181 2 
he is said to have furnished five or six 
sons for his country's service — a truly 
patriotic record, which, in connection 
with the distinguished military exploits 
and accomplishments of the Major- 
General, entitle the name of Macomb 
to a long and honorable historical re- 
membrance. W. H. 

John shreve. — (III., 564.) The fol- 
lowing statement of the military career 
of Lieut. Shreve will be found on page 
93 of " The Officers and Men from 
New Jersey in the Revolutionary War." 
It differs slightly from the statement in 
his interesting paper of revolutionary 
reminiscences : 

''''Shreve^ John, Ensign, Captain Breas- 
ley's Company, Second Battalion, First 
Establishment, July 25, 1776; Ensign, 
Captain Lawrie's Company, Second Bat- 
talion, Second Establishment, Novem- 
ber 29, 1776 ; Ensign, Captain Hollins- 
head's Company, ditto, February 5,1777; 
Second Lieutenant, ditto, November i, 
1777; Ensign, Second Regiment ; Lieu- 
tenant, ditto, to date, February 3, 1779; 
resigned." 

Bro7V7isvine, Pa. H. E. H. 



I)e la neuville. — (HI., 316, 456, 
694.) On page 365 of the Magazine, 
mention is made of Colonel, later Briga- 
dier-General de la Neuville, in the list of 
French officers who served in America 
prior to the treaties between France and 
the United States, made by Hilliard 
d'Auberteuil, in 1782. Editor. 



LITERARY NOTICES 



73 



(Publisliers of Historical Works wishing Notices, will address the Editor, with 
Copies, Box loo, Station D — N. Y. Post office.) 



A POPULAR HISTORY OF THE UNI- 
TED States, from the First Discovery of 
THE Western Hemisphere by the North- 
men, TO THE end of THE FiRST CeNTURY 

OF THE Union of the States. Preceded 
by a sketch of the pre-historic period, and the 
age of the Moundbuilders. By William 
Cullen Bryant and Sydney Howard 
Gay. Fully illustrated. Vol. III. Royal 
8vo, pp. 655. Charles Scribner's Sons, 
New York, 1879. 

The preceding volumes of this already stand- 
ard history were noticed, in tlieir order of pub- 
lication, in 1877 and 1S78 (Mag. I, 455, II, 701). 
The present is of more direct interest than 
either^ extending into the period of the revolu- 
tion, which is novv receiving close examination 
and attentive treatment in monographic papers; 
the most satisfactory form of historical disquisi- 
tion. The editors mu^t not, therefore, be sur- 
prised to find their present work the subject of 
some criticism. Of the general excellency of 
the workmanship too much can hardly be said. 
Its arrangement is perfect, the style full of 
variety, compact in statement, graceful in narra- 
tive, charming in description, and always clear 
and unmistakable in language. It has a table 
of important dates, a well arranged index, and 
as is claimed on the tide page, is fully illus- 
trated. ■ It is questionable whether the modern 
fashion of illustrating historical works with 
sketches from fancy is desirable, ]:)u't such charge 
does not hold against a book professedly intended 
as a popular history. The i>aper, typography 
and press work are excellent in their kind. 

The twenty-four chapters cover a field rich in 
material and not yet wholly gleaned. It opens 
at an interesting period in the history of New 
York ; the recall of Andros and the passage by 
the Assembly of the declaration of rights of 
16S3, the famous Charter of Liberties and 
Privileges, which remained the political frame 
or constitutiojn of the colony until the revo- 
lution. Close upon this the story of the re- 
sistance of Leisler and its tragic end. A second 
chapter takes up in turn the administrations of the 
Royal Governors under William and Mary ; the 
demoralization under Fletcher, when New York 
was a " nest of pirates," the amusing and ineffi- 
catious effort of the reformer, Bellomont, to 
suppress piracy by organizing a joint stock com- 
pany to pursue the pirates and divide the spoil. 
Bellomont seems to have been more sentimental 
than practical in his ideas of government. His 



successor, Lord Cornbury, a cousin of Queen 
Anne, was an eccentric character. He was wont 
to dress as a woman, and appear in this costume 
in the streets of New York. Without moral 
sense he was at the same time a bigot in reli- 
gion and intolerant in poliiics. These were fol- 
lowed by Lovelace, Ingoldsby and Hunter in the 
government of New York. During the admin- 
istration of Hunter the war with France was 
brought to a successful termination, and the 
lirst dismemberment of her great American em- 
pire, which she delighied to call "la Nouvelle 
France," was effected In the treaty of Uirecht, 
by the cession of Port R-oyal (Nova Scotia). On 
the retirement of Hunter in 1719, he was suc- 
ceeded by Barnet, who did not rise above that 
happy mediocrity with which it has always been 
the policy of England to favor her English- 
speaking colonies. 

After New York the other colonies are taken 
up in turn. Virginia, from the close of 
Berkeley's administration till the arrival of 
Dinwiddie, and Maryland, under the mild and 
equitable rule of the gentle Baltimore, take up 
the third chapter, and in their turn the Caro- 
linas ; New England, from the abrogation of her 
independence, and her conversion into a Royal 
province by the charter brought home by Sir 
William Phipps ; in her opposition to the cen- 
tralizing schemes of Lord Bellomont, her bound- 
ary quarrel with Rhode Island over the terms 
of the Winthrop patent, the artful persistence of 
Dudley in his personal rule and detestation of 
chartered rights, which destroyed the country 
as a residence for " lawyers and gentlemen," 
has a careful record. In this chapter the 
reader will pause with pleasure over a charming 
description of the remnant of the Narragansett 
Indians at Westerly, who still preserve their 
tribal government under the mild rule and fos- 
teryig care of the State. 

Next in order comes the history of Georgia, 
from its projection in 1717 by Montgomery as 
the Margravate of A/.ilia, with a curious plan of 
the proposed principality laid out in a grand 
territorial square, Avith divisions and sub- 
divisions in the same geometric manner ; the 
pilatial mansion of the Margrave in the 
centre, and each proprietor on a square of his 
own. Needless to say that this plan was 
not successful. In 1732 it was settled by Ogle- 
thorpe with a ship load of emigrants, and named 
Georgia for the King, George II. The beauti- 
ful city of Savannah was laid on his symmetrical 
plan, the success of which, perhaps, owed some- 
thing to the fanciful idea of the Margrave. 
The liberal spirit of the colony attracted to it a 



74 



LITERARY NOTICES 



varied emigration. The Salzburgers, descend- 
ants of the Waldenses, driven from their homes 
by religious persecution, were here warmly wel- 
comed with their industry and their Bibles, and 
alloted lands on the Savannah. They were 
joined by others of the Lutheran faith and a 
body of Moravians in 1735, who came over on a 
voyage called the Great Embarkation. The 
proximity of the Spaniards in Florida, and of 
ihe formidable Greek Indians prevented much 
growth, until the cession of Florida to England 
ireed her from the presence of one of these 
dangerous neighbors, and left her room for 
undisturbed development. 

Chapter VII recites a more familiar theme ; 
Pennsylvania, from the return of Penn to " the 
American Desart," as he called his colony on 
his embarkation. The colony was not nineteen 
years old, he had not seen it for fifteen years, 
but he found that his desert had blossomed like 
the rose. The province contained more than 
twenty thousand inhabitants, Philadelphia, the 
city of Brotherly Love, above two thousand 
houses, generally three stories high, and many 
curious wharves. Here again one pauses with de- 
light over the pleasing description of the Quaker 
City, and of Pennsburg Manor, the spacious 
estate of the Governor, on the Delaware River, 
with its avenue of poplars and terraced banks, 
its lawns, its gardens, abounding with native 
and imported fruits and shrubs and flowers, and 
the delicately drawn picture of Hannah Penn, 
cradling her child in simple elegance in one 
of the spacious rooms within, while in the 
great hall, about long tables, whites and Indians 
clustered to partake of the perennial hospitality 
and never-failing cheer. On the closing pages 
Benjamin Franklin makes his appearance. In 
1728 he was concerned in the establisment of 
the " Pennsylvania Gazette, " a famous and long- 
lived journal. In 1732 he published the first 
edition of Poor Richard's Almanac, and in 1744 
founded the Philantrophical Society. Pennsyl- 
vania at this time begins to merge her history 
into that of the union of the colonies. Even 
the Quakers were preparing for defence. 

Chapter VIII, "New England and the 
French," including the romantic period of its 
history, the siege of Louisburg, which with the 
heroic individuality of doughty Pepperrell, reads 
more like an old Viking song than a page of 
plain New England story, the visit of George 
Whitefield to America, and his progress through 
the country preaching to thousands, reviving 
the slumbering embers of the Puritanic fire, and 
awakening an emotional religion, the influence 
of which is yet felt in the camp meetings of our 
own day. As in the preceding chapter on 
Pennsylvania, the forthcoming volume is fore- 
shadowed in the mad attem]:)t of Commodore 
Knowles to press Americans into the British ser- 



vice. This was attempted in Boston 'in 1747. 
Every officer of Knowles' fleet who was on shorq 
was seized by the people and held as a hostage 
for the return of the kidnapped men. The 
Commodore threatened to bombard the town. 
History does not lecord the negotiations ; only 
this, when the fleet sailed she carried no Boston 
Boy. 

Still another chapter on New York is necessary 
to bring her history down in even march with 
that of her sister colonies. In Chapter IX. the 
administration of Cosby and his controversy 
with Van Dam, who represented the popular party, 
comprising all the plain people but not without a 
mingling of powerlul families, who were divided 
into two camps, religion being the dividing line. 
The gifts of the crown were in the hands of the 
British officials and their adherents, the Delanceys, 
who held the offices high and low of the colony ; 
these were all high churchmen. The popular party 
on the other hand represented the great body of 
the people, and at their head the dissenterfamiliei 
of Morris, Livingston and Alexander, all of which 
held vast estates and were strongly national. 
This was the period when Delancey brought 
Zenger to trial for newspaper libel and was igno- 
miniously defeated in his triumphant acquit- 
tal ; at this time also was the strange, popular 
delusion known as the negro plot to burn the 
city — the negroes were then numerous in New 
York ; many of them native Africans fresh 
robbed from their homes ; one must have lived 
in a West India Island to understand the terror 
of a negro plot. In New York also, as in Penn- 
sylvania and Massachusetts, the troubles of the 
colonies were culminating ; here they took the 
phase of a bitter contest between Clinton the 
royal Governor and the Assembly. They resented 
his dictation, his policy was thwarted, his sup- 
plies denied, and when he called out the city 
troops to march to the frontier, they refused to 
obey even the King's orders unless an act of the 
Assembly were passed for the purpose, which 
justifies his opinion of their "republican prin- 
ciples." He was superseded in 1753. 

Chapters X., XL, XII. relate the incident of 
the French War (the seven years' war), from the 
southward movement of the French through the 
Alleghany Valley and their entrenchment at 
Venango on territory claimed by the Ohio Com- 
pany in the fall of 1753 until the fall of Quebec 
in 1759 ; continuing with the conspiracy of Pon- 
tiac, who endeavored to combine all the Indian 
tribes from the Ottawa to the Lower Mississippi 
against the whites. 

Chapters XIII,, XIV. and XV. continue the 
account of the alienation from England, the end 
of colonial rule and the beginning of war. 

Chapters XVI. to XXII. are respectively en- 
titled, the Siege of Boston ; the Northern Cam- 
paign of 1775; Openingof the Campaign of 1776; 



LITERARY NOTICES 



75 



Declaration of Independence ; Loss of Long Is- 
land and New VorR ; the New Jersey Campaign, 
and tire Campaign lu IVnnsylvania. Tlrroughout 
these chapters a lucid narrative style is sustained, 
but here, as was indicated in the outset of this 
notice, criticism has fullest play. For our own 
part, we are not content with the manner in 
which the non-importation agreements of 1765 
are alluded to. They were laughed at indeed by 
the royal Governors in their delusion, although 
as the author says, " they were so powerful as to 
govern the whole course of the years's trade and 
were sufficient to appall some of the largest 
manufacturing houses in England." But they 
were of more consequence than this ; had they 
been maintained by all the colonies with the 
same fidelity that they were maintained in New 
York, they were sufficient, such were the words 
of Lord North, to have secured compliance with 
all the demands of the colonies. Nor yet are 
we satisfied with the omission to give the honor 
to New York of having originated this formid- 
able merchant - league against oppressions ; 
this was done at Burns' Tavern (which stood 
on the site later occupied by the City Hotel), on 
the 31st October, 1765, a week before any action 
was taken at Philadelphia, and more than a 
month before these two were followed by Boston. 

AVe are glad to see that the author has discard- 
ed the sensational account of the tea party with 
its Indian disguises. We notice, also, two errors 
in New York localities. It is true they havq had 
a certain amount of credence, but are now 
known by all local historians to be errors. A 
cut is give with the legend : " Burns'' Coffie 
House opposite Boivli7ig G7'een, Headquarters of 
the Softs of Liberty." George Burns, who kept the 
"King's Head Tavern at the White Hall," moved 
to the Province Arms in 1763. Here in the long 
room the non-importation agreement was signed 
in 1765. The Sons of Liberty met at the long 
room of the tavern of Abraham Montagne, in the 
fields, opposite the liberty pole. He moved here 
in 1769, taking the house occupied by Edward 
Bardin, under the sign of "The King's Arms." 
Here the repeal of the Stamp act was celebrated 
in 1774, with a dinner and toasts. Equally mis- 
taken is the statement that the "Old Town 
Headquarters" was the Kennedy House, No. 
I Broadway. There is no evidence that Wash- 
ington ever had his headcjuarters there and abun- 
dant proof that he did not. In 1776 it was used 
as a barracks for the troops, and a very dirty place 
it was, if contemporaneous accounts may be 
credited. These are small matters, but they 
should l.e corrected. 

More grave are the errors in the story of the 
Burgoyne campaign, to which Chapter XXII. is 
entirely devoted. It is easy to say of Gates 
" that he was a better politician than soldier;" 
but it would be difficult to maintain such rash 
words. The military capacities of Gates were 



amply recognized by Washington as well as by 
Congress. The series of movements which ter- 
minated in the capitulation of Burgoyne, were 
marked by strategy of the first order and 
crowned with entire success. It is amazing to 
read the account of the steady holding of his 
impregnable position by Gates, while, to use the 
author's own words, "a net was forming about 
the enemy which they must break througn at one 
end or the other or be captured ;" and again ihat 
" Gates followed the enemy, making such dispo- 
sition as to surround them" — a net which was 
prepared by the order of Gates himself, as may be 
seen by an examination of his unpublished papers 
in the N. Y. Historical Society, and yet read such 
an opinion of Gates' "military capacities," as 
has been quoted, and the final words of the 
chapter that " Congress presented to Gates a 
medal for completing the work which others had 
begun, and made possible if not inevitable." It 
is a matter of well known history that until 
Gates took command no efforts had been 
made to prevent Burgoyne's advance to Al- 
bany after he crossed the Hudson ; that the 
impregnable position of Bemus Heights, the key 
of the country, was selected by Gates and Kos- 
iusco after Schuyler had been removed by Con- 
gress from command, a removi^l which he him- 
self later wrote was not only justifiable but 
necessary (see Mag. Ill, 760) ; that Gates held 
firmly to this position, awaiting the attack of 
Burgoyne, while taking measures to destroy 
his line of communication with Canada, and 
cut off his supplies. Not less glaring is the 
erroneous statement that at the battle of the 
19th, Arnold was on the field, to which there is 
the direct contrary evidence quoted by Bancroft, 
the words of Arnold himself in his letter of 
complaint to Gates, and the positive statement 
of Livingston in his letter to Washington. 

The concluding chapter, XXIV, is entitled 
the "Alliance with France," (a consequence of 
Gates' victory) and the rejection of the " Pro- 
posals for Peace," and closes with the stirring 
tale of the capture of the Serapis by the Bon- 
Homme Richard, the happy beginning of a long 
series of naval victories over the superior marine 
of the Mistress of the Seas. 

This celebrated action was fought off Flam- 
borough Head, on the coast of Yorkshire, on the 
22d September, 1778. The Richard was con- 
sorted by the Alliance and Pallas, the Serapis 
by the Countess of Scarborough. The fight be 
gan at an hour after sunset, under a full moon. 
After a hot contest at close quarters the Countess 
of Scarborough struck to the Pallas and the Ser- 
apis to the Richard. Jones took his prizes into 
Holland. 

We heartily commend this volume as an ad- 
mirable contribution to our historic literature. 
It deserves its name, and will long stand as the 
popular history of the country. 



76 



LITERARY NOTICES 



RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL TRACTS 
No. 6. The Centennial Celebration of 
THE Battle of Rhode Island, at Ports- 
mouth, R. I., August 29, 1878. 4to, pp. 
118. Sidney S, Rider. Providence; 1878. 

This historical tract comprises accounts of the 
battle of Rhode Island by writers of three of the 
four nationalities engaged in the conflict — the 
American, the German and the English — and an 
£x post facto opinion of Lafayette to the effect 
that the capture of the British garrison at 
Newport would have terminated the American 
war. 

The centennial anniversary of the battle was 
celebrated on the 29th August, 1878, on the 
scene of the conflict. The oration, in which will 
be found the American account above referred to, 
was delivered by Samuel G. Arnold. In it the 
antecedent events which led to the purpose of 
the allied forces to carry the post by assault or 
siege, the arrival of a superior British fleet, the sea- 
fight and storm which followed it, the withdrawal 
of the French fleet, the consequent abandon- 
ment of the attack by the Americans left 
to their own resources, their retreat, and the 
battle bravely and successfully fought with the 
British forces, which marched out to attack the 
withdrawing columns. Every incident of the ac- 
tion is graphically told. The careful reader 
will notice that Mr. Arnold, while he records 
the complaint of the Americans of the sailing 
of the French fleet for Boston, does not use one 
word of condemnation of that withdrawal. He 
says, however, that Lafayette endeavored to 
dissuade d'Estaing from withdrawing. He adds 
that Lafayette refused to sign the protest which 
the American officers drew up against the with- 
drawal. 

In a n6te, entitled "Conversations with La- 
fayette," which is included in the volume, La- 
fayette is stated to have said to Mr. Zachariah 
Allen of Providence, who was one of the town 
committee to receive him on his visit in 1824 : 
" My most earnest entreaties for him (d'Estaing) 
to stay only a short time to finish the conquest 
of the British army were all in vain." The ac- 
curacy of the statement, so far as Mr. Allen is 
concerned, is unquestionable ; but whether La- 
fayette was correct in his memory of the event 
is not so certain. Nothing appears in his corre- 
spondence to show that he censured the with- 
drawal, disappointed though he may have been ; 
and, on the other hand, the very best modern au- 
thority on the history of the French marine, M. 
Chevalier, entertains a very different idea. He 
says that, on the return of the French fleet on 
the 20th August f r im their conflict with Ad- 
miral Howe, " the Marquis of Lafayette hur- 
ried on board the Languedoc to carry to the 



Count d'Estaing the news of the arrival " at New 
York of the larger part of Lord Byron's squad- 
ron of thirteen vessels, which had left Plymouth 
in pursuit of the French fleet. The superiority of 
the English fleet was now so great that d'Estaing 
did not feel himself safe even in the port of 
Boston, except under the guns of the batteries 
he had erected at George and Nantasket Isl- 
ands. It needs more than the recollection of 
Lafayette in 1824, to establish the fact that he 
did so foolish a thing as to counsel the French 
Admiral to remain in Newport to be blockaded 
by sea and land ; the more, as the French 
officers were unanimous in their counsel that it 
was their duty to withdraw. The last word on 
this subject has not yet been said. 

General J. Watts de Peyster contributes a 
translation of the operations in Rhode Island 
from the Hessian accounts, given by Max Von 
Eelking. In addition, there is a letter from 
Major-General Pigot, the British post com- 
mander, to Sir Henry Clinton ; the Report of 
Major-General Sullivan, and an account of the 
conduct of the black regiment in the battle. 



MARY WHITE— MRS. ROBERT MORRIS. 

An Address delivered by request at Sophia's 
Dairy, near Pcrrymansville, Harford Co., 
Maryland, June 7th, 1S77, on the occasion of 
the reinterment of the remains of Colonel 
Thomas White, before a reunion of his de- 
scendants. Halls, Whites, Morrises. By 
Charles Henry Hart. 8vo. Philadelphia, 
[1879-] 

This is an elegant edition of one hundred 
copies of the article which appeared, under the 
same title, in the " Pennsylvania Magazine of 
History and Piograj^hy," and is graced by an ad- 
mirably executed steel portrait of Mrs. Morris 
after Trumbull's portrait. Mr. Hart is well 
known for his pleasing contributions to family 
history, one of the most grateful occupations to 
which a gentleman of education can devote 
his leisure. The materials for such monographs 
are now jealously guarded by their custodians, 
and it requires discretion and sympathy to draw 
them fiom their treasure houses. Mr. Hart, 
we understand, is still devoting himself to 
the study of the Financier of the revolution, 
Robert Morris, and this sketch of his accom- 
plished and patriotic wife is but a chapter of the 
more important work which is to follow. The 
public success and private reverses of the career 
of Morris are well known. Can anything be more 
beautiful than the ]->as-^age in the obituary of the 
wife, v/hich records her enjoyment " without 



LITERARY NOTICES 



77 



arrogance of the wealth and the honors of the 
early and the middle year?; of his life," and her 
endurance "without repining of the privations 
incident to the reverses of his fortune towards 
the close of it." 

This sketch is full of pleasant relations of 
incidents in the career of the " lovely \\ hite," 
as a contemporary parlor poet described her, in 
which Washington, Jay, Lafayette, the Chevalier 
de la Luzerne and the Prince de Broglie figure. 

In the mass of correspondence of Governor 
Livingston, which Mr. Hart does not appear to 
have seen, there r.re several charming letters, 
which passed ])etween the families of the Gov- 
ernor and Mr. Morris. 



COLLECTIONS OF THE OLD COLONY 
Historical Society. Papers read before 
the Society during the year 1878. 8vo, pp. 
70. Published by the Society. Taunton, 
Mass., 1879. 

This, the first collective publication of the 
Old Colony Society, we greet with pleasure and 
satisfaction. The Society was incorporated in 
1853, and has now a membership of three hun- 
dred and sixty-five, a goodly number. Like 
many similar institutions, its slumbering activity 
was aroused in the historic revival oi 1876, the 
results of which in this line of inquiry are be- 
ginning to be widely and, it is to be hoped, per- 
manently felt. There is no more sure monitor 
to strict observance of duty by public servants 
than the certain assurance that historv will pre- 
serve the record of their acts, and bring them 
to the bar of public opinion at last. The papers 
here presented are a Biographical Sketch of 
Samuel White, the first lawyer in Taunton, by 
Arthur M. Alger, and a Sketch of the Pilgrims 
and Puritans of Plymouth and Massachusetts 
Bay, by Rev. Increase N. Tarbox. 



PUBLICATIONS OF THE BUFFALO 
Historical Society, Vol. i. Nos. i to 6. 
January to June, 1879. 8vo, pp. 6,216. Bige- 
LOW Bros., Publishers, Buffalo, 1879. 

In the September number [III., 586], atten- 
tion was called to the initial January publica- 
tions of the series of the Buffalo Society. Five 
additional numbers have now appeared with 
monthly regularity. They contain respectively 
No. 2, the February number, a paper on Buffalo 
cemeteries, by \Villiam Hodge ; No. 3, for 



March, the Bravcb' Rest, or the Old Seneca 
Mission Cemetery, by William C. Bryant, and 
the Old Black Rock Ferry, by Charles D. Nor- 
ton ; No. 4, for April, Preachers, Pedagogues 
and Poets in Buffalo in 1825, by Rev. John C. 
Lord, and Buffalo in 1825, by S. Ball ; No. 5, 
for May, Early Reniiniscences of Buffalo and 
Vicinity, by James L. Barton, and the Trial and 
Execution of the Three Thayers, by Nathaniel 
Wilgus ; No. 6, for June, the Village of Buffalo 
during the War of 1812, by William Dorsheimer, 
and an Ancient Wreck and Stockade, two papers 
by E. B. Stewart and O. H. Marshall. 

The papers in this collection are selected from 
the archives of the society by a committee, of 
which Mr. O. H. Marshall is the chairman, and 
are published under the editorial supervision of 
the Rev. Albert Bigelow, It is intended to issue 
twelve monthly numbers during the present 
year. So far the papers, as is proper, concern 
Buffalo chiefly, but promises are made of publi- 
cations of a more general nature ; among others. 
Major Norris' Journal of Sullivan's Expedition 
of 1779, for July, to be followed by Mr. Mar- 
shall's paper on the Building and Voyage of the 
Griffin in 1679. She was launched two hundred 
years ago in Lake Erie, the first vessel of con- 
sequence built by white men on the lakes. 

The typography, presswork, paper and edi- 
torial finish leave nothing to be desired. We 
congratulate our good friends of Buffalo on their 
enterprise and trust they may receive the support 
thev deserve. 



PUBLICATIONS OF THE BUFFALO 
Historical Society, Vol i. No. 7. Svo. 
Bigelow Bros., Publishers. July, 1S79. 

Major Norris' Journal of Sullivan's Ex- 
rEDiTiON, June to October, 1779, from Orig- 
inal Manuscript in possession of the Society. 

This is the timely and welcome contribution 
of the Buffalo Society to the literature of the 
Sullivan expedition, one of the most important 
events in the history of New York. By it the 
'famous confederacy which after imposing an un- 
disputed sway over nearly all the Indian tribes 
from the Ohio to the Penobscot, was powerful 
enough to hold in check the extension of the 
whole settlements in the State of New York. 
There are many journals of this campaign, in- 
deed, no part of our revolutionary history called 
into service so many contemporaneous pens. 
This manuscript was given to the society by the 
Hon. Joseph Williamson, of Belfast, Maine. This 
is not a complete narrative, but extremely valu- 
able as corroborative testimony. 



78 



LITERARY NOTICES 



HISTORY OF THE TOWN OF HOLLIS, 
New Hampshire, from its first settle- 
ment TO the year 1879. With many bio- 
graphical sketches of its early settlers, their 
descendants, and other residents. Illustrated 
with maps and engravings. By Samuel T. 
Worcester. 8vo, pp. 393. A. Williams 
& Co. Boston, 1879. 

Mr. Worcester, the author of this history, has 
long been well known to the reading public by 
his contributions of minor articles, on the subject 
he now treats in full, to the periodical publica- 
tions of New England. The old district of 
Dunstable on the Merrimack and Soughegan riv- 
ers was divided in 1746 into the four townships 
of Dunstable, Hollis, Munson, and Merrimack. 
The charter of Hollis bears the date of April 
3d of that year. Its early history, therefore, is 
that of Dunstable, which was settled, under 
patents of the Plymouth Company, in 1629, and 
chartered as a township by the General Court of 
Massachusetts October 16, 1673, o. s. It was 
baptized in blood, the terrible war of King 
Philip decimating the border population from 
1675 to 1678. All Dunstable fled before the in- 
vasion save one man, the brave Jonathan Tyng, 
sire of an illustrious line, who stood it out, with 
a few companions, a sentry and watch tower in 
the outpost of a New England settlement. The 
first recorded birth was that of William, son of 
the valiant Jonathan, born April 22, 1679, the 
year after peace had been conquered by the death 
of King Philip. The succeeding years were not 
more quiet, and hardly less dangerous. King 
Willliam's war, Queen Anne's war, and Love- 
well's war are still remembered in tradition and 
ballad, and there are yet to be seen on the 
doors of ancient houses the marks of the toma- 
hawk of the midnight foe. 

The name of Hollis is supposed to be derived 
— and nothing is more curious than the large 
part that suppositions play in history — from that 
of the Duke of Newcastle, whose family name 
was Holies, or from Thomas Hollis, a distin- 
guished benefactor of Harvard College, one of 
whose buildings, dear to the alumni of the pro- 
lific mother, still perpetuates the old name.. 
The youth of Hollis were early inured to war. 
They took brave parts as scouts and wards in 
the French and Indian wars of 1 744, and sent 
ample contingents to the New Plampshire regi- 
ments, which marched to the conquest of Can- 
ada in the Old French or Seven Years' War. 
Chapters, full of local and not devoid of gen- 
eral interest, recite the history of the town to 
the breaking out of the revolution. Governed by 
its inhabitants in town meetins^, which Mr. Wor- 
cester calls an original New Enp;land invention, 
but is after all but a variety of Athenian democ- 



racy, pure and simple, Hollis was an excellent 
example of self-government. In 1774, months 
before the battle of Lexington, the people re- 
solved to endeavor to maintain their liberty and 
privileges both civil and sacred, 'even at the 
risque of their lives," an undertaking they amply 
performed. On the 19th of April the news 
reaching the town of the march of the British 
Regulars upon Lexington and Concord, one 
hundred minute men under Captain Dow march- 
ed for Cambridge. Part of these and others 
who joined them were with Colonel Prescott at 
Bunker's Hill. In 1776 Hollis had its quot a in 
the New Hampshire regiment under Colonel 
Long, at Ticonderoga ; at Whiteplains under 
Colonel Baldwin, and later, in the same year, a 
third regiment under Colonel Oilman. In 1777 
all these regiments participated in the victories 
which Gates won over Burgoyne. As a distinct 
brigade they stood the privations of the winter 
of 1777-8 at Valley I'orge and under Colonel 
Citty received the commendations of Washing- 
ton at Monmouth. In 1779 Hollis men enlisted 
in the regiment which Colonel Mooney led to 
Rhode Island. In 1782 the regular ranks being 
again filled, Hollis contributed one man, the 
number wanting to complete her quota, 

A valuable biographical chapter gives sketches 
of someof the Revolutionary officers and soldiers 
of the town. 

The war of 1812 was not popular in New 
England generally, and Hollis shared in the dis- 
approval. It was waged however for sufficient 
cau«e, and its results established the equality of 
the American flag on every sea. In the late civil 
war the men of Hollis responded with spirit to 
every call ; the history of their service has been 
fully written. We cannot follow the elaborate 
historian further. Chapter XXXI. supplies a 
convenient table giving the names of persons 
deceased since the Revolution at ages of, or more 
than, eighty years, in which we notice three cen- 
tenarians. Chapter XXXTI. eives the marriages 
recorded in Dunstable and Plollis, and chapter 
XXXIII. some family registers. We notice with 
extreme regret the absence of an index. 



THE KING'S SECRET ; BEING THE 
Secret Correspondence of Louis XV. 
with his Diplomatic Agents, from 1752 
TO 1774. By the Due de Broglie. Two 
volumes. 8vo, pp. 399-536. Cassell, Fet- 
ter & Galpin. London, Paris and New- 
York [1879]. 

Sooner or later the secrets of kings, like those 
of minor personages, are sure to come to light. 
It seems to be an invariable law that, either by 
intention or accident, all that is interesting in 



LITERARY NOTICES 



79 



the history of nations, as in the lives of indi- 
viduals, shall come to the surface, and though 
for a time the waifs may float in an apparently 
purposeless manner, in the end they fall inio 
their suitable places in the general mosaic of 
which history is made. So with the original 
documents signed by the hand of Louis XV^. 
himself, which are the foundation for this cu- 
rious revelation. Louis XVI. gave directions 
that the written records of what the Due de 
Broglie calls the " strange whim of the Kings 
grandfather," the " Secret Affair," the " Secret 
of the King," should be destroyed ; yet they 
were allowed to remain in the State Archives. 
During the changes of the revolution they had 
strayed from their repository, precisely a^ in 
1848 litters, throwing light on the question of 
the Spanish marriages, disappeared from the 
Tuileries when Louis Phillipe took flight, and 
were handed about in the city of New York. 
The papers concerning the King's Secret fell 
into the hands of one Giraud Soulaire, a col- 
lector of documents, who in 1810 offered a vast 
quantity of papers to the Imperial Government. 
The negotiation was not concluded till after his 
death, when the Ministry acqu'red them from 
his widow for the sum of twenty thousand 
franc^. How they came into the hands of Sou- 
laire is not known. 

Before passing to a slight acquaintance of the 
book, one observation of the Due de Broglie 
may be ref)eated, because as pertinent to our- 
selves as to his own countrymen. He suggests 
that " probably the muniment rooms, not to say 
the garrets of more than one ancient chateau, 
contain historical treasure of great price, hidden 
under the dust of centuries." This is well 
known to be the case in America, as the results 
of the rummaging among the garrets of our old 
home^ since the historical revival of the cen- 
tennial, and the original material printed in the 
pages of this Magazine amply show. ^Ve com- 
mend the Duke's remark to all of our readers. 
The degraded condition of the administration 
of French public affairs during the last years of 
Louis XIV. and the reign of his successor is well 
known. Public offices were bought and sold, the 
secrets of the State were at the mercy of the cor- 
rupt courtiers and the favorites of the Monarch. 
Poland from the time of Francis I. had always 
been in a measure an object of special concern 
to French statesmen. The Duke d'Anjou later 
Henry III. of France, the last of the Valois, 
had worn, though for a brief period, the uncer- 
tain crown. On the death of Jean Sobieski the 
Prince de Conti was elected King, but was not 
even proclaimed. Still later Stanislas Leckinski 
(afterwards the father-in-law of Louis XV.) was 
at first supported, and afterwards deserted by 
France in his struggle with Augustus of Saxony, 
the protege of Pater the Great. The premature 
decline of Augustus was the occasion of a still 



furthur intrigue in favor of a French rule, and 
overtures were made to Francois de Conti. a 
brilliant scion of the famous house of Conde. 
The business was opened to Louis XV., whose 
consent was readily obtained, on the express 
condition that the project should not be publicly 
avowed. 1 his was the A7;/^'j- Secret. Now an 
ambassador had to be chosen, who should nom- 
inally represent the French Ministry, but in 
reality carry out the covert scheme. This am- 
bassador was the Count de Broglie, who was 
selected by de Conti as the confidant. 

The re.ign of Louis XIV. was one of magnifi- 
cent and tragic episodes; that of hi-; successor 
more resembled a comic opera in its levity and 
•' inconsequence," and this is not one of its least 
amu-ing scenes. It was played with intinite 
seriousne-s by the hidden actors, but it was 
really nothing more than a play ; it ended in a 
grand tragedy nevertheless. In 1772 Russia, 
Austria and Prussia, whose sovereigns were ter- 
ribly in earnest, divided the spoil. The partition 
of Poland put an end to the fanciful diplomacy 
of France. 

While the student will find but little of grave 
importance in these pages, their perusal will be 
amply repaid bv the insight into the character, 
and an understanding of the minute details of 
this wire-pulling court which they present ; and 
will wonder anew that the Bourbons can ever 
dream of again aspiring to the rule of an intelli- 
gent nation like France. 



RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL TRACTS, 
No. 7. The Journ.-^l of a Brigade Chap- 
lain IN THE Campaign of 1779 against 
THE Six Nations, under command of 
Major-Geni-ral John Sullivan. By the 
Rev. William Rogers, D. D. With intro- 
duction and notes by the publisher. 4to, pp. 
136. Providence, 1S79. 

This journal, the publisher states in his note 
is reprinted from the Manufacturers and Farmers 
Journal of Providence. In the fall and winter 
of 1823 a portion of it had appeared in the 
American Universal Magazine. What has since 
become of the Mss. is not known. The bio- 
graphical details concerning Dr. Rogers, are 
chiefly compiled from his Ms. notes in the family 
Bible. Dr. Rogers' connection with Sullivan's 
army ceased on the 28th August ; the history of 
the remainder of the expedition, and the return 
to Wyoming on the 1st October, are compiled 
from the accounts of contemporary writers by 
Mr. Rider, and in a most satisfactory manner. 

In his introduction tn the journal, Mr. Rider 
calls attention to the delay in the conduct of the 
expedition, which is equally charged on Sullivan 
and General James Clinton. The letter of 



80 



LITERARY NOTICES 



Washington of the 15th Augu t, 1779, to John 
Jay, President of Congress, published in the 
Magazine of American History (iil, 142), must 
be considered in any examination of this ques- 
tion. As we are informed that careful accounts 
of the entire expedition are now in course of 
preparation by competent persons, any final 
opinion on this point may be properly reserved 
for the present. 



CENTENNIAL MEMOIR OF MAJOR- 
General John Sullivan, i 740-1 795. Pre- 
sented at Independence Hall, July 2d, 1876, 
by Thomas C. Amory. Reprinted from the 
Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Bio- 
graphy. 8vo, pp. 17. Collins, Philadelphia, 
1879. 

The soldier of the revolution, whose memoir 
is here presented by one of his kinsmen by de- 
scent, was grandson of Major Philip 0\-ullivan 
Beare, an Irish officer of the army which sur- 
rendered at Limeric in 1691, and a son of Dan- 
iel, who, born the year of the surrender, emi- 
grated to America in early manhood, and estab- 
lished himself as a school teacher at Sullivan, in 
Maine, on Frenchman's bay, near Mount Desert. 
John was born in 1740. He was trained a 
lawyer, but early displayed a taste for military 
studies ; and in 1772 enjoyed the rank of Major 
under the Crown. In 1774 he was delegated to 
the First Continental Congress, and in 1775 was 
elected one of the eight brigadiers of the newly 
formed army. He was at the seige of Boston in 
the left wing under Lee, fortified Portsmouth, 
took part in the Canada campaign, and at Long 
Island fell into the hands of the British. Ex- 
changed, he was with Washington in West- 
chester, at Trenton on the famous Christmas 
eve, and at Princeton in the skirmi-h which fol- 
lowed. He commanded the right wing at 
Brandywine, and again at Germantown — of the 
latter action a detailed account is given in these 
pages — and received the special commendation 
of Washington in his report to Congress. In 
1778 he was sent to Newport in joint expedition 
with the French fleet for the reduction of the 
British garrison ; the expedition was a failure. 
His conduct in this command has been severely 
criticised by some historians, and is now as 
warmly defended by his descendants. In 1779 
he was sent west with an expedition to punish 
the Indians on the Mohawk. In this command, 
also, for reasons which best appear in Washing- 
ton's letter of August 15th, 1779, first printed in 
the Washington number of the Magazine (III, 
142), his conduct was questioned, and at the 
close of the year he resigned his command. In 
1 78 1 he was appointed to the federal bench by 



Washington, a sufficient evidence of the esteem 
in which his patriotism was held by the highest 
authority. He died on the 23d January, 1706. 
His judgment maybe open to question, but of 
his patriotism and devotion to the cause of inde- 
pendence there can be no doubt. 

ANNOUNCEMENT 
PREBLE'S HISTORY OF THE FLAG 
OF THE United States of America. A 
history of the Flag of the United States of 
America, and of our National Songs. With 
an account of the Symbols, Standards, Ban- 
ners and Flags of Ancient and Modern Na- 
tions. By Rear Admiral Geo. Henry 
Preble, U. S. Navy. 

Second edition, revised, corrected, ex- 
tended and enlarged. About 650 pp., royal 
8vo. A. Williams & Co., Boston, Mass. 
The first edition of this admirable work, 
which has received the well-earned encomiums of 
those most competent to judge of its technical 
as well as its literary merit, was published in 
1872, and is already out of print, every copy hav- 
ing been taken up. Since its appearance Ad- 
miral Preble has occupied himself in the ac- 
cumulation of new material and facts and a 
careful revision of the original work. The 
chapter on the return of the battle flags of the 
volunteer regiments has been extended and 
brought up to date, and a chapter on the 
history of State flags and colors added. The 
colored plates of flags have been re-arranged, 
and numerous wood engravings, fac-simile auto- 
graphs of songs and documents relating to the 
history of the flag, have been added. 

An enumeration of the sections into which 
this volume is divided will afford an idea of its 
compendious and comprehensive nature, and the 
variety of interests to which it is addressed. 
Part I. The standards, flags, banners and 
symbols of ancient and modern nations, richly 
illustrated. II. pp. S60, 1777, The first banner 
planted during the discovery of America ; the 
Colonial flags ; the flags preceding the stars and 
stripes. III. The stars and stripes, 1777-1818, 
IV. 1818-1S61. V. 1861-1865. VI. 1865-1880. 
Part VII. A miscellaneous chapter, includes the 
navy and army signals, the seal of the United 
States and departments ; the yacht club flags 
and signals. 

The work is being published by subscription. 
We earnestly commend it to our patriotic citi- 
zens. No public library should be without it and 
it will be found a pleasant companion on the 
home-table, and a proper stimulant of a national 
sentiment in the hands of the rising generation. 



w #^ 




ii'®:(!iiiE ^^ 'i '' 



MAGAZINE OF AMERICAN HISTORY 



Vol. IV FEBRUARY 1880 No. 2 

THE LETTERS OF WASHINGTON 

THE publication of unpublished documents and letters of Washing- 
ton was begun in the February and continued in the August 
number of the Magazine, last year (1879). In addition to some 
important public papers, eighty-nine letters from his pen or under his 
signature were then first printed. They covered a period from 1754 to 
the close of the year 1780, were printed in the order of their dates, 
and were numbered from I to LXXXIX. 

After mature consideration it has been decided to adhere to the same 
order of chronological arrangement, and of numbering, until all letters of 
dates subsequent to those already printed and prior to the close of the 
Revolution have been made public. 

The thirty letters of the present number comprise all that have 
been received of the year 1781. The publication of those of the year 1782 
will follow in August ; the intention being to publish a Washington 
number each February, and a supplementary block of Washington 
letters each succeeding August, until every accessible letter has been 
procured and printed. 

It is hoped that this plan will meet the approval of all, and be accepted 
by those, whose contributed letters have not yet appeared, as a satisfac- 
tory reason for the delay in their publication. Among those thus 
reserved are numerous, some very important, letters of dates ante- 
cedent to, and of the earlier years of, the Revolution. These will form 
the first of a second series, which will be begun when the close of the 
Revolution has been reached in the present publication. 

A general co-operation of all persons interested in American History 
is again requested, and the importance of this collection again earnestly 
urged. Every letter that bears the signature of Washington, whether 
in his handwriting or not, or however unimportant it may appear, has 
its value. The simple establishment of his presence at a particular date 
may have a controlling weight in determining some point of historic 
importance. 



82 THE LETTERS (>F WASHINGTON 

The generous contributions received from all parts of the country, in 
response to the appeal made last year, have not yet ceased, each week 
bringing additions to the already extensive collection. For this very 
reason the appeal is again urgently pressed, that the work may be carried 
forward to complete conclusion in the second series. 

While special attention and preference has been, and is still given in 
the Magazine to letters of Washington, those of other characters distin- 
guished in history have not been neglected. A large number of letters of 
Lafayette have already been brought together, and will appear in a 
Lafayette number, in the course of the year ; to this contributions are also 
requested. In addition, any letters of French officers v^ho served in the 
army of the United States, or in the French contingent under de 
Rochambeau, will be most welcome at this time, when no pains is being 
spared to supply in the pages of the Magazine all attainable information 
concerning the alliance with France and her intervention in American 
affairs. The centennial anniversary of the landing of the French troops 
occurs the present year. It is particularly desired that all French 
letters be contributed in the original text and not in translation. 

An extensive collection of correspondence of the Colonial and Revo- 
lutionary periods has been made by unremitting effort and diligence 
during the last three years, the publication of which will be begun when 
the material is sufficient to allow of being presented in groups. By this 
method, letters desultory in character and of little separate importance, 
acquire value from their cognate relation and mterdependence. Viewed 
in this light the letter of the soldier in the ranks has a place as 
important as that of the general in the council or the field. To this also 
general co-operation is invited. The contributors to this branch of docu- 
ments are requested to send the originals, which will be transcribed 
and returned without delay. 

The interest which has been shown in all parts of the country, by the 
press and by individuals, in this effort is gratefully acknowledged, and 
cordial thanks are also tendered to the numerous persons whose friendly 
correspondence has been a source of peculiar pleasure, and of itself a 
sufficient reward for the arduous labor of the undertaking. 

EDITOR 



A NATIONAL STANDARD FOR THE 
LIKENESS OF WASHINGTON 

The vast interest taken in whatever relates to the glorious name 
of Washington gives rise to every description of eulogy and memorial ; 
indeed, genius and patriotism are constantly stimulated to the highest 
degree of emulation in portraying the sublime grandeur of his mind 
and heart, as well as his majestic form and noble features. Yet, whilst 
literature is pronouncing his greatness with the correspondence of an 
uniform type, his image is assuming every variety of phase, even to 
senseless caricatures, an inconsistency which may be ascribed mainly 
to a want of confidence in the skill of his limners, since no two like- 
nesses taken from life resemble each other, and none coincide with the 
numerous descriptions transmitted by historians and personal friends. 
These discrepancies have necessarily obliged modern artists to indulge 
in speculative conceptions, and in concert to present heroic rather than 
truthful presentations ; an error which will, if not speedily arrested, 
fasten upon posterity an endless variety of mere mythical images. 

The history of Washington is a record of facts engrafted on the annals 
of his country, and they are so simple and grand that fiction can add 
neither beauty or interest to them. So Marshall thought in writing his 
life, for in narrating his illustrious career, he transmitted the most 
truthful history of the nation. This dignified work, however, not 
proving sufficiently exciting and extravagant for the impulsiveness of 
the times, has been assigned to august repose in the library of antiquated 
classics, and every species of fanciful biography has been issued to 
supersede it. The image of Washington also, in conformity to the 
spirit of the age, has undergone similar treatment with more unsatis- 
factory results. 

Public attention was called a few years since to a likeness as life-like 
in character as the truthful history of Marshall ; and it is only necessary 
to sweep aside the rubbish and webs of prejudice, malicious detraction 
and selfish interest to establish universally the fact that in it exists the 
literal true portraiture of Washington as in the life, the truth of which 
statement must eventually be as fully realized as that the light of the 
earth is the reflex of the sun. 



84 NATIONAL STANDARD FOR THE LIKENESS OF WASHINGTON 

In support of this assertion the critic will require the evidence to be 
presented in an intelligent shape. To accomplish this result, a prelim- 
inary review of the whole subject appears expedient ; yet for the 
sake of brevity, the leading points only will be examined. To comment 
upon the numerous publications which were designed to accomplish the 
object in view, would involve an amount of unpleasant and unprofitable 
controversy. Attention will therefore be particularly directed to an 
essay by the late George W. P. Custis, entitled the Appendix to 
the Custis Recollections and Private Memoirs, &c., which was intended 
to be a final suggestion towards the establishment of a '' National 
Standard for Washington's personal appearance," by which the most 
authentic likenesses and the abilities of the artists who produced them 
will be carefully considered, and the conclusion as to their merits will 
rest upon a mere summary of the facts. 

Mr. Custis names several pictures which have peculiar claims to 
authenticity, but he gives his entire sanction to three only : the first, 
by Charles Wilson Peaie, painted from the life in 1772 ; the second, 
by Trumbull, and the third by Stuart. He mentions also that there 
was a Crayon profile by Sharpless, which was esteemed " an excellent 
likeness with uncommon truthfulness of expression." He merely 
adds " there was a portrait painted by Rembrandt Peale during the 
Presidency, which elicited much commendation from Revolutionary 
worthies." Mr. Custis gives the following as his conclusion : " Our 
readers may ask, Shall the Standard Portraiture be Equestrian ? We 
reply, to the portrait of one as accomplished a cavalier as Washington, 
the white charger with the leopard skin housings, &c., would be an 
embellishment, the chief to be dismounted, with arm resting on the saddle 
after the manner of Trumbull. But whether equestrian or not, the 
Americans have the materials for the standard before them in the /lead 
from Stuart with some slight modifications from the original of 1772, 
and \\\Q figure from Triimbidl entire ^ 

The peculiar connection and association of Mr. Custis with the 
illustrious Washington render criticism or comment on his writings 
exceedingly embarrassing ; indeed it may appear presumption to do or 
say anything calculated to weaken the value of his information, or 
question the correctness of his judgment and taste, for the public receive 
with eagerness and gratitude any recollections or descriptions calculated 
to bring vividly before them the character and personal appearance of 
one who is ever present in sentiment and thought. It would indeed 
have been providential had the enthusiastic essayist put an end to 



NATIONAL STANDARD FOR THE LIKENESS OF WASHINGTON 85 

Speculation or controversy by pointing out the infallible means of 
establishing an unquestionable source for the national standard ; but 
unfortunately he has rather complicated the already tortured subject 
by advocating the expediency of mosaicing three pictures painted by 
different artists at long intervals, and under entirely different circum- 
stances ; a mode of procedure which provokes further research, contro- 
versy and dissension. 

The establishing of a standard of any national feature is a very 
serious matter ; but the authentication and erection of a standard image 
to represent the Nation's Father, is an act of sacred dedication to the 
claims of eternal posterity. It may be said with profound deference 
that this is too grave a subject to be submitted to mere recollections, or 
casual opinions, for although incidents, events, scenes, and even language 
may have remained bright and clear upon the tablets of a memory three 
score years and ten, yet the lineal image and the evanescent spirit which 
flits over the features and consummate character cannot be indelibly 
impressed upon recollection. Besides, when imagination has been 
constantly fed by pictures, engravings and other effigies entirely at 
variance with each other, it must at last elect its own standard, a 
process which reduces the grand original to an image of fancy, or a 
creation of art. This was peculiarly the case with Mr. Custis, whose 
hand had toiled in Promethean labor many j^ears, to give substance and 
identity to the vision of a dream. 

A few comments upon the modifying plan adopted by Mr. Custis will 
suffice to dispose of all similar literary descriptive attempts, and as it 
is proposed to adhere strictly to facts established by unimpeachable 
authority, assertion or suggestion will be as much as possible avoided. 
When it is recollected how seldom there is a coincidence of opinion in 
speaking of or representing any particular individual of ordinary society 
even, it will easily be understood, how near to impossible it would be 
for the loftiest intellect to comprehend and describe so sublime a 
character and so inscrutable a countenance as that of the immortal 
Washington, and consequently determine his personal appearance by 
theoretical analysis and comparison. 

The plan of taking the head by Stuart for the basis, the portrait by 
C. W. Peale painted twenty-three years previous for the modification, 
and the figure by Trumbull to place the head upon, would necessarily 
oblige the artist to exercise his conception and judgment to adapt youth 
to age, and combine the result of one feeble artistic skill with the 
strong and impulsive delineation of another. If this system be adopted, 



S6 NATIONAL STANDARD FOR THE LIKENESS OF WASHINGTON 

the whole craft challenged to compete, and every aspirant privileged to 
exercise his own powers, there would be more versions of Washington- 
than there were stricken tongues in discordant Babel, for the conclusion 
of each artist would be as individual as his conception of character and 
incident and his style of art. This appears not only in the painted and 
sculptured portraits of familiar celebrities, but is seen in the mechanical 
transfers of the daguerrean and photographic galleries. It may be said 
also that the originals are not always good representations in them- 
selves, for the conditions of mind, body, health and even climate change 
individual aspect and features, and that there is no circumstance so cal- 
culated to dispel unconsciousness and alter expression as the assumption 
of a position in which to be copied for the world to criticise. No plan 
could be more hopeless than to pick and choose fragments of features 
and expressions from discrepant images. Even traditional opinions are 
unavailable, being themselves contradictory and rarely perspicuous* 
Even those living and those who have passed away, leaving to the 
future their memories, afford no reliable data except that of mere infer-^ 
ence and individual impression. For instance : some say Washington 
had full light grey eyes ; some contend he had small dark eyes, and 
others are positive he had deep, bluish grey eyes In an enormous space 
of orbit, with great breadth across the nose; some say he had a very 
large nose, others a Roman nose. Stuart has made his nose large and 
fleshy, his eyes large and of a clear blue, and not deeply sunk in the 
head as others have it. Descriptions of the most reliable character do 
not dwell upon any eccentricity whatever, but simply speak of his calm 
majesty of feature, and entire repose of countenance. Mr. Custis said, 
in remarking upon the various portraits, that the original was fair 
though considerably florid, the eye sunken and greyish dark blue in 
color, the expression mild and thoughtful, the whiskers never powdered 
and of a light brown. Stuart made the hair and whiskers a mass 
of white. 

It would be rather strange if Mr. Custis confounded an early period 
with the latter days of the illustrious personage, or that Stuart should 
have been guilty of such a glaring oversight. Still it is distinctly 
understood that up to the close of the war Washington never wore his 
whiskers powdered, nor indeed did he use much powder at all, and his 
hair was dressed after the English fashion, whereas after his election it 
was dressed in the mode of the French court, the former being arranged 
with a cue bound with a black ribbon, and the latter with a black silk 
bag. Notwithstanding that there are numerous contradictions in the 



NATIONAL STANDARD FOR THE LIKENESS OF WASHINGTON 87 

description of his person, features and complexion, there is a general 
correspondence in the impressions made by presence, deportment, and 
address. It has unfortunately happened that none of the numerous 
efforts made to settle these difficulties have taken a comprehensive view 
of the various phases of the subject ; on the contrary, they have all 
aimed at an individual preference, no one showing any clearer title to 
reliable authority than their own opinion, based upon limited or solitary 
facts. 

In raising any representation to the immortal position of a national 
standard, it is a great, if not an indispensable consideration, to 
determine the most favorable age and most impressive incident con- 
nected with that period of his life. He was certainly at the acme of 
human greatness when closing the last scene of the Revolution ; at all 
events national association and national enthusiasm are constantly 
emphasizing the conclusion of peace, and his resignation of high 
authority to seek the repose of domestic life. This is not only an 
incident dear to the hearts of his countrymen, but it gave an advent star 
to all humanity, and astounded an incredulous world. 

In reviewing the different likenesses, it will be imperatively important 
to keep in mind that Washington was, by every artist, considered the 
most difficult subject ever submitted to the skill of the limner; and in 
addition to this important truth, it will be recollected that in the last 
century the fine arts had scarcely so much as an infancy in this country, 
and that even from England, where there was barely the nucleus of a 
school. Before and many years after the Revolution, portrait painting 
was the only branch patronized in this country ; and even in England, up 
to the close of the century, it was with very limited exceptions entirely 
mechanical in its character ; one class of artists painted the heads, and 
another the dress and accessories. C. W. Peale belonged more to the 
latter than the former class, as is clearly shown in Mr. Custis' favorite 
portrait painted at the age of forty-one. The gold lace, the coat and 
buttons are done with the utmost care and imitative skill ; but the flesh 
is dry, lifeless, and inflexible. The face is an irregular oval, the brows 
are distinctly arched, and lined with penciling formality. The nose 
would not be remarked for size or the least peculiarity ; indeed the 
whole picture excites no comment, except for the still-life features. 
The complexion denotes no relation to any particular temperament or 
constitution. C. W. Peale gave striking evidence of his cleverness in 
imitating still-life objects in a portrait of him.self raising a curtain, 
palette in hand, and stepping into the long room of his museum in 



88 NATIONAL STANDARD FOR THE LIKENESS OF WASHINGTON 

Philadelphia. This picture was placed in a doorway leading to an upper 
room, two or more steps projecting in front of the picture, which were 
so left to aid the deception. At the first glance the illusion was com- 
plete ; and it was only on a near approach and close examination of the 
unflesh}^ character of the face that the cheat was readily discovered. 

The full length of Washington by Peale, now in the Patent Office 
Museum, painted in 1786, is very far inferior to the picture painted in 
1772 — indeed as a work of art as well as a likeness it is unworthy the 
least comment. It can be treasured only for the name it bears. Yet in 
the catalogue of that institution it is termed a grand representation of 
the original ; without this literary index the picture Avould remain in 
the obscurity to w^hich its insignificance consigns it. 

Trumbull's equestrian picture is very much of the same order of work 
as Peale's, except that the general effect is more satisfactory, and indicates 
more capacity in the artist for the treatment of a subject. The form 
no doubt resembles Washington's ; that is, as near as anything can 
which shows a feeble capacity for the drawing of those parts which 
enable the painter to give individual language and expression to his 
art. It might easily be mistaken for any one else of similar height, bulk 
and shape. The attitude is too common-place and too quiescent for the 
moment described. It would be difficult to conjecture the motive or state 
of mind which dictated an attitude so devoid of occupation in the battle- 
field. The ordinary impression doubtless would be that the great 
Commander-in-Chief was standing to display his person in tableau or 
for a portrait. When, therefore, it is known for whom it was intended, 
the inference necessarily attributes the whole arrangement to the 
ingenuity of the artist who, in wishing to produce something grand, 
relied upon his imagination instead of his memory and judgment. The 
very effort to exalt a sublime subject invariably results in inconsistency ; 
hence, in all the compositions in which Christ is represented, the Divine 
personage is the most unmeaning character in the group or assembly. 
The most beautiful heads intended to represent that of our Saviour have 
been painted from individuals, the expression and position only being 
the conception of the artist. In a case where the object is present and 
the most rigid truth is required, and the artist fails, he is either unequal 
to the task, or he permits his fancy to obscure his consciousness of the 
present facts. 

Trumbull had seen Washington under a variety of circumstances, 
was one of his aids, and in after life had frequent intercourse with him. It 
would be supposed therefore that no man could be better fitted to give an 



NATIONAL STANDARD FOR THE LIKENESS OF WASHINGTON <S9 

accurate portrait of his person and his features, but he did not possess 
suf^cient talent as a hmner to paint a life-like portrait of so majestic and 
inscrutable an individual as the great Washington. 

It is a very unpleasant task to criticise the works of men connected 
with a proud history, to which the best writers, the most enthusiastic 
virtuosi and the most eminent patriots have contributed their wealth of 
opinion. Many of these have attached certificates and legends to these 
questionable likenesses, which substantiate the trite assertion that there 
is no likeness or work of art too grand to escape censure, or too bad to 
be without praise. There is a class of critics, and they are the most 
numerous, who write on art from mere momentar}' impression, having 
had no habit of study or thought on the subject to build judgment 
upon. They, however, direct public opinion. One of these critics in 
eulogizing a colossal bust of Washington states that the artist was " a 
melancholy enthusiast, whose thirst for the ideal was deepened by a 
morbid tenacity of purpose and sensitiveness of heart." This mono- 
maniac, for such from the above it would be inferred he was, produced 
"the most perfect representation of the man and the hero combined after 
Stuart's master-piece." The criticism ends with this pithy sentence : " The 
bust gave Washington a Roman look." Another writer says : " If we 
wish more particularly to see the graceful play of the lips in the act of 
speaking, and the peculiar expression of the mouth and chin at the same 
moment, we shall see it in Ceracchi's colossal bust." The same critic in 
another place says, in speaking of Stuart's head in the Boston Athenaeum : 
*' This last, differing so essentially from all other portraits, has been the 
cause of all the dissension about Washington's likenesses ; although we 
have not the least doubt the artist gives us a true representation of the 
man when he sat to him ; and thus we explain why we ought to receive 
all these originals as correct likenesses at the time they were taken." 
This last remark suggests the very familiar criticism : " it is exactly like, 
but it is a horrid daub," That which makes the resemblance in a horrid 
daub is the exaggeration of the notable features of the face, because 
a horrid daub would denote wretched art, or the total absence of 
art itself. Caricatures are the most recognizable of likenesses, and 
although offensive to the parties interested, are preferred by the mass of 
society. Washington was too strongly constituted and too distinctly 
individual in mind, character and physique, to admit the probability of 
his appearance undergoing such extraordinary changes. Very few are 
•educated to observe the material form of nature in general, and still 
fewer to examine understandingly the mysterious variations of the 



90 NATIONAL STANDARD FOR THE LIKENESS OF WASHINGTON 

human face : as for the opinions of people in regard to the features of an 
absent face, they are utterly unreliable in the most intimate cases. For 
instance, take those whose opinions have been solicited to decide the 
excellence of the various likenesses of Washington ; the same encomiums> 
the same prompt recognition, and the same certificates have been 
obtained for all, yet no two of the pictures have as much as, and certainly 
not more than a mere family resemblance. The peculiar relations and 
sentiments toward so exalted an individual, putting aside the difficulty 
of analyzing and describing features, would cause a material variation of 
their impressions. One might be a near relation, another an intimate 
friend, one a companion in arms, another a civil cooperator, one high in 
rank, another subordinate ; one might be bound to him by love, another 
by admiration or respectful affection, and others by indefinable relations, 
sympathies and interest, and none so unenthusiastic as to perceive the 
features only. All these various mediums brought to bear upon a 
subject confessedly impenetrable, commanding and awe inspiring,, 
render opinions exceedingly variable, if not entirely unreliable. 

Trumbull painted a second equestrian portrait of Washington some- 
what in a fencing position, the right arm stretched out, holding in the 
hand a field glass ; the figure is poised upon the left leg, the right leg^ 
being bent, the left hand rests upon the hip, or hilt of the sword, giving 
the arm an a-kimbo bend, the chapeau and gloves being between the 
fingers. The whole pose is artificial, without being dramatically 
expressive, and did it occur in nature instead of art, it would be difficult 
to conjecture the state of mind which induced it. There is less signifi- 
cance or extravagance of gesture than is usually displayed on oratorical 
or theatrical occasions, but more egotistical motive than would be 
supposed to belong to so grave and modest a hero. To render the com- 
position complete, a charger is arranged broadside behind Washington, 
in a jumping attitude, restrained apparently by a trooper from making 
a break-neck leap. The point of sight is very low, bringing the back 
and foreground in juxtaposition, which affords a view beneath the horse's 
belly of a conflict ranging in a far distance : these little figures in their 
incorrect relation to those in front suggest a scene amongst the 
Lilliputians. 

Many fine pictures have been sadly injured by the use of similar cun- 
ning devices to tell a story which the principal figures do not sufficiently 
make known. As a youth, Trumbull was an enthusiastic aspirant for 
artistic distinction ; but his heroic turn of temper caused him to supercede 
the brush by the sword ; he earned the distinction of second aid to h>s 



NATIONAL STANDARD FOR THE LIKENESS OF WASHINGTON 9 J 

Commander-in-Chief. In 1777 he returned to the palette, but again 
resumed military arms, and remained in the army until Sullivan's retreat, 
when he sailed for England to become a pupil of West. An incident 
obliged him to return home, where he remained till after the peace, 
when he again sailed for London, to be under the guidance of his 
old master. West had established an important era in the fine arts ; he 
was struck with the grand portraiture of Reynolds, and conceived the 
idea of casting aside the allegorical style derived from the bombastic 
school of France. The stage had discarded the mock classics also, and 
adopted the absurdity of dressing the characters of Shakespeare in 
the peri-wigs, laced coats, breeches and buckled shoes of the day, 
which were very appropriate in portraiture, but absurd in historic 
representations. Trumbull, determining to follow West in modera 
history, adopted the idea of historical subjects of his own country. 
Like those of West, his pictures were of cabinet size, which suited his 
eye and hand far better than the life size, as is evident on comparing his 
picture of Bunker Hill and others with those in the Rotunda of the 
Capitol ; the latter presenting a remarkable instance of the sacrifice of 
picturesque arrangement and agreeable effect to narrations of incident 
and personal portraiture. The individuals are disposed with a view to 
likeness, whereby a monotony of view and consciousness of the object 
too characteristic of the show room of a professional limner is produced. 
It is fatiguing also to the attention to observe the strong family likeness 
between the different objects ; the mannerism of the coloring and execu- 
tion generally reminds the spectator more of the artist than of the person 
designed to be represented. True art aims to substitute illusion for 
reality, and the philosophy of art teaches the student the important 
truth that nature has neither relative excellence nor singularity of style. 
Artists are allowed a great variety of styles, but the original creator has 
but one style. Trumbull was merely a follower of others. He did not 
paint with the impulsive brilliancy of an inventive genius. He composed 
in imitation of West, and when his subject required variation of rule, he 
betrayed a deficiency in the higher grammar of art. For instance, his 
Declaration of Independence is a formal and monotonous arrangement 
of figures, receiving an equal quantity of light without sufficient aerial 
perspective to account for the lineal reduction of size. The same tints 
prevail in every head, and the figures are posed so nearly alike that a 
casual observer would suppose one person had been used for the model 
of all. The story is imperfectly told ; indeed, it might be mistaken for a 
Quaker meeting, or any assembly of a phlegmatic character. It is diflfi- 



92 NATIONAL STANDARD FOR THE LIKENESS OF WASHINGTON 

cult to realize the sublime inspiration of minds resolved to place name, life 
and fortune, in peril, ruin, or ignominious death, should the stupendous 
enterprise eventually fail in its object. Every man, as he walked up to 
place his name upon the parchment, saw the gallows, or the broken 
sceptre, in the vision of his soul. They dared the vengeance of a power- 
ful monarchy ; yet not one hand trembled, nor one pen quivered or blotted 
the vital instrument ; even old age and infirmity strove to make legible 
the signature the palsied hand could hardly trace. Never Avere fifty-two 
autographs more firmly or clearly v^ritten, and if marks of the pen 
indicate power and will of mind, then were these signers the boldest 
and firmest of the earth, or the most inspired of heaven. 

In the formal row of heads and legs so conspicuous in the picture, it 
would require an extraordinary imagination to realize the spirits that 
were hurling defiance at the gigantic parent of an empire. In looking 
at so tame an illustration, memory falls to sleep, and the grandeur of the 
incident is forgotten in reading the obscure language of an imper- 
fect art. 

The resignation of Washington is another of Trumbull's national 
pictures. This profoundly touching subject presents to the artist illimit- 
able scope for eloquence of expression, dramatic beauty and effect. The 
simple mention of the subject in history is enough to thrill evey fibre of 
the heart, and it would seem, that on reading the following graphic 
description, the artist's soul would dilate with inspiration. " The moral 
grandeur of the scene, and the patriotic exultation it was likely to call 
forth, could not suppress a feeling of tender melancholy on beholding 
that connection dissolved, which had been the source of national pride 
and glory ; and many of the spectators yielding to this emotion melted 
into tears. The principal actors themselves, General Washington and 
the President of Congress, General Mifflm, were almost overpowered 
by their feelings." 

The closing act of this great drama made a deep impression on the 
whole American nation. Here stood before the world's eye one who 
had broken the chains of tyranny, and formed a vast nation out of colo- 
nial fragments, and who commanded the hearts of a devoted army, which 
was prepared to crown him monarch or dictator. This majestic hero 
had but a few days previously, with tearful eyes, called around him 
the companions of his toils and dangers to press them to his heart, and 
bid them farewell, a word none could utter, but they turned in 
sorrow, one from another, many for ever. Having broken up his 
military family, he hastened to Congress to surrender the slender com- 



NATIONAL STANDARD FOR THE LIKENESS OK WASHINGTON 93 

mission he had received eight years before, with crushing responsibilities, 
without means, and a half starved, naked and undisciplined army ; 
a commission now covered with glory and immortal fame. No 
combination of circumstances and events could render man a more 
sublime spectacle, or a grander subject for epic history or picture. 
The hand of genius would have portrayed the emotions of the actors, 
and rendered their thoughts and language readable to the hearts at 
least of the commonest natures. The tame representations, placed as 
national records in the Capitol of the nation, are calculated to depress 
taste and sentiment, rather than excite admiration and emulation ; and 
the feeling of reverence is lost in the painful criticisms they excite, 
which must produce towards illustrative art an apathy, if not disgust. 

That Trumbull gloried in his reminiscences and appreciated his 
subjects with worthy sensibility, there can be little doubt, yet he lacks 
the means of conveying his thoughts and feelings upon a scale so grand. 
Enthusiasm is too often mistaken for the inspiration of genius, and the 
desire to execute is confounded with the excitement of power to perform. 

The pictures are treasured as a catalogue of good likenesses, while 
they are condemned as master-pieces of painting, but they are as 
questionable in one case as in the other, for it is notorious that Trumbull 
was not an accurate delineator of the life, except as a mere generalizer 
of the person and features. It would be impossible for a sculptor to 
model a life-like head from any of his portraits, which he could success- 
fully do from many by Stuart, and nearly all by A^andyke or Lawrence. 

Stuart's portrait of Washington has become the national standard.. 
His fame in England, and the fact that his picture was engraved by the 
famous Heath of London have eclipsed the pretensions of all who have 
painted portraits of the illustrious subject. There are several versions 
of the history of Stuart's performances, and as they have at different 
times varied, and as the most recent is not creditable to the honor of 
Stuart, it will not be inapposite to add another, which was received 
from the great artist's own lips ; yet as many years have elapsed, and it 
differs so entirely from a published account, memory is a little timid, 
and were there not a very cogent reason for giving it publicity, silence 
would still retain an unbroken seal. Many of the most interesting 
points in history have originated in oral legend. 

The writer alluded to says : " This last, it appears by a letter of Mr. 
Custis which we have examined, was undertaken against the desire of 
Washington, and at the earnest solicitations of his wife, who wished a 
portrait from life of her illustrious husband to be placed among the 



94 NATIONAL STANDARD FOR THE LIKENESS OF WASHINGTON 

other family portraits at Mount Vernon. For this express purpose, and 
to gratify her, the artist commenced the work, and Washington agreed to 
sit once more. It was left intentionally mifinishedy and when subsequently 
claimed by Mr. Custis, who offered a premium upon the original price, 
Stuart excused himself, much to the former's dissatisfaction, on the plea 
that it was a requisite legacy for his children." The other version is, 
that when an agent came from New York to propose to Stuart the 
purchase of his unfinished original head of Washington, Stuart promptly 
refused, and said it should never pass from his possession during his life. 
He then stated that he was commissioned to paint a full length from 
life, for the nature of the engagement is not strictly remembered, but 
during the progress of the picture, or immediately after he had made his 
study of the head, some unhandsome equivocations arose respecting the 
terms, and he consigned the picture to his closet, swearing he would 
never touch brush to it again. 

If Stuart made use of the paltry subterfuge ascribed to him to secure 
an inheritance for his children, the time had arrived when he was 
offered $4,000 for it — and he could not have hoped that in any event it 
would bring more, as t\iQ first original was extant. Besides, at this time, 
he was in actual want of the necessaries, or at least the comforts of life, 
being sorely afflicted with the gout, and unable to draw an adequate 
income from his very casual professional labors. That some unusual 
occurrence checked his brush is clear, for the unfinished state of the 
picture detracted materially from its value. Had he designed this 
portrait for the object stated, it would have reached a national value by 
being an entire figure and perfectly finished, and would then undoubtedly 
have been an heir-loom prductive of fortune, instead of a legacy too 
trifling to secure to his family more than a paltry pittance. It may be 
suggested that Stuart was not a provident man, that his tastes were 
expensive, and his temper subject to violent caprices, yet he was an 
exceedingly proud man, and incapable of an act disgraceful to him as 
a gentleman. It is true he could resent a wrong or slight with a 
violence incompatible with good taste. His stamping upon the portrait 
of Jerome Buonaparte, and refusing to finish or part with either that or 
Madame Buonaparte's, because the prince came an hour or so behind 
his appointment, is entirely characteristic of his indisputable pride. 
Numerous anecdotes of the same kind, related of him by his friends, 
show that some such difficulty prevented the completion of Washing- 
ton's picture. It is really too much of a scandal to admit that Stuart 
engaged the offices of Mrs. Washington to press her husband to sit once 



NATIONAL STANDARD FOR THE LIKENESS OF WASHINGTON 95 

more to gratify her^ designing at the time to use her as a tool for his own 
purposes, and thus subjected the illustrious lady to a humiliating mortifi- 
cation, and himself to the forfeiture of the esteem of the great and good 
Washington. 

Stuart failed in his first picture, a circumstance most extraordinary 
for him. It is rarely a confident artist does himself full justice if his first 
impulse proves abortive. In art the first conception is the most natural 
and beautiful; hence a sketch often has more eloquence than an 
elaborate work. The greatest, or rather the most brilliant efforts of 
very many men of genius, have been realized b}' the first intention, as it 
is technically termed. Failure is extremely depressing to proud 
and sensitive spirits ; so is disapprobation or persecution ; and there is 
generally an ebullition of temper when either occur. Poets and 
painters especially suffer intense wretchedness when severely criticised 
or abused. Yet there are memorable instances of their outshining them- 
selves when goaded by the merciless critic or aroused by the throes of 
ill fortune. 

No hardships are more dispiriting to professional men of genius than 
submission to conventional opinion, and dictation of subject or style. 
Neither of these however need excite wrath, for a graceful manner may 
control without wounding the pride or the feelings. Yet the artist at 
once surrenders his own original conceptions, and becomes a mere illus- 
trator of the ideas of another. This may probably apply to the case of 
Stuart when he was aspiring to the immortality of a happy association 
with the name of the great Washington. 

When the artist beheld that noble face deprived of much of its 
grandeur and m.eans of characteristic expression by the loss of teeth 
and the substitution for them of an artificial set, he was filled with 
painful regret ; yet, loving nature more than art, he desired to portray 
that glorious face even in decay, and requested that the teeth should 
be removed ; this was opposed by the family, and in such a way 
as to render the indomitable energies of Stuart evanescent. He 
painted a portrait and destroyed it; he began a second, and it is said, 
placed wads of cotton in the cheeks above the mechanical teeth to 
distend the muscles relaxed by destroying the natural teeth. These 
fabrications of an unskillful dentist were too short and too full for the 
mouth, and gave to the jaw a squareness perfectly unnatural, and 
deforming to the whole lower part of the face. The fine nervous lines 
of the lips were destroyed, the muscles of the cheeks and jaw were 
thrown out of play as by physical dotage, the firm yet curved lip was 



96 NATIONAL STANDARD FOR THE LIKENESS OF WASHINGTON 

flattened and no longer eloquent in its expression. The soul looRed 
bright though tranquil through the deep, lustrous eyes, and the brow 
retained the features of majestic thought ; but the mouth, that great 
organ of the mind, was deprived of its means of beautiful expression, 
if not of much of its articulate utterance. 

The friends who opposed the removal of the artificial teeth were 
sensible of the loss to that grand face of an essential part of its speaking 
beauty ; they vainly hoped to remedy the deficiency by trying to force 
the lips to their original lines with the substitute furnished by the bung- 
ling dentist. The great artist, full of awe and admiration of the 
illustrious patriot, necessarily felt that he had missed his hour ; he also 
felt that his genius was high above all those who had enjoyed more 
auspicious opportunities ; yet, that strong as was his will, faithful and 
masterly as was his hand, even the tyros of art would dispute his claims 
to an isolated greatness, on the ground that the}^ had enjoyed the full 
advantage of nature in perfection, while he was required in order to be 
truthful to commemorate the defects of age ; art, itself, being pov\^erless 
to overcome an incidental defect. 

The head in the Athenaeum of Boston is the third and last attempt 
by Stuart, and is more carefully modelled than nearly all the copies he 
made of it. It has not so much of his bold, free handling ; indeed the 
execution is rather close and less fleshy than his very best pictures, 
which are remarkable for brilliancy of color and effective manipulation 

The impression received by foreigners and disinterested connoisseurs 
is that Stuart's picture does not convey the idea of intellectual great- 
ness, or moral vigor of character. The expression has the stolidity of 
mental drowsiness or old age, which is greatly owing to the too faithful 
representation of the artificial defects. The position of the head is 
very unfavorable to a true showing of the features, the left wall of the 
face and that side of the nose being in comparative shadow, which 
prevents the nice definition of parts so important to the expression of 
the whole. Instead of the light falling upon the mass of the head, 
which would display the facial lines of the features, it strikes upon the 
side averted ; the shadow, therefore, obscures the nostril, the fine side 
lines of the nose, the seating of the brows and the inner corner of the eye. 
The orbit of the eye is remarkably large, which brings the cheek bone 
into great prominence ; it is, therefore, fully described on the left side, 
but on the right is entirely flat. This strange inconsistency in the draw- 
ing argues a decided want of presence of mind, or that there was some 
unusual disturbance of it. The execution is ver}^ methodical. Still his 



NATIONAL STANDARD FOR THE LIKENESS OF WASHINGTON 97 

peculiar handling- is not as perceptible as in the generality of his works. 
This head, though finely colored and dignified in air, is in effect far infe- 
rior to many of his best portraits. The want of spirit, the want of 
liveliness of hand, the strange drawing of the right cheek, the absence 
of the characteristic expression, together with the remarkable stress 
laid upon the artificial defects of the mouth and chin — the latter in par- 
ticular — forcibly suggest that Stuart painted under circumstances greatly 
to his disadvantage. The distortion of the fine, firm, well-formed 
mouth was sufficient to excite despair, and it is clear he had no favor- 
able opinion of the skill of his predecessors, or he might have remedied 
the evil by borrowing from them. 

It is told of this great limner that he was never embarrassed in the 
presence of any man or society, but that when Washington entered 
the room to take his seat, it was with the greatest difficulty he could 
command sufficient presence of mind to begin his task. In addition 
to this drawback, he found it impossible to excite in the least the attention 
or interest of his sitter, the consequence of which was that he failed in his 
first picture, and destroyed it; and it was only toward the close of his 
final attempt that, after exhausting his fine colloquial resources, he rec- 
ollected Washington's fondness for fine horses. Stuart was pec»j!iarly 
eloquent on this topic, for he had indulged almost to excess in a Nimrod 
love of the chase while in England and Ireland. The General grew 
animated with the discussion, and the artist endeavored to convey the 
lively emotion to his canvas, but it was too late ; the work was almost 
finished, and it was impossible to infuse in the completion that which 
should have been secured in the inception. The full-lengths by Stuart are 
rarely referred to as types of the original, for that of Trumbull, having 
the advantage in outline and proportion, is invariably selected. This 
accounts for its recommendation by Mr. Custis for the figure of the 
"national standard." 

Stuart's professional education extended very little beyond heads; 
for, although his powerful mind and extraordinary facility of pencil 
could have carried him to higher walks, his larger pictures indicate no 
habit of complicated study. His compositions assimilated to the Eng- 
lish versions of Vandyke, with their theatrical formuhe. For instance ; 
in a full-length portrait there must be one or more columns, with a cur- 
tain waving around like a half-furled sail in a gale of wind, looped up 
with a cord pendant, with gold or silken tassels. This was the back or 
middle ground arrangement, which was generally broken up by a piece 
of dirty blue sky, crumbled over with inflamed clouds. In the fore- 



98 NATIONAL STANDARD FOR THE LIKENESS OF WASHINGTON 

ground was a table, covered by a richly worked cloth, gathered up at 
one corner into profuse folds which hung down by the figure of the por- 
trait. On this table were scattered in picturesque confusion manuscript, 
pens and ink, books, and if at all consistent, a cocked hat. On the other 
side a carved chair, gilt or polished, the fioor covered by a nondescript 
carpet ; the whole forming a rich variety, both of objects and colors. 
This is pretty much the composition in Stuart's full-length portrait of 
Washington in civil costume. His picture in Fanueil Hall is an out-door 
scene, and represents an incident which occurred more than twenty 
years previous to the time of the sitting; yet there is very little, if any, 
variation in the age. The figure resembles that by Trumbull. The 
design is very curious, and suggests to the mind a show advertisement 
of a horse, with his tail where his head should be, as is literally the case 
in this picture ; for in the foreground, and in advance of Washington, 
is the globular rump of a fat horse. The General has his left hand rest- 
ing upon the saddle, and the head of the horse is in the middle ground. 
It is said that this expedient produced a fine breadth of light, which 
counterbalanced the gloom of the sky and distance, whilst the round 
lines of the hind parts of the brute were consistently repeated in the 
curling clouds behind. This refinement of art does not reconcile the 
untutored eye to the close proximity of the posteriors of a horse to the 
head and person of Washington. Besides, the position for an equestrian 
is very questionable, since he appears to give up his command of the 
charger to show himself to the limner or spectator, which is not 
characteristic of the great original, or consistent in a field of battle. 

The statement has been ventured, perhaps not very publicly, that 
Stuart's great genius is less evinced in his portraits of Washington than in 
any of those he painted in his palmiest days. This is not difficult to com- 
prehend, and it is purely a question of expediency whether to condemn 
them, or to permit them to retain their high position. One very strong 
provocation to elect a substitute is that they are easily caricatured, and 
as the mass of art duplication is of this description, it seems advisable 
to hold up to the world an image more just to the grand original, and 
more in accordance with the description given of his noble face and form. 

Rembrandt Peale labored forty or fifty years at this idea, which 
took such possession of Mr. Custis. He painted a portrait in 1795, 
and from his own account he had three sittinsrs of three hours each from 
life, which would appear to be sufficient for a small bust portrait. Yet he 
said he finished it without Washington being present, against which 
his father several times protested, saying that he had ''better let well 



NATIONAL STANDARD FOR THE LIKENESS OF WASHINGTON 99 

alone." At this time Peale was little more than a youth. That he 
was not satisfied with his effort is shown by his working upon it so rest- 
lessly from memory, which would have been unnecessary had he been 
content with his work from the life. This argues inferiority of capacity, or 
a want of dexterity of hand, or both, for nine hours is an ample time in 
which to complete a portrait of that size. It is no more than rational to 
suppose that he could have worked with better success from the 
object than from his mere memory of it. If he could not, with his 
limited talents, describe the features in nine hours, it would be difficult 
to conceive that he could do any better in double that length of time, and 
certainly no better in the absence of his sitter. He frankly acknowl- 
edges his^discontent at the effort he made; and subsequently not only 
changed the style, but altered the view and light and shade of the face 
to resemble the original picture, undoubtedly the juvenile effort of a 
frenzied eye, rather than that of a calm and disciplined perception. 
He could not, eagle-like, take note of objects invisible to the ordinary 
sense. His eye and hand were untaught, except so far as his father's 
meagre instructions assisted him. He says it was the dream of his 
boyhood to paint the portrait of the great man upon whose birthday he 
was born. He painted ten copies of his original, and they disappeared, 
like all bad pictures, until time and their name, as with old wine, brought 
them forth as providential relics, but he as industriously labored to 
supersede them as he endeavored to eclipse that by the immortal Stuart. 
Peale's mania for reproducing Washington again broke forth about 
1825, when, as he states, ''he assembled in his painting-room every por- 
trait, bust, medallion and print of Washington he could find, thus to 
excite and resuscitate his memory of the original. After vigils, intense 
studies and probings of memory, he succeeded in producing the pic- 
ture now in the United States Senate Chamber. In 1825 or 1826 he 
took this picture to Boston, where he exhibited it, first in his own room, 
then in the Atheneum, in opposition to Stuart's Fanueil Hall full-length. 
Many no doubt gave Peale's the preference. 

So it may be inferred, that in a medley of dyspeptic opinions he 
had a share of advocates, yet not as great a portion as when he had it 
in his own apartment, with the advantage of his enthusiastic interpreta- 
tions; for, as in an oft-told tale the narrator changes places with his 
hero, Peale believed piously what he said, in reply to inquisitive 
interrogatories, that his extraordinary success could be accounted for 
in no other way than by ** divine inspiration." He really believed this 
picture to be tx facsimile of Washington, as he saw him in his father's 



lOO NATIONAL STANDARD FOR THE LIKENESS OF WASHINGTON 

painting-room. It would seem rather strange that with divine assist- 
ance he should have had need of the pictures, sculptures and engrav- 
ings of every other artist by which to awaken his somnolent memory. 
Ordinary logic of an ungenerous nature would attribute Peale's 
picture to the congress of effigies which he assembled in his studio, 
rather than to the resuscitation of a forgotten image. That which 
memory recalls through an artificial medium is usually shaped and 
tinted by the speculum through which it is seen. This great original 
of Peale, in spite of the inspiration and severe travail which gave it 
birth, remained for many years in the artist's hands, when, after it had 
received the advantage of an European tour, and the support of various 
certificates, it was purchased at a cost of $2,000 by Congress. 

It is gravely recorded that there is a wonderful likeness of Wash- 
ington on the side of a mountain rock at Harper's Ferry, which is 
instantly recognized when pointed out, and rendered very impressive 
by a singular superstition. Children often believe in the eyes, nose 
and mouth of the moon, and many have fancied they have seen the 
man there who was spirited up for picking sticks of a Sunday ; and 
others who are more than children have, in looking through a telescope, 
seen so obediently as to distinguish the sheep or cattle browsing on the 
Luna mountains, when told by the showman they were surely there. 
No organ is so credulous as the eye, because the imagination is contin- 
ually peering through it. 

Rembrandt Peale's portrait is distinctly, by his own showmg, a 
composite order of likeness, varying entirely from his real originaLs. 
A few years ago a correspondence took place respecting the discovery 
of a portrait of Washington, in the course of which the picture was 
identified as one of the three copies he made of his veritable 
original in Baltimore. Previous to ascertaining this fact, the possessing 
party sought to sell it to the Federal Government as a sacred treasure. 
Its ultimate fate is not recollected. Mr. Peale did not appear to interest 
himself in the affair, for his affections were doubtless entirely concen- 
trated upon his new original. 

The venerable artist gave continued evidence of professional assid- 
uity, particularly in the promulgation of his labors upon the duplication 
of his Washington effigies. It was with many a subject of regret that 
he devoted his whole life to such an arduous pilgrimage, cis the detrac-. 
tion from public confidence of works contemporary with his own, espe^ 
cially that by the great Stuart. There can be no doubt concerning the 
honesty of his motives ; yet there are those who regard his efforts after 



NATIONAL STANDARD FOR THE LIKENESS OF WASHINGTON lOI 

glory as selfish attempts to make fortune out of veneration or patri- 
otism, although he may have been unconscious of the fact ; but it is 
much more generous, and doubtless more just, to ascribe his singular 
ideas of originality to an unaccountable imagination, of which his 
history by himself affords presumptive evidence. 

" Mrs. Peale," the artist says, *' with tears upon her cheeks, implored 
me to let Washington alone, for the excitement would cause my death." 
In another instance, this lady heard shrieks and groans issuing from his 
studio, which created intense terror. She flew to the door, but found it 
locked. Her imploring calls to her husband being unheeded, she had 
the door broken open, and upon rushing in, found the artist panting 
and nearly breathless upon the floor ! Upon recovering, he explained 
his condition to be the effect of his conception of a scene for a picture ; 
that when he reached the exact moment his horror was uncontrollable. 
It was Virginius in the act of stabbing his daughter ! This was not 
madness — it was simply a mind off its balance, or too great an excess 
of imagination. The singular feature of this eccentricity is that 
his imagination never aided his brush ; for he had to quiet down 
before he could execute his work, and then he grappled his subject 
imitatively. 

The painters already named are the most popular competitors for 
the honor of having supplied or contributed a national standard for the 
likeness of Washington, and it would be a loss of time, and an useless 
distraction of attention, to allude to the rest who have made efforts with- 
out enviable result. Pine and Sharpless are perhaps the only other 
artists deserving notice, but neither have contributed successfully to the 
great object in view. Indeed it was almost unnecessary to review the 
artists already named, but at the same time, as there has been but one 
side of the subject published to the world, and as the mass of society 
have no time or inclination perhaps to explore the ground, it is deemed 
expedient to call attention to the subject generally, so that the facts may 
be compared side by side. The only motive for thus taxing public 
patience is the firm belief that there is a true life-like image of 
Washington, and that it is due to posterity and the great Washington 
himself to establish the authenticity of this image, and therefore put an 
end to all.further contest, speculation and imposition. 

The most authentic likeness is a life-size statue by Houdon, made in 
1785 from casts taken of the head and whole person of Washington. The 
obscurity in which this extraordinary relic has remained is owing to the 
fact that it was executed for his native State, and has been preserved 



I02 NATIONAL STANDARD FOR THE LIKENESS OF WASHINGTON 

at a distance from any center of observation, and that the people of a 
new country have had little attention to bestow on art. At the close of 
the war a resolution was passed by Congress, ordering the erection of an 
equestrian statue in honor of General Washington, but no further steps 
were taken to carry it into effect. When the Legislature of Virginia 
convened, however, a resolution Avas passed to have his image made out 
of the finest marble, and by the most eminent sculptor of Europe, and an 
appropriation of one thousand guineas was voted. This was about one- 
half the amount of the value of such a work, and was made in ignor- 
ance of such matters, there being no guide except the known cost of 
a statue in Williamsburg of Lord Botetourt, which was about this 
amount, although a very ordinary specimen of sculpture. No doubt 
the great value of money, owing to the emptiness of the treasury, some 
idea of which can be formed by reading the following warrant of the 
first instalment, had something to do with this oversight : 

• " Warrant to Thomas Jefferson, Esq. 

" Saturday, October 30, 1784. 
'' Out of the first money that shall arise under the law for recruiting 
the States quota of men to serve in the continental army, for the 
purpose of procuring a statue of General Washington. * 

" By order of the Executive, ;^55o Sterling." 

Thomas Jefferson and Benjamin Franklin were charged with the 
commission, and at once determined to offer it to Houdon, who was 
pronounced the greatest statuary of modern times. This sculptor 
studied in Rome, where he made two statues, one of St. John and one of 
St. Bruno, which were purchased at the instance of the Pope, and placed 
in juxtaposition with the genius of ancient Greece. He had discarded 
the conventional art of the day, and substituted for it truth of nature, 
and the Greek rules of classic beauty. He was an eminent anatomist, 
and made the famous anatomical statue which laid the foundation of the 
new school of Europe. When Jefferson reached Paris, Houdon was 
engaged upon works for nearly every court of Europe, and he gave 
considerable offence by yielding to Jefferson's solicitations to undertake 
the statue of Washington. The Empress of Russia, who had given him 
some very important orders, was exceedingly incensed when he made 
application to be released from the engagement, and expressed consid- 
erable indignation at the idea of his, as she said, ''risking his life in 
crossing an ocean to make the statue of a colonial rebel." 



NATIONAL STANDARD FOR THE LIKENESS OF WASHINGTON IG3 

The following is the resolution passed by the Legislature of 
Virginia : 

''^ The initiatory steps taken "diV^di final action oi \\\^ legislature relative to 
the erection of the monument to Washington. Journal of the House, 
May 15th, 1784. 

''Resolved, That a committee be appointed to draw up an address to 
his excellency General Washington, expressive of the thanks and grati- 
tude of the House of Delegates for his unremitted zeal and services in 
the cause of liberty, congratulating him on his return to his native 
country and the exalted pleasures of domestic life. 

' Committee appointed, Messrs. Ronald, Mann, Page, Hubard, Henry, 
Tazwell, Heath, Roan, Taylor of Caroline, Cary and Corbin. 

"■ Ordered, That it be an instruction to the same Committee to 
consider and report what further measures may be necessary for per- 
petuating the gratitude and veneration of his country to General 
Washington. - '^ '- ^ ** 

'■'Resolved, That the Executive be requested to take measures for 
procuring a statue of General Washington, to be of the finest marble 
and best workmanship, with the following inscription on its pedestal, 
viz: * The General Assembly of the Commonwealth of Virginia have 
caused this statue to be erected as a monument of affection and gratitude 
to George Washington who, uniting to the endowments of the hero the 
virtues of the patriot, and exerting both in establishing the liberties of 
his country, has rendered his name dear to his fellow citizens, and given 
to the world an immortal example of true glory." 

•The Executive caused to be sent a copy of the picture of Washington 
by C. W. Peale, which was designed as the material from which the 
statue should be made. No sooner did Houdon see this picture than 
he rejected all thought of relying upon any such work, and told Jefferson 
it would be absolutely necesary for him to see Washington himself. 
Both Franklin and Jefferson rejoiced over this unexpected sacrifice, 
although it involved additional expense. Jefferson wrote at once to the 
Governor to communicate this agreeable information, and was in return 
congratulated on having made so happy a negotiation, A difficulty 
arose, however, which rendered the enterprise somewhat doubtful. 
Houdon was entirely willing to sacrifice himself, but he required a given 
sum to be secured to his parents and sisters in case he should be lost at 
sea. Jefferson wrote to Adams on the subject to obtain insurance in 
London upon Houdon's life, to continue from month to month until his 



I04 ..ATIONAL STANDARD FOR THE LIKENESS OF WASHINGTON 

return to France. This was happily effected, and Houdon sailed from 
England with Franklin. Jefferson had previously written to Washington 
the following letter : 

To General Washington^ from Jefferson^ dated Paris, July loth, 1785 

" Dear Sir : Mr. Houdon would much sooner have had the honor 
of attending you, but for a spell of sickness, which long induced us to 
despair of his recovery, and from which he is but recently recovered. 
He comes now for the purpose of lending the aid of his art to transmit 
you to posterity. -He is without rivalship in it, being employed from all 
parts of Europe in whatever is capital. He has had a difficulty to with- 
draw himself from an order of the Empress of Russia; a difficulty, 
however, that arose from a desire to show her respect, but which never 
gave him a moments hesitation about his present voyage, which he 
considers as promising the brightest chapter of his history. I have 
spoken of him as an artist onl}^ ; but I can assure you also that, as a man, 
he is disinterested, generous, candid, and panting after glory ; in every 
circumstance meriting your good opinion. He will have need to see 
you much, while he shall have the honor of being with you, which you 
can the more freely admit, as his eminence and merit give him admission 
into genteel society here." 

In writing to the Governor at the same time, he said Houdon had 
acceded to their terms, although he was confident he would be a consid- 
erable loser. Jefferson wrote also to the Virginia delegates in Congress, 
relying upon them to bring up the subject of the equestrian statue. He 
tells them of the glory it would be to have the work done by so great an 
artist ; one who was entirely without rivalship. 

When Franklin and Houdon arrived in Philadelphia, Washington 
wrote the following letter : 

From General WasJiington to Benjajnin Fra7iklin. 

'' Mt. Vernon, September 26th, 1785. 
" When it suits Mr. Houdon to come hither, I will accommodate him 
in the best manner I am able, and shall endeavor to render his stay as 
agreeable as I can." '^" '^' * ^" * 

From Washington to Hondo Ji. 

''Mi. Vernon, September 26th, 1785. 
'* Sir : By a letter which I have lately had the honor to receive from 
Dr. Franklin at Philadelphia, I am informed of your arrival at that 



[04 .xATIONAL STANDARD FOR THE LIKENESS OF WASHINGTON 



return to France. This was happily effected, and Houdon sailed from 
England with Franklin. Jefferson had previously written to Washington 
the following letter : 

To General Washington, from Jefferson, dated Paris, July loth, 1785 

" Dear Sir : Mr. Houdon would much sooner have had the honor 
of attending you, but for a spell of sickness, which long induced us to 
despair of his recovery, and from which he is but recently recovered. 
He comes now for the purpose of lending the aid of his art to transmit 
you to posterity. -He is without rivalship in it, being employed from all 
parts of Europe in whatever is capital. He has had a difficulty to with- 
draw himself from an order of the Empress of Russia ; a difficulty, 
however, that arose from a desire to show her respect, but which never 
gave him a moments hesitation about his present voyage, which he 
considers as promising the brightest chapter of his history. I have 
spoken of him as an artist onl}^ ; but I can assure you also that, as a man, 
he is disinterested, generous, candid, and panting after glory ; in every 
circumstance meriting your good opinion. He will have need to see 
you much, while he shall have the honor of being with you, which you 
can the more freely admit, as his eminence and merit give him admission 
into genteel society here." 

In writing to the Governor at the same time, he said Houdon had 
acceded to their terms, although he was confident he would be a consid- 
erable loser. Jefferson wrote also to the Virginia delegates in Congress, 
relying upon them to bring up the subject of the equestrian statue. He 
tells them of the glory it would be to have the work done by so great an 
artist; one who was entirely without rivalship. 

When Franklin and Houdon arrived in Philadelphia, Washington 
wrote the following letter : 

From General WasJiington to Benjamin Franklin. 

" Mt. Vernon, September 26th, 1785. 
" When it suits Mr. Houdon to come hither, I will accommodate him 
in the best manner I am able, and shall endeavor to render his stay as 
agreeable as I can." '^' '^' * * ^ 

Fro7n WasJiingtoJi to Houdon. 

'^Mt. Vernon, September 26th, 1785. 
'' Sir : By a letter which I have lately had the honor to receive from 
Dr. Franklin at Philadelphia, T am informed of your arrival at that 






//f/ 



t^ <^ 



_^ -^^f-- 









^ JJ^^'^rrA, 






.ilf't^ ^-^^^■^^^■Zy<^-i='r)'t^'''C^ ^-^■^^ ^ <^%^»?V-/' 



^^^^ 



-C*v=:^a^a«<;S=^ 






NATIONAL STANDARD FOR THE LIKENESS OF WASHINGTON IO5 

place. Many letters from very respectable characters in France, as well 
as the Doctor's, inform me of the occasion for which, though the cause 
is not of my own seeking-, I feel the most agreeable and grateful sensa- 
tions. 1 wish the object of your mission had been more worthy of the 
masterly genius of the first statuary in Europe, for thus you are repre- 
sented to me. 

'' It will give me pleasure. Sir, to welcome yon to this seat of my 
retirement ; and whatsoever I have or can procure, that is neces- 
sary to your purpose, or convenient to your wishes, you must freely 
command, as inclination to oblige you will be among the last things in 
which 1 shall be found deficient, either on your arrival or during your 
stay. With sentiments of esteem, I am. Sir," &c. 

From Washington to Thomas Jefferson. 

" Mt. Vernon, September 26th, 1785. 
" I shall take great pleasure in showing Mr. Houdon every 
civility and attention in my power during his stay in this country, 
for I feel myself under personal obligations to you and Dr. Franklin (as 
the State of Virginia has done me the honor to direct a statue to be 
erected to my memory) for having placed the execution in the hands of 
so eminent an artist, and so worthy a character." % ^ ^ 

Washington received Houdon at Mount Vernon with great cor- 
diality and distinction. The artist no sooner beheld his subject than 
his admiration exceeded all anticipation. He said : '' It is well that I 
wxnt; for although I had conceived him to be an imposing personage, 
I had no idea of the grandeur and majesty of his form, features and 
presence." He solicited Washington to submit to having casts taken of 
his head and figure, Avhich was at first refused with great repugnance, 
but so completely did Houdon win the regard of his illustrious host 
that he finally replied : " Do with me what you please ; I can refuse 
you nothing." The scrupulously modest Washington did submit to be 
laid nude upon a table, and buried in plaster from head to foot. Houdon 
remarked after the operation : *' I shall transfer him to marble just as 
he is, for he is too grand a subject to submit to the embellishments of 
fancy or art." In packing up his moulds he separated those of the 
head, and retained them in his own possession, intending to precede his 
assistants, which excited some surprise, and in reply to the question as 
to his motive, he said : *' If they are lost in the ocean, I am determined 
to perish with them." Jefferson mentioned that Houdon built up his 



I06 NATIONAL STANDARD FOR THE LIKENESS OF WASHINGTON 

statue perfectly nude, which is evident from the clearly defined charac- 
teristic anatomy, and to secure entire accuracy of the features he forced 
the clay into the mould of the head, thus insuring the exact reproduc- 
tion of the original. He made a clay bust in the same way, which 
he presented to Washington as a a memento of his gratitLfde. This 
bust is still at Mount Vernon, but it is by no means a correct repre- 
sentation of what it was when made, for it has been cast from, broken, 
and bunglingly repaired. Besides, in the drying, clay shrinks to a sharp- 
ness, both unpleasant to the eye and untruthful to the original. 

When Jefferson first saw the statue in progress, it was entirely con- 
structed, but perfectly nude, and he expressed infinite surprise at the 
individuality of the air, position and features, exclaiming : '* I should 
recognize any single part if the rest were concealed. As for the atti- 
tude, it is perfect, and I have seen him assume it on all important occa- 
sions ; indeed, it is as perfectly characteristic as though it were the man 
himself." 

Washington wrote to the Marquis de Lafayette : '^ I have now to 
thank you for your favors of the 9th and nth of July ; the first by Mr. 
Houdon, who staid no more than a fortnight with me, and to whom for 
his trouble and risk in crossing the seas (although I had no agency in 
the business) I feel myself under personal obligations." 

When Lafayette last visited this country, his first request upon 
landing was to be shown some likeness of his illustrious friend. He 
was taken to see Stuart's, but he shook his head, for he had not seen in 
the original the inroads of age and deformity. He was then shown 
Trumbull's, and at once said : '^ That is his figure ; I should recognize it 
anywhere readily." But when he arrived in Richmond, Virginia, he 
eagerly went to the capitol to confront Houdon's marble statue, and a 
large concourse of people accompanied him. He stood mutely before 
the statue a long time, and silence became sympathetic. He at last said 
— the tears falling down his cheeks : '' That is the man himself. I can 
almost realize lie is going to move.'' 

The facts connected with this priceless relic are incontrovertible his- 
tor}^ ; there is no scope for opinion except in ignorance, malice, or envy. 
Criticism in a general point of view is futile, or should be so ; for what- 
ever may be said respecting the composition, it can be nothing against 
the great sculptor, or truthfulness of the likeness, for he had the choice 
of arranging only the accessories, which the commissioners thought 
essential to the expressing a sublime truth. They designed to commem- 
orate the incident of Washington's tendering back his commission. 



NATIONAL STANDARD FOR THE LIKENESS OF WASHINGTON lO/ 

Hoiidon desired to illustrate this on the pedestal. Still the composition 
as it is forms a completeness and harmony very grateful to the artistic mind. 
The statue represents him the moment after performing this emphatic 
act. He had but just resigned his military commission, which the yet 
gloved hands indicate. The stick of the civilian tells that the act is per- 
formed. The insignia of office rest upon the emblem of union bound 
in peace. The plough in the rear speaks of his future pursuits in 
retirement. The position of the figure is that of dignified ease; the 
head is slightly elevated by the reverence of the heart, and the far- 
seeing wisdom of the mind : the whole air of the person and face are 
remarkable for quiet majesty and holy repose. 

This noble statue is not a subject for fanatical prejudice ; the critic 
is not required to dissect it for conventional comparison. Its truth to 
material nature is its merit, and its integrity to the incident it com- 
memorates is its moral importance. If the dress appear strange to the 
eye trained to fashion or classic rule, it reminds the reflecting that 
it is from the identical dress worn on the impressive occasion the statue 
was designed to chronicle, and if this does not satisfy the critic, the 
fact that it was Washington's own choice must close all sceptical lips 
upon the point forever. 

Freedom of act, speech and thought, together with the sanction 
of humbug, subject the most sacred subjects to detraction. It would be 
remarkable, then, should this glorious statue from the life escape fac- 
tional censure. Indeed attempts have already been made to deprive it 
of its historical reputation for truth. Several articles have appeared in 
newspapers of this description. The Washington Star had one, which 
purported to be an account of an adventurous visit to the foundry oi 
Mr. Clarke Mills. It says : " To Mr. Mills falls the singular good fortune 
of having it in his power to furnish what alone will give his work ines- 
timable value." He continues: *' But now comes out the most singular fact 
of all. Who has not felt a sense of dissatisfaction at the narrow, retreat- 
ing forehead and perked up chin of the Houdon statue, all questioning 
being debarred by the assertion that the head was an exact copy from 
life? Such is not fact. Houdon, following the wretched taste of his 
time, must needs alter his divine model, and give to Washington the 
features and port of the effeminate, sensual royalty of that day, namely, 
the narrow forehead, wide, heavy jowls, and thrown up chin and nose. 
Providentially the original head from the cast, though overlooked, has 
been preserved intact, and is now in the hands of the artist, tremblingly 
alive to its priceless value as the only true representation of Washington 



I08 NATIONAL STANDARD FOR THE LIKENESS OF WASHINGTON 

in existence." This writer proi'essed to have his information from Mr, 
Mills' own lips. In another instance similar authority asserts that *' Mr. 
Mills said he found, in an attic at Mount Vernon, the moulds that came off 
Washington's face." This is a more mischievous presumption than the 
former one, because it is barefacedly false in its facts. The most absurd 
feature in this assertion is that Houdon should have come to this distant 
country to obtain that which he left behind, and which he said he took 
in his own charge, that if it were lost he would perish with it. 

Houdon was the most eminent anatomist of his day, and had no rival 
in his art. He was employed first at Rome, where the master sculp- 
tures of the world stood in proud beauty, and two of his works were 
placed in their midst. His statue of Voltaire, with which many Americans 
are familiar, is the most notoriously characteristic likeness in the world. 
He had commissions from every court of Europe. He left honors and 
munificent patronage to cross a stormy ocean to make a statue of a 
" colonial rebel," and for a compensation not equivalent to the time lost 
and the marble he had to purchase. He made casts of Washington's 
head, body and limbs, and reproduced the original by forcing his clay 
into the moulds. He made the Mount Vernon bust in this way, but he 
took the moulds, Jefferson says, in his own charge, not wishing to trust 
them even to the hands of his faithful assistants. 

A few years ago a beautiful statue of a female was discovered in 
Paris, and its extraordinary grace and chastness of taste created a vast 
excitement. After many vain efforts to discover the author, it was 
traced to Houdon, and is esteemed a type of the most beautiful art in 
Europe. 

It may occur to many that some severity of criticism has been used 
in examining the likenesses by different artists ; but it must be recol- 
lected that national art should have no weakness, and that it would be 
imbecile kindness to fasten upon the country and its art examples calcu- 
lated to deprave taste, or at least to prevent that intellectual excitement 
positively essential to lofty and successful emulation. 

The disinterested and the truly critical cannot but perceive and 
feel the extraordinary poverty of genius exhibited in our national art. 

WILLIAM J. HUBARD 



Note. — The foregoing essay was read before the New York Historical Society some years 

Ago, and is now published for the first time. 

Editor 



ROBINSON'S HOUSE IN THE HUDSON HIGHLANDS 

THE HEADQUARTERS OF WASHINCiTON 

Around the Beverley House, as it is called in the neighborhood in 
which it stands, centres the story of the treason of Benedict Arnold. 
In the beautiful old mansion, which now, with its Venetian awnings and 
brilliant parterres, forms such a bright picture nestled among its trees 
on the Garrison's road, was hatched the crowning details of the 
scheme that was to annihilate at one fell blow all hopes of the inde- 
pendence of the Colonies. From that house, when the scheme had 
failed, and death and dishonor stared the traitor in the face, he sped his 
wild flight to the enemy ; and there, too, a few days later, was 
brought his unfortunate accomplice and victim, the man, whom nature 
and fortune combining to favor, was yet led by fate to an early and 
Ignominious doom. 

Beverley Robinson, the proprietor of this estate, has been well des- 
cribed as a gentleman of high standing. His father, the Hon. John 
Robinson, President of the Virginian colony on the retirement of Gov- 
ernor Gooch, and afterwards Speaker of the House of Burgesses, was a 
friend of Washington during the latter's earlier )'ears, and is still 
remembered as complimenting him, from the chair, in brief but eloquent 
terms, on his mingled modesty and valor. The son, entering the army, 
resided in New York, where he married Susannah Philipse, the great 
grand-daughter of Frederick Philipse, the tounder ot the Sleepy Hollow 
church, and co-heiress with her sister of the immense estates possessed 
by that family on the Hudson. Among the lands acquired by Robinson 
through his marriage with Miss Philipse was a tract about four miles 
square, included within the boundaries of what now is Putnam County, 
bordering the river on one side, and here he built his house, sometime 
about the year 1750.' 

The old mansion, the last relic of its owner, whose name was once 
potent in the Highlands, and around whose roof-tree many remem- 
brances cluster, stands about a mile below Garrison's Station on the east 
side of a road leading to Peekskill. The house, which i§ in full view 
from the highway, consists of three buildings joined together, extending 
east and west and fronting towards the south. Nearest to the road is 
that portion of it, one stor}^ ^igh> which constituted the farm house. 



no ROBINSON'S HOUSE IN THE HUDSON HIGHLANDS 

Next to this are the main buildings, each two stories high, the one fur- 
thest towards the east being considerably higher than the others. A 
piazza surrounds this last structure on the north, east and south sides, 
extending along on the south side of the central building, in which the 
large dining room is located. 

Chance and judicious care have united in preserving the interior of 
the old dwelling almost unchanged. The low ceilings; the heavy, 
uncovered joists ; the fire-places without mantel shelves; the staircase 
with its short flights of steps and broad platforms, all carry the mind of 
the visitor back to former days. Nor are traces wanting of its 
Revolutionary occupants. In the wood-work of the chimney-piece in 
the room which was used by General Arnold as a bed chamber, is cut 
in large letters, " G. Wallis, Lieut. VI. Mass. Regt." About fifty rods 
north of the house, on the opposite side of the road, there formerly 
branched off another road which wound down in a southwesterly 
direction to the river, where a dock, some parts of which yet remain, 
served as a landing place for the estate.'^ 

Here, in this secluded retreat, dispensing an elegant and generous 
hospitality, and the master of every comfort to be desired, Robin- 
son dwelt in happiness during the years when the troubles between 
the colonies and the mother country were arising ; and here he was 
living when the storm, which had been so long gathering, burst forth. 

It has been said that Robinson was strongly disinclined to take any 
part in the contest. Though opposed to the idea of separation from 
Great Britain, he was also opposed to the measures of the Ministry. 
Either way he wished only to be allowed to remain in the enjoyment ol 
his country home. That this was his inclination is certified to by the 
unimpeachable Whig testimony of Timothy D wight, and it is further 
borne out by the traditions of Robinson's descendants. On the other 
hand the Minutes of the Committee appointed for " Enquiring into. 
Detecting and Defeating Conspiracies," held February 22, 1777," show 
how strongly his sympathies were with the Crown from the first. 
Previous to this date he had held some correspondence with the Com- 
mittee of Safety in regard to the proposed erection of fortifications on 
Martelaer's Rock, in the river opposite West Point, and now, the time 
being come when he was required to take a decisive stand, he refused to 
subscribe to the oath of allegiance to the State. Soon after, with his 
family, he repaired to New Yor!;, leaving the Highland home in which 
he was destined to dwell no more, though, if tradition is to be believed, 
when the British moved up the Hudson after the fall of Forts Clinton 



ROBINSON'S HOUSE IN THE HUDSON HIGHLANDS III 

and Montgomery, he took the occasion to visit for the hist time the 
house where he had passed so many years. Deserted by its owner, and 
that owner in arms for the enemy, the mansion came to be used as public 
property by our officers. Generals Putnam* and Parsons made their 
headquarters there in 1778-79 Washington appears there on the 31st 
of July, 1780, and there, five days later, Arnold took up his abode, 
having been appointed by General Orders ot August 3d to the com- 
mand of the Post of West Point and its dependencies. 

It has been stated on good authority that Arnold was in communica- 
tion with Robinson before he came to West Point, and it has been 
supposed by a very accomplished historical scholar that a letter said by 
Marbois (Complot d'Arnold et de Sir H. Clinton, &c.) to have been 
found among Arnold's papers (which letter was the first overture 
received from an agent of Clinton) was written by Robinson. Be this 
as it may, it is certain that the first open negotiations with the British 
were conducted by Arnold through Robinson, ostensibly with regard to 
the confiscated estate of thr; latter, and it w^as the sagacity and prudence 
of Robinson as well as hi? local knowledge of the people and the coun- 
try, that proved so useful to our foes in the affair, and led to his 
accompanying Andre in his expedition up the river ir. the Vulture. 

Arnold went from the Robinson House, on the 21st of September, to 
Verplanck's Point, crossed to Haverstraw, and at midnight held his in- 
terview with Andre among the firs in the gloomy thicket at the foot of 
Long Clove Mountain. The next day he returned to his quarters, leav- 
ing Andre at Joshua Hett Smith's residency, the "White House " two 
miles and a half below Stony Point. Andre, attempting to make his 
way down on horseback through Westchester County, was captured 
about eleven o'clock in the morning of Saturday the 23d. Jameson's 
letter announcing the event reached Robinson's Plouse early on the fol- 
lowing Monday, and was delivered by Lieutenant Allen to Arnold while 
he was at breakfast with his aides. Astounding as the information 
must have been, Arnold's self-control did not forsake him. He had 
no time to lose. Washington had arrived at Fishkill on his way from 
Hartford, and was hourl)', indeed, momentarily expected. Rising calm- 
ly from the table, he begged his guests to excuse him, saying that he 
was compelled to cross over to West Point, but would shortly return. 
Summoning James Larvey, the coxswain of his barge, he ordered a horse 
to be brought. ''Any horse," he said — "even a wagon horse!" He 
then wen*: up to his wife's room, and, in a few words, told her that his life 
depended upon inctant flight. Overcome by this information, she 



112 ROBINSON'S HOUSE IN THE HUDSON HIGHLANDS 

screamed loudly, and fell to the floor in an hysterical fit. Bidding the 
maid, whom the outcry had brought, to attend to her mistress, he left 
her, and stopping only to say in the breakfast room that his wife had 
been taken suddenly ill, he mounted the horse at the door and started 
for his boat, lying at the Robinson dock. The regular road to the river 
side, as has been said, led off from the main road some little distance 
above the house. To have taken this would have consumed time, bc_ 
sides rendering him liable to be met by Washington and his suite, who 
would approach the house by this way. He took a short cut instead. A 
former occupant of the house used many years ago, to point out the 
path the traitor took. A little south of the house was a gate leading into 
a cleared field. Through this Arnold dashed, and " crossing the field in 
the direction of the river, passed through a second gate on its west 
side, entering the woods on the brow of a very steep and abrupt descent. 
Plunging down it on a gallop, he came into the road to the water a few- 
rods north of the dock." Springing into his six-oared barge, he told 
the men that he was bearing a flag to the Vulture, and that they must 
pull him to the vessel with the greatest haste, and two gallons of rum 
should be their reward. The oarsmen, said Washington, '* were very 
clever fellows, some of the better class of the soldier}^" They rowed 
hard, and it probably took but a little time to traverse the twelve miles or 
more between Beverley Dock and Teller's Point, and to place the fugitive 
in safety on the deck of the Vulture, under the protection of the British 

flag. 

On Washington's arrival at the house, and discovery of the treason 
shortly after Arnold's flight, it was resolved if possible to intercept the 
traitor on the way, and his aids, Hamilton and McHenry started :A. 
once on horseback for Verplanck's Point, but Arnold had the start of his 
pursuers some six hours, and long before they left the house he must have 
been under cover of the Vulture's guns. 

Mrs. Arnold, meanwhile, remained in her room in a state described as 
bordering on frenzy. " The General," wrote Hamilton to Miss Schuyler, 
" went up to see her, and she upbraided him with being in a plot to mur- 
der her child. One moment she raved, and another she melted into 
tears." '' We have every reason to believe," continued Hamilton, *' that 
she was entirely unacquainted with the plan ; and that the first knowl- 
edge of it was when Arnold went to tell her that he must banish himself 
from his country and from her forever." 

We have not the space here to enter into a discussion of the questioa 



Robinson's house ix tiik Hudson highlands 113 

of Mrs. Arnold's knowledge of her husband's schemes. The opinions 
of historians generally have acquitted her of being an accessor}- to the 
treasonous plot, despite the assertion of Burr that she told Mrs. Prevost 
"she was heartily sick of the theatricals she was exhibiting," and had, by 
" great persuasion and unceasing perseverance," brought the General into 
an arrangement to surrender West Point to the British. That she 
came of thoroughly Tory stock, and was the personal friend of Major 
Andre is undeniable, but it seems to be balanced by the evidence of 
Major Franks, of our army. Franks was one of Arnold's aides, and be- 
cause he was charged with the duty of attending on Mrs. Arnold, was 
popularly known among his fellow officers as '' the nurse." He states 
that Arnold could not have ventured to trust her, as she was subject to 
attacks of nervous indisposition, when she would give utterance to any- 
thing and everything that was in her mind. ''This," said Franks, '' was 
a fact well known to us of the General's family, so much so as to cause 
us to be scrupulous of what was told her, or said within her hearing." 
Other facts have been cited in her favor, which, carefully weighed, 
certainly go far to establish her innocence.^ 

On the morning of Tuesday, the 26th of September, 1780, Major John 
Andre was brought to Robinson's House, in pursuance to the orders of 
the Commander-in-Chief. '' That he may be less liable to be recaptured 
by the enemy," Washington wrote to Jameson, " who will no doubt 
make every effort to regain him, he had better be conducted to this 
place by some upper road, rather than by the route to Crumpond." 
This order, dispatched at seven o'clock in the evening of the 25th, was 
the second one issued. The bearer of the first reached the Gilbert farm- 
house, at South Salem, where the prisoner was confined, about mid- 
night. Andre Avas in bed, but at once arose, and hastily dressing him- 
self, prepared to obey the summons. The night must have been a dis- 
mal one, indeed, for the unhappy captive. It was intensely dark, and 
the rain fell in torrents when he set forth with his escort. At North 
Salem meeting house they met the second messenger ordering the 
change of route. The party, accompanied by Major Benjamin Tall- 
madge, Captain Hoagland and Lieutenant King, rode through the night, 
making as few halts as possible, and wet and travel stained, arrived in 
the morning before the Robinson House door. 

Joshua' Hett Smith, who had been arrested by Colonel Gouvion at 
Fishkill the night before, was already brought there. If his account of 
his own reception on reaching the house is to be credited, he was " par- 



114 ROBINSON'S HOUSE IN THE HUDSON HIGHLANDS 

aded before the front door under a guard," and Washington coming out 
on the piazza interrogated him with great sternness. Smith's fears sug- 
gested the poet's lines — 

" Si fractus illabitur orbis 
Impavidum ferient ruinse." 

He pleaded in justification of himself that he had been only acting 
under the orders of General Arnold, and that, if anything was wrong, he 
was responsible. '' Sir," answered Washington, '' do you know that 
General Arnold has fled, and that Mr. Anderson, whom you have piloted 
through our lines, pr:oves to be Major John Andre, the Adjutant-General 
of the British army, now our prisoner ? I expect him here under a guard 
of one hundred horse, to meet his fate as a spy, and unless 3^ou confess 
who were your accomplices, I shall suspend you both on yonder tree ! " 
pointing to a tree before the door. '^ He then," says Smith, '' ordered 
the guards to take me away." About two hours after this Smith 
said he heard the sound of horses' hoofs, and, soon after, the voice of 
Andre mingling with those of Washington and others, but here Smith 
was altogether wrong. Washington saw Major Tallmadge, and asked 
him many questions, but he declined to see the British Adjutant-General, 
and Tallmadge always believed that, " incredible as it may appear," 
Washington and Andre never saw each other. 

The most famous of Washington's biographers thinks that the reason 
why the General refused to see Andre was apparently from a strong 
idea of his moral obliquity, deduced from the nature of the very nefarious 
business in which he had been engaged, and the circumstances under 
which he was taken. But in truth this theory is hardly tenable, at least 
it is not reconcilable with the sentiments regarding Andre afterwards 
expressed by the American Commander. It is more reasonable to sup- 
pose that Washington's course in the matter was actuated by a nice sense 
of the etiquette of his position, rather than by any personal enmity to the 
man. The interview of James H. and the Duke of Monmouth has been 
cited by General Charles J. Biddle, in his elaborate review of Andre's 
case, as containing within itself what seems to be the real explanation. 

That evening Andre and Smith were taken from the Robinson House 
across the river to West Point. On the evening of the 28th Washington 
left Robinson's for the camp at Tappan, whither the prisoners had been 
conveyed some hours before. On the 29th he issued from his head- 
quarters at Tappan his instructions to the Board of Officers, and from 
the same place his evening orders of Sunday, October ist: — 



ROBINSON'S HOUSE IN THE HUDSON HIGHLANDS IIJ 

" Major Andre is to be executed to-morrow at twelve o'clock pre- 
cisely ; a battalion of 80 file from each wing- to attend." 

The execution over he did not return to his Highland quarters, but 
moved southwards towards Paramus and the Passaic Falls. 

Robinson accompanied the commissioners sent by Sir Henry 
Clinton to confer with General Greene at Dobbs' Ferry on the subject 
of Andre's sentence, and with the closing scenes of that story his name 
ceases to appear in connection with the war. At the peace he went to 
England with a portion of his family, where he lived in retirement. He 
received from the British government the sum of ;^ 17,000 sterling, which 
was considered only a " partial compensation" for his wife's share in the 
Philipse estates. 

Beverley Robinson died at Thornbury, Gloucestershire, in 1792, aged 
about seventy years. His son of the same name, who was Lieutenant- 
Colonel of his father's regiment, and who is designated in the Confisca- 
tion Act as " Beverley Robinson the younger," died while on a visit to 
his relatives in New York in 18 16. His grave stone in St. Paul's church- 
yard on Broadway bears the inscription: — '' Sacred to the memory of 
Hon. Beverley Robinson, late of Fredericton in the Province ol New 
Brunswick. Born 1754; died 1816." A son of this latter was the late 
Beverley Robinson of the New York Bar. 

In a sketch of the history of St. Paul's Chapel, New York, the Rev. 
Beverley R. Betts, a descendant of Colonel Robinson describes the arms 
of Robinson, which he states was a Yorkshire family : Arms, Verf 07i a 
chevron between three roebucks trippant^ or, as many trefoils slipped gules. 
Crest, a roebuck trippant, or. Motto, Propere et Provide. The cut 
illustrative of this article is taken from a book plate which belonged to 
Beverley Robinson, a maternal ancestor of the Rev. Mr. Betts, to 
whose courtesy its reproduction is due. 

Sir Frederick Philipse Robinson, the last surviving son of Colonel 
Beverley Robinson, died at Brighton, England, on the ist of January, 
1852, at the age of eighty-seven. He was an officer of the British army 
in the war of 18 12, and at the close of hostilities he made a visit 
to the old house in the Highlands where he was born and where his 
early years were spent. A nephew relates that " he wept like a child 
as he saw and recollected the spots and objects once so familiar to him." 

Robinson's House, confiscated by Act of the State of New York, was 
sold by the Commissioners of Forfeitures, and at the present time 
forms part of the estate of the Hon. Hamilton Fish, whose own 
summer residence is in the vicinity. The house has had many occu- 



Il6 ROBINSON'S HOUSE IN THE HUDSON HIGHLANDS 

pants. Lieutenant Thomas E. Arden of the United States army resided 
here for many years, and earlier in the century it was for a time the 
home of Henry Brevoort, It was while Mr. Brevoort was living in the 
house that he made the fishing- excursion with the elaborate equipment 
alluded to by Irving in the '' Angler" paper in the Sketch Book. A few 
miles above the house a mountain brook, flowing through the woods and 
falling at last over a pile of mossy rocks into a deep glassy pool in a dell 
near the road, forms the beautiful " Indian Falls" so well known in the 
country around. Thitherward did Mr. Brevoort betake himself from the 
Robinson House one morning bent on angling. " He was attired," said 
Irving, " cap-a-pie for the enterprise. He wore a broad-skirted fustian 
coat, perplexed with half a hundred pockets; a pair of stout shoes and 
leathern gaiters ; a basket slung on one side for fish ; a patent rod, a 
landing net and a score of other inconveniences only to be found in 
the true angler's armory. Thus harnessed for the field he was as 
great a matter of stare and wonderment among the country folks, 
who had never seen a regular angler, as was the steel-clad hero of 
La Mancha among the goat-herds ot the Sierra Morena." But '' after 
all," said Irving with sly humor, " he caught less fish than did a lubberly 
country urchin who came down from the hills with a rod made from the 
branch of a tree and a pin for a hook!" 

The location of Robinson's House is in the very heart of 
the finest scenery of the Hudson, embosomed among the forest- 
clad hills and surrounded on all sides by objects which recall the 
contest for American independence. At the edge of the lawn rise 
abruptly the steep and rugged sides of Sugar Loaf Mountain, com- 
memorated by President D wight who ascended it in 1778, while 
stationed at West Point as chaplain to a Connecticut regiment. From 
the top the eye takes in a view described by Dwight as " majestic, 
solemn, wild and melancholy," but which, however, has undergone 
great change by the hand of cultivation since his time. Looking far 
northward the river is seen widening into broad Newburgh bay, 
beyond the peak of Storm King, on whose rounded summit beacon 
fires were wont to blaze of old. Nearer, outlined against Cro' Nest, 
is West Point, overlooked by Redoubt hill and the grey walls of 
Fort Putnam ; whilst at their feet in the river are the woods of Constitu- 
tion Island. Within these woods are the mouldering ruins of the 
fortifications projected at such a vast expense and with so little benefit 
by the engineer, Bernard Romans, whose folly in erecting a fort on 
a place lower down than any of the surrounding grounds was 



ROBINSON S HOUSE IN THE HUDSON HIGHLANDS 



17 



severely commented on by the military men of his day. Part of the 
barracks of these useless works now serves as a kitchen to a pretty 
cottage which peeps fi"om among the trees on the southern shore of the 
Island — the home of the accomplished authoress of the " Wide, Wide 
World." Between Constitution Island and the Robinson House the 




vision roams over a wide extent of woodlands, the estates of the 
Kembles, Philipses and Gouverneurs, grounds once familiar to the 
tread of the Continental soldiery. The picturesque little church of St. 
Philip's, built of late years on the site of one where Washington 
attended, is seen ; and, skirting it, the pleasant river road winding in 
places between tall hedgerows and garden walls and under the shade of 
lofty trees. For mingled beauty of scenery and charm of historical 
association there is scarcely a fairer or more interesting spot to the eye 
of an American than the old Revolutionary quarters of Washington in 



the Highlands. 



CHARLES A. CAMPBELL 



^ A diagram of Robinson's property in the Highlands is in Blake's History of Putnam County, 
N. Y., i2mo. 1849. 

' I am indebted to Mr. Stevens for calling my attention, whilst engaged in writing this article, 



Il8 ROBINSON'S HOUSE IN THE HUDSON HIGHLANDS 

to an interesting account of a visit made to the Robinson House by one of the West Point Board 
in 1840, which appeared in the Knickerbocker Magazine for September of that year. 

^ The Minutes of this Committee are preserved in the headquarters at Newburgh. 

^ Thompson's Long Island says that General Putnam's wife died in the Highlands in 1777, 
and " was interred in Beverley Robinson's tomb." 

^ Major Franks, according to J. Francis Fisher (Proc. Mass. Hist. Soc. for 1869-70) was a 
son of David Franks, a very rich Philadelphia Jew, one of whose daughters married a De Lancey 
and another Gcncr.^1 Sir Henry Johnston. The late Gouverncur Kemble, in a letter dated at 
Cold Spring in 1873, says that Lady Johnston was the authoress of the Loyalist poem, "The 
Times." An anecdote recorded of her by General Scott shows her Tory proclivities. At a ball 
given by M. Girard in honor of the alliance between the United States and Louis XVI. she 
caused the token of alliance (a black and white cockade) to be lied to a dog, and, by a bribe to a 
servant, had the animal thus decorated turned into the ball room. Franks' testimony concerning 
Mrs. Arnold is in the privately printed preface to the Shippen papers. In considering his evi- 
dence his Tory connections should be taken into account. 



THE SAINT-MEMIN WASHINGTON 

This engraving now presented is from a crayon drawing of the head 
of Washington in profile belonging to Mr. James Carson Brevoort of 
Brooklyn, Long Island. It was drawn by Mons. Jules Fevret de Saint- 
Memin, a French refugee, who, during his residence in the United States, 
between the years 1796 and 18 10 supported his family by drawing and 
engraving small profile likenesses, which were highly prized for their 
minute accuracy. He engraved upwards of eight hundred such por- 
traits of gentlemen and ladies in our chief cities, from Boston to New 
Orleans. 

While residing in Philadelphia in 1798 he must have seen Wash- 
ington, who was there for a short time in November of that year. There 
is no evidence proving the portrait to have been taken at an appointed 
sitting, but the peculiar talent of Saint-Memin in seizing a correct pro- 
file likeness w^as no doubt exercised on this occasion. 

These facts lend a singular interest to this sketch, which was pur- 
chased from the late James B. Robertson, an English printseller, who 
had visited Dijon, France, expressly to purchase the collections left by 
Mons. de Saint-Memin, who died there, aged eighty-two, on the 23d of 
June, 1852. 

The original sketch is half-life size, in bhck crayon on reddish paper, 
the material used by this artist. Saint-Memin no doubt intended to 
engrave it, but the only engraving of Washington in his collection was 
very small, oval in form, hardly half an inch in height, and differing 
from this. The following letter from Mr. Robertson to Mr. Brevoort, 
who purchased the portrait, authenticates its genuineness : 

Nkw York, November 27, 1S60. 
Dear Sir, 

In reply to your note of the 24th instant, referring to the Crayon Profile Portrait of Wash- 
ington in military dress, drawn by M. de Saint-Memin, now in your possession, I can only state 
that I obtained it in November, 1859, at Dijon, in France, from M. de Juigne, the heir and 
nephew of the artist. At the same time I acquired the complete collection of his engraved por- 
traits, 818 in number, as mentioned in M. Guignard's memoir, among which is one engraved from 
the above mentioned drawing. M. de Juigne informed me that he had heard his uncle remark 
that Mr. Jefferson considered it one of the most accurate likenesses that had ever been executed. 

I remain, yours, most respectfully, 

James B. Robi.rtson. 
J. Carson Brevoort, Esq., 

Brooklyn, N. Y. 



I20 THE SAINT-MEMIN WASHINGTON 

The plan of de Saint- Mem in was novel. The portraits were first 
drawn by what the French call the physionotrace, and then engraved. 
This process was invented in 1786, and had great success at Paris, but 
was unknown in America until introduced by Saint-Memin. The con- 
struction of XhQ physionotrace was simple, that of the pantograph by which 
the outline was reduced offered but little difficulty. The real trouble 
was the engraving process. The industry and genius of Saint-Memin 
finally simplified even this difficulty, and he was able to sell the original 
drawing, of life-size, in black crayon on red paper, framed, the reduction 
on copper, and twelve proofs, for the sum of thirty-three dollars. 

The entire collection of engraved plates, from which the heads were 
struck by Saint-Memin, was purchased by Elias Dexter, and an edition 
printed from them in New York. The profile now reproduced was also 
engraved by him in 1866. In addition, an excellent photograph was 
taken, of which a few copies were distributed by Mr. Brevoort to his 
friends, with an explanatory memorandum, from which the above 
account has been chiefly taken by the kind permission of this distin- 
guished and liberal gentleman. 

A pleasing memoir of Saint-Memin,'^ by M. Ph. Guignard, Librarian 
of the City of Dijon, was published in that city in 1853, a copy of which 
Mr. Brevoort also possesses in his invaluable collection. 

EDITOR 



* Notice historique sur la vie et lestravauxde M. Fevret de Saint-Memin par Ph. Guignard, Bi- 
bliothecaire de la Ville de Dijon, correspondant du Ministere de ITnstruction publique, 8vo, pp. 22. 
Imprimerie Loireau-Feuciiot. Dijon, 1853. 




Ti-am The. 3t Menuu Ctayui iji possession of J Carson BrevoortEsq. 



15 'V 



ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS 



121 



LETTERS OF WASHINGTON 



THIRTY 

NOW FOR THE FIRST TIME 

PU15LISHEI) 

I78I 

xc 

From the Clinton MSB. in the State Library, 

Albany 
(Circular) 

Head Quarters, New Windsor 
Janry 23d 1781 
Dear Sir 

1 have received the disagreeable in- 
telligence that a part of the Jersey Line 
had followed the example of that of 
Pennsylvania and when the advices came 
away it was expected the revolt would 
be general — The precise intention of 
the Mutineers was not known; but their 
complaints and demands were similar to 
those of the Pennsylvanians. 

Persuaded without some decisive ef- 
fort at all hazards to suppress this dan- 
gerous spirit, it would speedily infect 
the whole Army, I have ordered as 
large a Detachment as we could spare 
from these Posts to march under Major 
General Howe, to compel the Mutineers 
to unconditional submission, to listen to 
no terms while they were in a state of 
resistance and on their reduction to ex- 
ecute instantly a few of the most active, 
and most incendiary Leaders — I am not 
certain what part the Troops detached 
for this purpose, will act, but I flatter 
myself they will do their duty — I prefer 
any extremity to which the Jersey 
Troops may be driven, to a com- 
promise. — 



The weakness of the Garrison, but 
still more its embarrassing distress for 
want of Provisions, made it impossible 
to prosecute such measures with the 
Pennsylvanians, as the nature of the 
case demanded — and while we were 
making arrangements as far as practica- 
ble to supply these defects an accomo- 
dation took place, which will not only 
subvert the Pennsylvania Line, but have 
a very pernicious influence on the whole 
Army — I mean however by these re- 
marks, only to give an idea of the miser- 
able state we are in, not to blame a meas- 
ure which perhaps in our circumstances, 
was the best that could have been 
adopted. — The same embarrassments 
operate against coercion at this moment, 
but not in so great a degree. The Jer- 
sey Troops not being from their numbers 
so formidable as the Pennsylvanians 
were. — 

I dare not detail the risks we run 
from the present scantiness of supplies 
— With flour we are only fed from day 
to day — We have received few or no 
Cattle for some time past, nor do we 
know of any shortly to be expected. 
The salted meat we ought to have re- 
served in the Garrison is now nearly ex- 
hausted — I cannot but renew my sollici- 
tations with your State to exert every 
expedient for contributing to our imme- 
diate relief. 

With perfect respect 

I have the honor to be 
Your Excellencys 
Most Obt. H'ble Servant, 

G. Washington 
His Excellency, 

Governor Nash 



122 



ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS 



XCI 

From the Clinton MSS. in the New York State 
Library, at Albany 

Head Quarters, 
New Windsor, Feb'y 8th 1781 
Dear Sir 

I have been duly honored with your 
Excellency's favor of the 31st of Janu- 
ary — I have also conversed with your 
Brother on the temper and disposition 
of the Troops of New York ; and from 
his representation am led to expect, the 
discontents among them, which were so 
happily suppressed will not revive 
again. — 

With respect to the mode your Ex- 
cellency recommends for employing the 
Invalids of the New York line, I have 
the honor to observe — that altho, the 
forming these men into a Company un- 
der supernumerary Officers, Might be 
attended with some good consequences, 
Yet I conceive (besides being contrary 
to the spirit of the late Establishment 
of tlie Army, by which all Independant 
Corps are reduced) it would not, on 
every consideration, be an eligible 
measure. 

If the men are proper subjects for the 
Corps of Invalids, they are not to be 
discharged on any pretext whatever. If 
they are so entirely useless as to be dis- 
charged, and are reinlisted by any Re- 
cruiting Officer — by the printed orders 
on that subject, he will inevitably incur 
the loss of all the expence and bounty 
paid to such Recruits. 

I will only add that from long ex- 
perience, I have almost invariably found 
Independent Corps to be such an impo- 
sition upon, and moth to the Public, 



that I cannot consent to give any coun- 
tenance to the revival of them. 
I have the honor to be 

With great esteem & respect 
Your Most Obed. Servt. 

Go. Washington 
His Excellency Gov. Clinton 

XCII 

From the Livingston Correspondence 
Communicated by S. L. M. Barlow 

Head Quarters 
New Windsor Feb 13 1781 
Dear Sir 

I have received your letters of the 
15th of December and 4th of February. 

I have been for some time past ex- 
pecting the Commissary of Prisoners al 
Head Quarters ; but he only arrived 
yesterday. I shall speak to him on the 
subject of your Excellency's letter, and 
shall do every thing in my power to 
have justice done to the State. 'Tis no 
doubt reasonable it should be informed 
of the steps taken with regard to its 
prisoners, and I shall endeavor to settle 
a plan for this purpose. 

With respect to the Militia tak^n in 
arms they have at all times had the same 
privileges of exchange with the Conti- 
nental troops — the invariable rule of 
which has been priority of capture. 
This being the case, it is just that all 
persons taken by the Militia in arms 
also, should fall into a common stock to 
be disposed of by the same rule : For 
without this, there would be an evident 
disadvantage to the Continental troops, 
as the captures made by them go equally 
to the relief of the Militia as of them- 
selves, while the captures made by the 



ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS 



23 



Militia would be confined to their own 
exclusive benefit. 

With respect to those not taken in 
arms — mere citizens — on both sides, it 
is certainly just and agreeable to rule 
that those belonging to each State should 
have an absolute preference in the ex- 
change of those captured by that State, 
to all others. With the greatest respect 
& esteem I have the honor to be 
Your Excellys 

Most obed servt 

Go Washington 
His Excelency William Livingston 
Governor of New Jersey 
I have reed yours of 28 Jan'y 

XCIII 

From the Livingston Correspondence 
Communicated by S. L. M. Barlow 

Head Quarters 
New Windsor i March 1781 
Dear Sir. 

Having been informed by Major Gen- 
eral Dickenson that he was vested with 
power, during the recess of the Legisla- 
ture, to order out the Militia of the 
State, I have thought it expedient to de- 
sire him, at this juncture, to order the 
whole to be in readiness, and to direct 
the Beacons and other signals of alarm 
to be put in condition to afford the 
speediest communication to the Country 
of an incursion of the enemy. My rea- 
son for doing this — is not from intelli- 
gence that the enemy mean anything 
offensive, but having lately been under 
the necessity of making a very consider- 
able temporary detachment from the 
Army in this vicinity and from the Jer- 
sey Line, I think it not improbable that 
the enemy may endeavor to take advan- 



tage of our weakness and enterpose 
something against these posts in Jersey. 
It is therefore necessary to be in readi- 
ness to receive them. I assure myself 
of every assistance from the countenance 
and advice of your Excellency should 
there be occasiou. 

With Very great Respect 

I have the honor to be 
Yr Excellency's most obd servt 
Go Washington 
Yr Excellency favor of the 24th inst 
is just come to hand. 
His Excellency 

Govr Livingston 

XCIV 

From the Livingston Correspondence 
Communicated by S. L. M. Barlow 

Duplicate 

Head Quarters New Windsor 
March 23 1781 
Dear Sir, 

I was honored on my return from 
Rhode Island with your Excellency's 
Letter of the ist inst together with the 
enclosures. 

Altho the discharging a single man 
from the service is a very inconsiderable 
diminution of our force ; Yet when the 
innumerable applications on this subject 
are taken into consideration, the una- 
voidable decrease of our Army if dis- 
charges are granted, the amazing 
difficulty of procuring men for the war, 
and the heavy expence attending the 
recruiting service : — it cannot certainly 
be considered as a hardship, to retain 
them in service, who were fairly inlisted, 
and with a large bounty — unless able 
bodied substitutes are procured in their 
room. Under this condition, I would 



134 



ORKUNAL DOCUMENTS 



consent to the dismission of Robert 
Skekit : otherwise it would be opening 
a door of uneasiness to others, and do- 
ing an essential injury to the PubHc. 

If the presence of Skekit is so neces- 
sary with his Tribe, upon providing a 
substitute for the War : the Command- 
ing officer of the Regt may make the 
exchange. 

I have the honor to be 

With great regard and esteem 
Your Excellency's most 

obed & humble servt 
Go Washington 

N. B. rhe original is supposed to 
have miscarried in the last mail. 
His Excellency Govr Livingston 

xcv 

Communicated by J. C. McGuire 

New Windsor Mar 24th 1781 
Dear Sir 

On my return from Newport 4 days 
since I found your favors of the 21st Sz 
27th ulto at my Quarters 

I do not see that it is in my power to 
give any immediate relief to Doctr 
Lewis. If he is considered as a pris- 
oner of War (and the circumstances of 
the case only, which are unknown to 
me can determine this) you must be 
sensible that a resolve of Congress and 
the invariable practice of the Army are 
opposed to his being exchanged out of 
turn — If on the other hand he is 
viewed in the light of a Passenger and 
Citizen. I know not at this time (but 
will enquire of the Comy of Prisoners) 
if any character in our possession, who 
will apply in his Exchange, even if 
priority of Capture, in this case also 



should not be opposed to it — Upon a 
full view of the circumstances as far as 
I have knowledge of them, it appears to 
be one of those cases which come more 
properly before the State of Virginia 
than the United States, till the whole 
business of Exchange goes through one 
channel ; which is far from being the 
case at present, as the States individ- 
ually give up no advantages they obtain 
by captures to the United States, though 
they are very frequently applying for 
them, — especially in difficult cases. 

It is a much easier matter for Con- 
gress, conformably to the wishes of the 
distressed States to call upon me to afford 
them aid, than to furnish me with the 
means of doing it — The report of the 
Com'ee alluded to in your letter of the 
2 1 St — may be adduced in proof of it. I 
had however previous to the receipt of 
the resolve of Congress (consequent of 
Col. Harrisson's representations of mat- 
ters to the Southward or knowledge of 
his being at Philadelphia^ adopted the 
temporary relief which is now in opera- 
tion — But — 

It is a misfortune which seems to 
attend all our measures to do things 
unseasonably or rather to neglect the 
critical moment to do them. — Had 
the French commanders at Rhode 
Island complied (in the first instance) 
with my request to send the whole 
■^ Fleet, and a detachment from their 
■= land force to Virojinia the destniction 
of Arnold's Corps must inevitably have 
been compleated during the debili- 
tated state of the British Fleet. — The 
enterprise now is bold & precarious — 
rendered more so by an unfortunate 
.^ to me unaccountable delay of 



ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS 



125 



twenty-four hours in their quiting 
Newport after it was said they were 
ready to Sail. — The wind & weather 
being as favorable to them & as ad- 
verse to the enemy in Gardner's bay, 
as the powers of the Air could devise, 
— but it ought to be our policy to 
make the most of their assistance 
without disgusting them by our cen- 
sures or reminding them of their mis- 
takes. — for this reason it is I inform 
you in confidence that upon the first 
certain advice of the injury sustained 
by the British Fleet, I proposed the 
expedition to Portsmouth, to consist 
of the whole fleet and a detachment 
ot Land forces from both Armies ; 
assuring them that nothing could be 
done to effect without a co-operation 
by Land and Water — accordingly, 
that no time might be lost in waiting 
their Answer I set about the formation 
of my own detachment & had marched 
it off before I knew that a Ship & two 
frigates only without Land Troops 
had left Rhode Island, and which had 
it not been for the accidental meeting 
of the Romulus & the Vessels under 
its convoy, wd have returned as they 
went — 



The critical situation of affairs in Vir- 
ginia, and North Carolina, produce 
anxious moments ; and we wait impa- 
tiently for decisive accts^ God grant 
they may be favorable to us — but the 
face of things is much changed since my 
first proposing the Expedition to Ports- 
mouth : at that time the French were 
decidedly superior in their Navy — now 
they are unquestionably inferior — & 



should they get first into the Capes & 
be able to maintain a position in Hamp- 
ton Road they will not have it in their 
power to prevent succours landing at 
Lynhaven bay — or Willoughbys point : 
If Clinton can afford such a detachment 
as will be able (with the .cooperation of 
Arnold to force its way from thence to 
Norfolk in spite of the opposition which 
can be given by the French Troops and 
Militia) for their Frigates will stop at 
water transportation in the bay conse- 
quently fix the Marquis' detachmt at 
Annapolis or compel them to a long & 
tedious Land march. — 

I was very glad to hear of Mr Morris' 
appointment & wish he may accept it ; 
but cannot by any reasoning I am Mas- 
ter of acct. for the postponing the choice 
of the Minister of War : which in my 
opinion is of all others the most essen- 
tial ; & ought least to be delayed. 

I was much pleased to hear that Vir- 
ginia had given up her Claim to the 
Land West of Ohio — that the con- 
federation was completed — and that the 
State seemd disposed to grant more 
competent powers to Congress — without 
a controuling power in that body, for 
all the purposes of war, it will be impos- 
sible to carry on the War — the reasons 
are many & conclusive — but the want 
of room will not allow me to enumerate 
them, at this time — The most import, 
are obvious — the noncompliance with 
the recomns of Congress in some States 
the unseasonable compliance in time 
and manner by others — the heavy ex- 
pence accumulated thereby to no pur- 
pose — the injury to come, & the jealousy 
of all the States proceeding from these 
causes with the consequent dissatisfac- 



126 



ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS 



tion in people of every class from the pro- 
longation of the War, are alone suffi- 
cient to prove the necessity of a controling 
power — Without it & speedily we shall 
be thirteen distinct States; each pursuing 
its local interests, till they are all an- 
nihilated in a general crash of them. 
The Fable of the bunch of Rods or 
sticks may well be applied to us. — 
I am Sir Affecty Yrs 

G. Washington 
The Honble Jos'h Jones Esqr. 

XCVI 

From the original MSS. of WilHam A. Fitzhugh 
in the New York Historical Society 

New Windsor March 25. 1781 
Dear Sir 

A few days ago brought me the hon- 
our of your favor of the 7th inst from 
Marlboro. Your other letter of Jan the 
20th came duly to hand ; for both I 
thank you ; without offering an apology 
for suffering the latter to remain unac- 
knowledged till this time — because I am 
satisfied you will attribute my silence to 
any cause rather than disrespect and to 
none sooner than the true one — viz — the 
load of business which continually 
presses upon me. 

It was with sincere concern I heard 
of the injury you had sustained in your 
property at the Mouth of the Patuxent 
but it is only adding another specimen 
to the catalogue of British clemency and 
boasted generosity. 

The accession of Maryland to the 
confederation Si the relinquishment of 
the claim of Virg. to the Lands West of 
Ohio are events which are exceed- 
ingly pleasing to me, but I am not suf- 
ficiently acquainted with the powers of 



civil government, under the present 
Constitutions of the several States, to 
determine how far they are able to ob- 
tain men for the war, or for three years 
by coercion — nor am I enough acquaint- 
ed with the abilities of them, to declare 
what sums they ought to have given to 
soldiers under this description in prefer- 
ence to a draft of men for a short term. 
This however is the most expensive and 
least effectual mode that ever was de- 
vised to carry on a War which is like to 
become a War of finance. — and that no 
funds within our reach can support it 
long — I speak upon the best ground 
when I assert this, because no day nor 
hour arrives without bringing with it 
some evidence in support of the truth of 
the observation. — To this cause also the 
prolongation of the war — the wretched 
state of our finances — and every capital 
misfortune that has befallen us may be 
traced. 

I as little scruple to add that, unless 
the powers of Congress are made com- 
petent to all the purposes of war we are 
doing no more than wasting our time & 
spending our treasure to very little pur- 
pose ; for it is impossible to apply the 
strength and resources of this country 
while one State complys with — another 
rejects — and the majority of them 
changes or mutilates the requisitions of 
that Body. Hence the willing States 
are capitally injured if not ruined. 
Hence proceed distrust, jealousy, and 
dissatisfaction ; and the impossibility of 
either projecting or executing (with cer- 
tainty) any plan whatsoever — Hence 
proceed all the delays, which to the peo- 
ple at a distance and unacquainted with 
circumstances, are altogether unaccount- 



ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS 



127 



able — and hence it is we incur useless 
expence — because we do not bring our 
force dzc into operation at the same 
time — some being exhausted before 
others are obtained. 

We wait with much solicitude for ad- 
vices from the Southern army — our last 
accts from that quarter were less gloomy 
than the former, but not less equivocal 
and distressing — I have heard nothing 
from General Greene since the 28th of 
Feby nor of him (with precision) since 
the 2d Inst — Matters were so critically 
circumstanced at that time as to add 
pain to impatience — Equally ignorant 
and equally anxious am I with respect 
to the French Fleet under the Command 
of the Chevalier Des Touches — No accts 
of them have I received (but vague ones 
through the Channel of Rivington's pa- 
per) since he left Newport — at Yorktown 
in Virginia there was no intelligence of 
him on the 15 th — 

It is to be lamented and greatly la- 
mented that the French Commanders at 
Newport did not adopt the measure of 
sending the Fleet & a detachment of 
their land force to Chesapeake bay when 
I first proposed it to them (in the mo- 
ment I received the first certain informa- 
tion of the damage done to the British 
Fleet at Gardner's bay) had the Expedi- 
tion beer undertaken at that time, no- 
thing could have saved Arnold's corps 
during the weakened state of the British 
ships from destruction. Instead of this 
a small detachment only was sent with 
the fleet v/hich as I foretold would have 
returned as they went had it not been 
for the accidental meeting of the Romu- 
lus and the Vessels under her convoy. — 
But as there is no rectifying past errors 



— and as it our true policy to stand well 
with friends on whom we so much de- 
pend I relate this in confidence, 

I have heard nothing from General 
Thompson since his release from cap- 
tivity & his joining the army will depend 
on his promotion & his promotion in 
Congress, the time of it is uncertain; 
but that your son may be relieved from 
his present anxiety — suspense — and all 
possible censure I will with much pleas- 
ure receive him into my family as an 
extra aid until Thompson arrives — In 
the meanwhile his rank may be ascer- 
tained & his Commission procured — 
Mrs Washington makes a tender of her 
compliments to Mrs Fitzhugh to which 
you will please to add those of 

Dr Sir Yr most obedt & most 
Hole servt 

Go Washington 
The Honble 

Wm Fitzhugh 

XCVII 

Communicated by Mary E. Norwood 

Private 

Head Quarters New Windsor 
April 8th 1781 
Dr Sir 

I have received your Letter of the 6th 
Inst — 

The success of the Enterprize pro- 
pos'd must depend, on the absence of 
the British Fleet, the secrecy of the at- 
tempt, and a knowledge of the exact 
situation of the Enemy. — If after you 
have been at the Westward, the circum- 
stances from your intelligence shall ap- 
pear favorable ; you will be at liberty, 
to be tlie bearer of the enclosed Letter 
to His Excellency the Count De Koch- 



28 



ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS 



ambeau — to whose determination I have 
referred the matter ; as any co-operation 
on our part, by moving Troops towards 
the Sound, would give such indications 
of the design as would effectually frus- 
trate the success. 

Should you not proceed to the Count 
you may destroy that Letter — if on the 
contrary, you should go to New Port by 
keeping an account of theexpences they 
will be repaid by the Public 

In the mean time, I wish you to be as 
particular as possible, in obtaining from 
your friend, an accurate account of the 
Enemy's strength on York, Long, and 
Staten Islands, specifying the several 
Corps and their distributions. — This I 
think from the Enemy's present weak 
State, may be procured with more fa- 
cility & accuracy than at any former 
Period 

I am Sir 

Your most obedient servant 

Go Washington 

P. S. I wish to know also, the 
strength of the last Detachment from 
New York, and of what Troops it was 
composed, 

I need scarcely suggest, if you should 
go Eastward that it will be expedient to 
do it in such a manner as not to create 
suspicion. — Indeed you know, secrecy 
is absolutely necessary in the whole 
affair 

As the Count de Rochambeau does 
not understand English, it may be well 
to communicate your business to the 
Chevalier De Chattelus in the first in- 
stance & thro him to the Count, lest it 
should get abroad 
To Major Tallmadge 

Weathersfield 



XCVIII 

From the Livingston Correspondence 
Communicated by S. L. M. Barlow 

Head Quarters New Windsor 
8th April 1781 
Dear Sir, 

Intelligence has been sent me by a 
Gentleman living near the enemy's 
lines, and who has an opportunity of 
knowing what passes among them that 
four parties had been sent out with or- 
ders to take or assassinate Your Excel- 
lency — Governor Clinton — me and a 
fourth person, name not known. 

I cannot say that I am under appre- 
hension on account of the latter, but 
I have no doubt they would execute the 
former could they find an opportunity. 
I shall take such precautions on the occa- 
sion as appear to me necessary, and I 
have thought it proper to advise your 
Excellency of what has come to my 
knowledge that you may do the same. 

That they may fail of success if they 
have any such plan in contemplation, is 
the earnest wish of 
Dear Sir 

Yr most obt & very hble Servt 

Go. Washington 
His Excellency 

Govr Livingston 
at Trenton 

XCIX 

From the Clinton MSS. in the New York State 
Library, Albany 

Head Quarters New Windsor, 
15 April 1781 
Dear Sir 

The Bearer Mr. Fish of Saratoga dis- 
trict came to me this morning, with the 



ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS 



39 



intelligence of which the inclosed is a 
Copy. How he obtained it from one 
Harris he will inform your Excellency. 
Harris whose Character perhaps your 
Excellency may be acquainted with, is 
to meet the party under the command 
of Ensign Smith the 20th of this month 
"—is to convey a packet to Albany and 
to carry another back to them. He pro- 
posed to Fish to seize him at a place to 
be agreed upon and to take the letters 
from him. But I think a better way 
would be to let him carry the letters 
and answers in the first instance to Genl 
Schuyler, who might contrive means of 
opening them without breaking the seals 
— take Copies of the contents, and then 
let them go on. By these means we 
should become Masters of the whole 
plot — whereas, were we to seize Harris 
upon his first tour, we should break up 
the chain of communication, which 
seems so providentially thrown into our 
hands. Should your Excellency approve 
of the measure which I have suggested, 
you will be pleased to write to Genl 
Schuyler upon the subject, and desire 
him, should business call him from 
Albany, to leave the conduct of the 
Affair in proper hands in his absence. 
I have promised Fish that both he 
and Harris shall be handsomely re- 
warded if they execute the Business 
with fidelity. 

I have reed your Excellency's favor 
of the 30th ulto and 8th Inst. Every 
thing shall be done to keep up the sup- 
ply of provision to the Northward, but 
our great difficulty now lies in getting it 
from the Magazines in the neighbouring 
States. The Quarter Master is Money- 



less and the people refuse to work longer 
upon Certificates. 

With the Highest Respect and 
Esteem I am 

Yr Excellency' 

Most obt Servt 

Go Washington 
His Excellency 

Govr Clinton [at Poughkeepsie] 



Communicated by Isaac Craig 

Head Quarters New Windsor 
April 25th 1 78 1 
Sir 

I have received your favor of the 
15th The present State of Col. Proc- 
tors Regiment does not admit of your 
Company being made up to its full com- 
plement, but I have by this conveyance, 
desired General St Clair to let you have 
as many men as will put you on a level 
with the others. This is all that can be 
done — I have already desired the 
Board of War to send six Artificers to 
Fort Pitt, you may wait upon them 
yourself with this letter, and ask three 
or four more if they can be spared. 

I would wish the enclosed for Genl 
Clarke & Col. Brodhead to reach them 
as speedily as possible, you will be 
pleased to take charge of them your- 
self, if you do not meet with a good op- 
portunity previous to the time you 
intend Setting out. 
I am Sir 

Your Humble Servant 

Go Washington 
To Capt Craig 

of the 4th Regt of Artillery 
to the Care of tlie Board of War 
Philadelphia 



130 



ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS 



CI 

Communicated by John Austin Stevens 

Head Quarters 2d May 1781 
Sir 

You will be pleased immediately to 
order out a party of fifteen or twenty 
picked men and a proper officer to go 
with Major Logan lately of the York 
Line, to endeavour to apprehend a gang 
of notorious Villains in this neighbour- 
hood. Major Logan will guide the 
party and point out the objects. Let 
them take three days provisions if pos- 
sible. The party will march as speedily 
as possible as one of the Gang is already 
taken up, and it is feared the others will 
gain intelligence of it. I have directed 
the order to you in the first instance as 
I know General Knox is not at home. 

I am Sir 

Yr most obdt Servt 

Go Washington 
Lt Col Stevens 

or commanding officer 

Park of Artillery 

CII 
From the Clinton MSS. in the State Library, 
Albany 
Head Quarters, New Windsor 
May 7th 1 78 1 
Dear Sir 

I had the honor to receive, last night, 
your Excellency's Letter of the same 
date. 

In consequence of Brigadr General 
Clinton's information of the 30th Ulto. 
I instantly ordered 50 Barrels of flour 
& 34 of Meat (being every Barrel of the 
latter we had on hand) to be sent to 
Albany, for a partial relief of the Garri- 
son of Fort Schuyler. I know it was very 
inadequate, but it was our all, — since 



which not a Barrel of salted Provision 
has arrived. 

I have now directed 100 Barrels of 
flour (out of 131 which is our whole 
Magazine) to be immediately trans- 
ported to Albany — This supply shall 
be followed by another of Meat, if 
any quantity should come in from the 
Eastward — In the mean time I have 
written, some days since, to General 
Clinton to draw (by Miltary coercion if 
necessary) whatever supolies have been 
collected for the Continent ; from all 
Counties of Massachusetts most contig- 
uous to him ; I have also empowered 
him to procure Fish by exchanging salt 
for them. — Whatever more within the 
limit of my ability, can be suggested or 
done for the security of Fort Schuyler, 
and the protection of the frontier, shall 
be most seriously attended to, and 
strenuously attempted by 
Your Excellencys 

Most Obedient, and 

Very Humble Servant 

Go Washington 
P. S. 

I shall be extremely happy to see you, 
in order to converse freely on the sub- 
ject of the Troops &: Frontiers of thif 
State. 
His Excellency 

Gov. Clinton 

[Poughkeepsie] 

CIII 

From the Livingston Correspondence 
Communicated by S. L. M. Barlow 

Head Quarters New Windsor 
27th May 1781 



Sir 



Last night I returned from Weathers- 



ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS 



131 



field where I have had an interview 
with His Excellency the Count De 
Rochambeau ; in consequence of which, 
the French army will commence its 
march, to form a junction with ours on 
the North River as soon as circum- 
stances will admit 

The accomplishment of the object 
which we have in contemplation, is of 
the utmost importance to America, and 
will in all probability be obtained, un- 
less there should be a failure on our 
part, in the number of men which will 
be required for the operation, or the 
enemy should draw a considerable part 
of their force from the Southward — It is 
in our power by proper exertions, to 
prevent the first — and should the latter 
take place, we shall be amply repaid our 
expences by liberating the Southern 
States, where we have found by experi- 
ence we are only vulnerable. — 

Upon the calculation that I have 
been able to form, in concert with some 
of the more experienced French and 
American Officers. The operation in 
view will require, in addition to the 
French Army, all the Continental Bat- 
talions from New Hamshire to New 
Jersey inclusive to be compleated to 
their full establishment. Your Excel- 
lency must be sensible that the meas- 
ures in consequence of the last requisi- 
tion of Congress have been very far from 
answering the end ; as, notwithstand- 
ing the advanced season, few recruits 
( comparatively speaking ) have yet 
joined your Regiments. It must also 
be taken into consideration that a num- 
ber of those men who were returned when 
the requisition was made, have since 
been taken off by the various casualties 



incident to an army, besides such as 
have been discharged in consequence of 
the investigation made into the terms of 
enlistment by the Committee appointed 
by Your Excellency for that purpose — 
By this diminution and the want of 
success in recruiting: I find from the 
last return there are 455 men wanting 
to compleat the two Regiments of your 
State. 

From what has been promised, you 
will perceive, without my urging further 
reasons, the necessity I am under of 
calling upon you, in the most earnest 
manner, to devise means to send into 
the field, without delay, the number of 
men now actually wanting to compleat 
your Battalions — The term of three 
years, or for the war would undoubtedly 
be preferable to any shorter period, but- 
if they cannot be obtained on these 
conditions, necessity must oblige us to 
take them for the Campaign only, which 
might be reckoned to the last oi De- 
cember. 

On so great an occasion I should 
hope that the estimate would be made 
sufficiently large, and that the exertions 
in the several Counties would be so 
very vigorous and energetic as to give 
us every man we stand in need of by 
the first of July at furthest Argu- 
ments surely cannot be wanting to im- 
press the Legislature with a due sense 
of the obligation which we are under of 
furnishing the means now called for — 
The Enemy counting upon our want of 
ability, or upon our want of energy, 
have, by repealed Detachments to the 
Southward reduced themselves in New 
York to a situation which invites us to 
take advantage of it and should the 



132 



ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS 



lucky moment be lost it is to be feared, 
that they will, after subduing the South- 
ern States, raise a force in them sufficient 
to hold them, and return again to the 
Northward with such a number of men 
as will render New York secure against 
any force which we can at this time of 
day, raise or maintain. 

Our allies in this Country expect and 
depend upon being supported by us in 
the attempt which we are about to 
make, and those in Europe will be as- 
tonished should we neglect the favorable 
opportunity which is now offered. 

As it is probable that some Militia in 
addition to the full complement of Con- 
tinental Troops may be necessary to 
support communications and for other 
purposes, you will be pleased to direct 
500 men to be held in readiness to 
march within one week after I shall call 
for them, to serve three months after 
they shall have joined the army and I 
shall take the liberty of requesting that 
the Executive may be vested with full 
powers during the recess of the Assem- 
bly to comply with any further requisi- 
tion, I may make for more provisions^ or 
for the means of tra}isportatio7i which 
last may be most essential in the course 
of our operations, should it become 
necessary to bring Provisions or Stores 
from a distance. 

I shall be glad to be favored with an 
answer as soon as possible, with an as- 
surance of which I may depend upon, 
that if I do not clearly see a prospect of 
being supported, I may turn my views 
to a defensive instead of an offensive 
plan, and save the States and our allies 
the expence which would be needlessly 



incurred by any but an ample and effec- 
tual preparation 

I have the honor to be 

With great esteem and respect 
Yr Excellency's 

Most obedt Servant 
Go Washington 
His Excellency 

Governor Livingston 

CIV 

From the Livingston Correspondence 
Communicated by S. L. M, Barlow 

Head Quarters New Windsor 
June 9 1781 
Dear Sir 

I am honored with your Excellency's 
favor of the ist Instant. Upon ex- 
amining the State of Ammunition with 
reference to the proposed operations it 
is found impossible to furnish more than 
fifteen thousand Musket Cartridges for 
the use of the State of New Jersey: — 
especially at a time, when, we are 
obliged to sollicit a loan of Powder from 
the Eastern States, and when, the sup- 
ply of lead in possession of the Public, 
is very incompetent to our wants. 

It is unnecessary to mention to your 
Excellency that the strictest economy 
should be enforced in the distribution 
and expenditure of so essential an 
article 

With great respect & esteem 

I am your Excellencys 
Most obedt Hble servt 

Go Washington 

P. S. An order for the Cartridges is 
enclosed 
His Excellency 

Governor Livingston 



ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS 



133 



Sir 



CV 

From the Livingston Correspondence 
Communicated by S. L. M. Barlow 

Head Quarters New Windsor 
15 June 1781 



I flatter myself that proper measures 
have been taken before this Time to 
procure the Number of men for Conti- 
nental & Militia service requested by 
my Letter of the 27 of May — In the 
Calculation which had been made at 
Weathersfield of the Aid of Militia 
which would be necessary to support 
the operation which we have in View, 
I included sixteen hundred from Penn- 
sylvania : but that State having been 
twice called upon to embody and march 
2400 men immediately to the assistance 
of Virginia, I am obliged to add the 
number I shall be disappointed in from 
Pennsylvania, to the quotas required 
from the other States — Your proportion 
of them will be 250 — which with the 
Requisition of the 27th of May, will 
make in the whole 750. 

From circumstances I have Reason to 
expect that our operation will commence 
somewhat earlier than I at first expected 
— Your Excellency will therefore be 
pleased to order the Militia to march in 
such Time that they may join the army 
punctually by the 15th of July next — 
The officer commanding may give me no- 
tice when he is ready to march from his 
Place of Rendezvous that I may halt 
him upon the West Side of the Hudson 
or order him over, as the situation of 
affairs may require. 

I am convinced that I need not enter 
into a repetition of the arguments which 
were made use of in my Letter of the 27 th 



of May, to induce the most strenuous 
Exertions to fill up the Continental Bat- 
tallions — I will only say that our Suc- 
cess will depend upon that being done 
Without it, there is not a chance, & 
with it we have the fairest Prospects — 
these Men must be sent forward as fast 
as they are raised 

Of all the difficulties which surround 
me I fear none more than a Want of 
Subsistence for the number of men 
which will be shortly drawn together. — 
My whole Dependance is upon the Sup- 
plies demanded from the several States 
and if they fail in a regular and suffi- 
cient compliance — we must disband — 
our immense Expence of Preparation 
must be a dead Loss — & the conse- 
quence, in a political View will be of a 
most serious & alarming nature. — The 
State of N. Jersey having been for the 
several late Campaigns in a manner the 
Theatre of the War has been under the 
necessity of furnishing very great Sup- 
plies to the Army, altho they have not 
been exactly in the articles specifically 
required by Congress, & as that will 
probably be the case in the Present, I 
have made my principal Requisitions 
for Flour and meat upon Pennsylvania 
and the Eastern States — But as I still 
am very apprehensive of a Deficiency I 
must entreat your Excellency to endeav- 
our to prevail upon the Legislature to 
make Provision for procuring as much 
as they possibly can of their Quota of 
these Articles — Nothing in Nature can 
be more repugnant to my Inclination 
than to be obliged to have recourse to 
Military Coercion for Subsistence ; it 
being not only highly disgusting & op- 
pressive to the Inhabitants, but ruinous 



134 



ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS 



of the Discipline of the army — the more 
therefore that can be regularly obtained 
the less Occasion will there be for Meas- 
ures of a disagreeable kind — 
I have the the Honor to be 

with very great Respect & Esteem 
Your Excellency's 

Most obedient Servant 

Go Washington 
His Excellency 

Governor Livingston 

CVI t 

Communicated by J. C. McGuire 

Head Qrs near Dobbs Ferry 
loth July 1781 
Dear Sir 

Your favor of the 20th ulto by Post, 
came to my hands the evening before I 
marched for this part of the country — 
The attention necessary to these kind of 
movements occupy all ones time, and 
must plead my excuse for not answering 
your favor sooner. I question now, 
whether I shall be able to write so satis- 
factorily as /could wish, or Sisyou may 
expect. — I thank you for the promise of 
writing Col. R. H. Lee — and if your letter 
to him should not have been dispatched 
you would add to the obligation by doing 
it fully, as it will not be in my power to 
write so much in detail as I could wish, 
Shortly, — You must be much unac- 
quainted with the true state of Shel- 
dons Regiment and the Maris Chausi 
Corps when you apply to have them 
sent to the Southward — The first is 
yet to raise, and the last is about to dis- 
band, and besides, is very deficient in 
Horses — without a State to adopt them, 
— or the means of purchasing them — 
Sheldon has but 60 horses in all, and 



only 25 of these accoutered — To the 
State of Connecticut he looks up for the 
rest — These Horses are to perform the 
duties of Expresses — Patrols — and the 
ordinary duties of the Field, while the 
Maris Chausi Corps consists of no more 
than abt 40 men and half the no. of 
Horses 12 of which are with me — and 
from the smallness of the number are 
continually on duty, — carrying orders to 
one part and another of the Camp — 
Judge you therefore of the impractica- 
bility of deriving succour from either of 
these corps. — Why Maylons Dragoons 
are withheld from that service, you must 
be better informed of than I am — The 
complaints against the Baron de Steuben 
are not more distressing than unex- 
pected for I always viewed him in the 
light of a good officer — If he has formed 
a junction with the Marquis, he will be 
no longer master of his own conduct, of 
course the clamours against him will 
cease with his command — from General 
Green's Letters I had little doubt but 
that he would have been in Virginia ere 
this— powerfull causes may have detained 
him, but I am persuaded he will be there 
as soon as possible, as it is within his 
command, and now the principal theatre 
of action — In the meanwhile I am afraid 
to give any order in that quarter lest it 
should clash with his views, and i)roduce 
confusion — I shall however write fully 
to him in the course of a few days upon 
the several matters contained in your 
letter — and till his arrival it is my opin- 
ion the command of the Troops in that 
State cannot be in better hands than the 
Marquis's. He possesses uncommon 
Military talents — is of a quiet and sound 
judgement, persevering and enterprizing 



ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS 



135 



without rashness — and besides these, he 
is of a very conciliatory temper, and 
perfectly sober. Which are qualities 
which rarely combine in the same person 
& were I to add that some men will gain 
as much experience in the course of 
three or 4 years as some others will in 
ten or a dozen, You cannot deny the 
fact and attack me upon that ground, — 
To relate facts, will be a sufficient ex- 
pression of my Mortified situation. A 
third of July is passed ! My former let- 
ters gave Congress a return of all the 
Recruits who had joined the army by 
the first of June — My present letter to 
them shows the number which have 
come in since — The Q. Masters and 
Commissary departments must be sup- 
plied from there or their business must 
stand. No militia are yet come in 
though some were pressingly called for 
to strengthen West-point & our Northern 
front, that I might draw my Continental 
forces as much as possible to a point ; 
and other things drag on like a Cart 
without wheels, but as far as my 
exertions can go the operations of 
the Campaign shall be hastened — My 
friends will make allowances — My 
enemies will censure — and I shall have 
the consolation of knowing that my 
whole time & attention is devoted to the 
public service, however short I may fall 
of its expectation. I have just received 
a letter from Col. Laurens (at the Court 
of Versailles) with the enclosed inter- 
cepted letters from the Minister (Lord 
Germain) I persuade myself copies are 
transmitted to Congress, but as there is 
a possibility of miscarriage, I transmit 
mine to be made use of as occasion re- 
quires — A publication of them with 



proper comments, would, undoubtedly 
answer very valuable ]nirposes — As the 
Minister's Sentiments respecting our 
Government Szc Szc are too obvious to 
be mistaken & must be alarming to those 
who are panting for the old Constitu- 
tions, to be explained away or relisl>ed. 
For a considerable time past I have had 
strong suspicions &: uneasy moments on 
acct. of the People of Vermont. I have 
at different times been on the point of 
communicating them to Congress — but 
motives of delicacy have restrained me — 
convinced I am that these people wd. be- 
come a formidable barrier if they were 
made a separate State-equally convinced 
I am that Neutrality is the most we have 
to expect from them if they are not — I 
do not enter into the justice of their 
claim, because I am unacquainted with 
the merits of it — tis to the expediency 
& policy only I speak — at present that 
State give protection & is an asylum to 
all deserters — to every person who 
wishes to avoid taxation &c, by which 
means their strength is augmented in 
proportion to our loss — and the manner 
in which they mean to apply it is very 
equivocal. I have not since I have 
viewed the affairs of these people in the 
light here described, missed any oppor- 
tunity of expressing my apprehensions to 
individual members of Congress who 
have passed through the army, and this 
I thought was as far as I could with pro- 
priety go. I do not now believe that the 
people, as a body, have any evil inten- 
tion, but I firmly believe that some of 
their leaders have and that they will 
prevent us from deriving aid, though 
they may not be able to turn the arms 
of their Countrymen against us — I have 



136 



ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS 



this instant received your favor of the 
3d inclosing my old friend Gary's narra- 
tive of the transactions in Virginia. I 
am happy to find such a spirit prevaling 
in the Country and thank you for the 
perusal of his letters, as they contain the 
fullest & most authentic acct. I have 
had from that quarter. I am with much 
truth 

Dr Sir 

Yr Most Obdt & Affct. 
Servt 
G. Washington 
To the Honble Joseph Jones 

P. S. I need not say that this letter 
is written in haste — the marks of it are 
too evident to require such a declaration 

GVII 

From the Livingston Correspondence 
Communicated by S. L. M. Barlow 

Head Quarters near Dobbs Ferry 
T3th July 1 781 
Dear Sir 

I am just now honored with your Ex- 
cellency's Favor of the 8th Instant, in- 
forming me of the offer of a number of 
Volunteer Horsemen from your State. 

I applaud Sir ! this spirit, which gives 
me much Satisfaction in its contempla- 
tion — The Gentlemen deserve my best 
Thanks for their Tenders of Service ; 
which I beg leave to present to them 
thro' the Hands of your Excellency — 

We are at present so much superior 
in Cavalry by the arrival of the Legion 
of Lauzun and a very good Corps under 
Colo Sheldon, that I have not need of 
any more Troops of tliat Establishment. 
It being also probable that the Gentle- 
men in the course of our operations, 
may be very usefull by joining a Body 



of Troops, which it may be found ex- 
pedient to form in your State : I think 
it not best to Draw them on this side of 
the River— but hope they will be so 
good as to reserve them<^elves for any 
operations which may be commenced on 
your side — 

I will be obliged if Your Excellency 
will be pleased to inform me the Progress 
that is made under your late Law for 
filling your Continental Battalions — I am 
anxious on this Head, as I view it as an 
object of the greatest Importance, an 
object which if compleated would in 
great manner prevent the neces ity of 
calling for other assistance 

I have the Honor to be 

With great Esteem & Consideration 
Your Excellency's 

Most obedient & most humble servt 

Go Washington 
Governor Livingston 

Trenton 

CVIII 

From tlie Clinton MSS. in the State Library, 
Albany 

Head Quarters, Dobbs Ferry 
30th July i-jSi 
Dear Sir 

Yesterday I was honored by the Re- 
ceipt of your Excellency's Favor of the 
28th inst. — Sensible of the Importance 
of supporting the Northern and Western 
Frontier of your State, Measures were 
taken for that Purpose, by calling for 
the Militia of the State of Massachusetts, 
as early as the Resolution for drawing 
down the Regular Troops was adopted 
— and my Letter of the 25th of June, 
requesting Gove nor Hancock to order 
600 Militia from the Western Counties 



ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS 



137 



of that State to march to Albany, was 
forwarded to him without Dehiy — this 
Requisition I had Reason to suppose 
had been early complied with, untill your 
Favor informed the contrary — In confi- 
dence however that the orders have be- 
fore this time been given — but that no 
further Delay may happen I have this 
Day addressed Govr, Hancock on the 
subject, requesting that my Requisition 
may be fully and punctually complied 
with. — 

I am happy in being well assured of 
your Excellency's Zeal and Activity in 
forwarding the Levies of this State for 
Public Service — and trust they will be 
in Readiness by the Time you mention 
— You will assure yourself Sir ! a most 
hearty Welcome on my Part, whenever 
your Convenience will admit your pay- 
ing a visit to Camp. 

I have the Honor to be with every 
Sentiment of Re>pect & Regard 
Your Excellency's 

Most Obedient 

humble Servant 

Go. Washington 
Govr Clinton 

CIX 

From the Clinton MSS. in the State Library 
Albany 

Head Quarters Dobbs Ferry 
5th Augst 1 781 
Dear Sir 

Your P'avor of the ist inst. inclosing 
the Letter from Gen. Schuyler & others, 
is this moi^ient come to hand. — 

It is not a little distressing to find that 
the States will not or cannot fill their 
Continental Battalions, or afford the 
Aids of Militia required from them — but 



that instead thereof they are expecting 
from me the few operating Troops which 
I have to depend on — the Consequence 
of this Conduct is too obvious to need 
any Coment — instead of offensive meas- 
ures a defensive Plan must be adopted 
— instead of an active and decisive 
Campaign which I had hoped to have 
made — we must end our Operations in 
Languor and Disgrace — & perhaps pro- 
tract the War, to the Hazzard of our 
final Ruin. 

In Consequence of your Excellency's 
former Letter, I dispatched an Express 
to Govr Hancock, with a reiterated Re- 
quest that he would order on the Militia 
of Berkshire & other Western Counties 
imediately to Albany — and have also 
addressed the Commandg Officer of the 
Militi I raising in those Counties, begging 
him to march forward without Delay, to 
the Orders of Genl Clinton — what effect 
these Requisitions will have, it is im- 
possible for me to say — in the Mean 
Time, I will leave the Remains of Court- 
landt's Regs at Albany, trusting that the 
State will by its own Exertions, enable 
me to call them down when necessary, 
by substituting 9 months men, if those 
for three years cannot be obtained. 

In Hopes that no further Delay of the 
Militia, from the Western parts of 
Massa'ts may happen for Want of any 
Exertions on my Part, I have desired 
Maj. Genl Lincoln, an officer of that 
State, to proceed to the County of Berk- 
shire, for the Express Purpose of has- 
tening them on — however little effect 
my written Applications have had — I 
hope his personal Attendance will 
produce the Aid we expect from those 
Counties. 



138 



ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS 



I have the Honor to be with the high- 
est Esteem & Respect 

Your Excellency's 
Most Obedt & humle Servant 

Go. Washington 
Govr Clinton 

CX 

Communicated by J. H. Osborne 

Auburn, N, Y. 

Dobbs Ferry 8th Aug 1781 
Dear Sir 

This letter will probably be delivered 
to you by Mr Fitzhugh third son to Colo 
Fitzhugh of Maryland — who is desirous 
of obtaining an appointment in Baylor's 
Dragoons 

Mr Fitzhugh is a stranger to me, but 
is spoken of as a promissing young man, 
just from his studies — such characters 
is an acquisition to any Corps. I shall 
be obliged to you for introducing him 
to my namesake as a fit person to receive 
a Commission in the Regiment he com- 
mands if there is a vacancy in it, and 
for any civilities you may shew him — 
With much Truth and sincere affection 
I am Dr Sir 

Your obedt Servt 

Go. Washington 

[Major General Nathanael Greene 

Commander in Chief of the 
Southern Army] 

CXI 

From the original MSS. Gift of William A. 
Fitzhugh in New York Historical Society 

Camp near Dobbs' ferry 
8th Augt 1 781 
Dear Sir 

I stand indebted to you for two letters 
— dated the 26th of April and 29th of 



May — the reason why I did not imme- 
diately answer so much of the first as 
related to your son William, was the 
hourly expectation I was in of seeing 
his Brother the Captain, from whom I 
expected to know what Corps would be 
preferred — Not doing this till the middle 
of June, my answer was protracted till 
I was informed that he had changed his 
views, and was about to enter the suite 
of General Smallwood — This rendering 
an answer to that part of the letter in 
some degree unnecessary — the moving 
state of the army, and the junction which 
was formed with the auxiliary Troops 
immediately after, has been the occasion 
of my silence till I was informed by the 
Captain that his Brother had revived his 
first intention of getting an appointment 
in the Cavalry which has induced me 
to write to both Govr Nelson & 
Genl Greene recommending him to a 
Commission in Baylors Cavalry — I have 
no doubt of his succeeding if there is a 
vacancy in the Regiment — 

There is scarce a stage of the Cam- 
paign, or an occurrence that happens in 
it, that does not exhibit some proof of 
the fatal policy of short enlistments, and 
of the immense expence we are involved 
in by them — The enemy never fail to 
take advantage in some quarter or 
another of the weak state of our army, 
whilst we, if an opening presents itself, 
have men to raise (by enormous bounties) 
before advantage can be taken of it, 
which occasions such lapse of time that 
the favorable moment is passed, & the 
enemy is prepared for us by a transport 
of their Troops. 

The force called for and which I ought 
to have had by the first of Janry is not 



ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS 



139 



yet arrived, nor do I know when to ex- 
pect it — the Season is rapidly advancing, 
and the enemy if reports and appear- 
ances do not deceive us, is in hourly ex- 
pectation of a reinforcement from Vir- 
ginia at New York — thus it is we are 
always labouring — always accumulating 
expense and always disappointed of our 
object. 

It is much to be feared that the cam- 
paign will waste away as the last did in 
a fruitless attempt to get men, who are 
procured in such a manner, and for such 
short period, that the first who come 
into the field are about leaving it as the 
last arrive — by which means an enor- 
mous expence is incurred and no benefit 
derived, as we never have a sufficient 
force at any period to answer our pur- 
poses 

I am clearly in sentiment with you, 
that all emissions of Paper Money ought 
to be subject to a supreme direction to 
give it a proper Stamina & universal 
credit and that good & sure funds shquld 
be appropriated for the redemption of it 
— but in this as in most other matters, 
the States individually have acted so in- 
dependantly of each other as to become 
a mere rope of sand, and to loiter upon 
the brink of ruin at a time whenthe i n- 
dependency of them, if the resources 
which have been drawn forth, had been 
applied to great objects by one common 
head, would have been as unshaken as 
Mount Atlas, and as regardless of the 
efforts of Great Britain to destroy it, as 
she is of the unheeded tempests that 
pass over her. 

It was with much concern I heard you 
had received loss by the Pirates of the 
Bay — and of the Insults Mrs. Fitzhugh 



and yourself had received from them — 
My complements attend her — and with 
very great esteem and regard 
I am — Dear Sir 

Yr Most obdt cS;: affectnt 
Servt 
Go Washington 
The Honble William Fitzhugh Esq 

CXII 

From the Livingston Correspondence 
Communicated by S. L. M. Barlow 

Head Quarters Dobbs Ferry 
20 Aug 1781 
Sir 

I regret being obliged to inform your 
Excellency, that I findmyself at this late 
period, very little stronger than I was 
when the army first moved out of their 
Quarters. Of the Militia which were re- 
quired of the State of New Jersey, and 
which were to have joined me by the 
15th of July, never have come in. I 
am informed that the first party which 
rendezvoused at Morris Town returned 
home for want of subsistence. Of the 
Levies for the Continental Battalions 
only three men have joined in the course 
of last month. 

The reinforcements from the other 
States have been very inconsiderable. 

I leave your Excellency to judge of 
the delicate and embarrassed situation in 
which I stand at this moment. Unable 
to advance with prudence beyond my 
present position, while perhaps in the 
general opinion my force is equal to the 
commencement of operations against 
New York, my conduct must appear, if 
not blameable, highly mysterious at least. 
Our allies with whom a junction has been 
formed upwards of three weeks, and 



140 



ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS 



who were made to expect from the en- 
gagements which I entered into with 
them at Weathersfield in May last, a very 
considerable augmentation of our force 
by this time, instead of seeing a pros- 
pect of advancing, must conjecture, upon 
good grounds, that the campaign will 
waste fruitlessly away. I shall just 
remark that it will be no small degree of 
triumph to our Enemies, and will have a 
very [fatal] influence upon our Friends 
in Europe [if] they find such a failure 
of resource, or such a want of energy 
to draw it out, that our wasted and 
expensive preparations end only in idle 
parade. 

I cannot yet but persuade myself, and 
I do not discontinue to encourage our 
Allies with a hope that our force will be 
still be sufficient to carry our intended 
operation into effect, or if we cannot 
fully accomplish that, to oblige the 
Enemy to withdraw part of their force 
from the Southward to support New 
York, and which, as I informed your Ex- 
cellency in my letter of the 27th of May, 
was part of our plan. 

You must be sensible, sir, that the ful- 
filment of my engagements must depend 
upon the degree of vigor with which the 
Executives of the Several States exercise 
the powers with which they have been 
vested, and enforce the laws lately passed 
for filling up and supplying the Army. 
In full confidence that the means which 
have been voted will be obtained, I shall 
continue my preparations. But I must 
take the liberty of informing you, that it 
is essentially necessary I should be made 
acquainted, immediately on the receipt 
of this, with the number of Continental 
Levies and Militia which have been 



forwarded, and what are the prospects of 
obtaining the remainder 

I will further add, that it will be 
equally necessary to see that the specific 
requisitions are regularly complied with 
I have the honor to be 

with great Respect and Esteem 
Your Excellency's 
most obt and hble Servt 

Go Washington 
By a letter just reed from Colo Seely 
I find that only 157 Militia had col- 
lected at Morris Town, and that the 
account of their returning home was 
premature. I have ordered them on to 
the army 
His Excellency 

Govr Livingston , 

CXIII 

From the Livingston Correspondence 
Communicated by S. L. M. Barlow 

Head Quarters Kings Ferry 
2ist Aug 1781 
Sir 
I feel myself unhappy in being obliged 
to inform your Excellency that the cir- 
cumstances in which I find myself at 
this late Period, have induced me to 
make an alteration of the main object 
which was at first adopted and has 
hitherto been held in view for the opera- 
tions of this Campaign — It gives me 
pain to say that the delay in the Several 
States to comply with my requisitions of 
the 24th of May last, on which in a great 
measure depended the hopes of our suc- 
cess in that attempt has been one great 
and operative reason to lead to this al- 
teration — other circumstances, it is true, 
have had their weight in this determina- 
tion, and it may in the course of events 



ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS 



141 



prove happy to the States that this de- 
viation from our main design has been 
adopted — 

The Fleet of the Count de Grasse 
with a body of French Troops on board 
will make its first appearance in the 
Chesapeak, which should the time of the 
Fleets arrival prove favorable and should 
the Enemy under Lord Cornwallis hold 
their present position in Virginia will 
give us the fairest opportunity to reduce 
the whole British force in the South & 
to ruin their boasted expectations in 
that Quarter — to effect this desirable 
object, it has been judged expedient, 
taking into consideration our own pres- 
ent circumstances with the situation of 
the Enemy in New York & at the South- 
ward, to abandon the siege of the 
former, and to march a body of Troops, 
consisting of a detachment from the 
American Army with the whole of the 
French Troops immediately to Virginia 
— With this detachment which will be 
very considerable, I have determined to 
march myself. The American Troops 
are already on the West Side the 
Hudson and the French Army will ar- 
rive at Kings Ferry this day — when the 
whole are crossed our march will be 
continued with as much dispatch as cir- 
cumstances will admit. 

The American Army which will re- 
main in this Department, excepting two 
light companies and some few detach- 
ments consists of the two New Hamp- 
shire Regiments — Ten Massachusetts 
and five, of Connecticut Infantry with 
Sheldons Legion, Cranes Artillery, the 
State Troops and Militia, which with 
proper exertion of the States will it is 
expected be sufficient to hold the Enemy 



in Check in New York and prevent their 
ravages on the Frontiers. The com- 
mand during my absence is given to 
Major-General Heath, who will have the 
honor to communicate with the States 
on every occasion which may require 
their attention. As the Enemys Force in 
New York has been for some time past 
very considerable, and it is reported 
with a good degree of certainty that 
they have lately received a very respect- 
able reinforcement of German recruits 
from Europe, it will be necessary still to 
send forward a great part if not the 
whole of the Militia requested from your 
State, in the same manner as tho' no al- 
teration had taken Place in our Meas- 
ures — You will therefore continue to 
send on at least 500 Men from your 
State to the orders of Genl Heath with 
as much dispatch as possible unless you 
should be informed from him that this 
Number need not be compleated. 

On this occasion, I cannot omit to 
repeat to your Excellency my opinion of 
the absolute importance of filling your 
Continental Battalions to their compleat 
Number for the War or three Years. 
Not only our past experience for a 
course of years, but our present situa- 
tion should strongly inforce the ne- 
cessity of this Measure. Every Cam- 
paign teaches us in the increasing diffi- 
culty and expence of procuring short 
termed Levies, and their decreasing 
utility in the field. The large reinforce- 
ments which the Enemy have this cam- 
paign sent to America strongly indicate 
their expectations of the continuance of 
the War — Should that be the Case the 
best way to meet them is certainly with 
a permanent Force — but should the War 



142 



ORIGINAL DOCtJMENTS 



be drawing towards a close a perma- 
nent and respectable Army will give us 
the happiest prospect of a favorable 
Peace — In every view a Permanent 
Army should be the great object of the 
States to obtain as they regard sound 
Policy, Prudence or Economy 
I have the honor to be 

With great regard & respect 

Your Excellency's 
Most obedient humble servant 

Go Washington 
His Excellency 

Governor Livingston 

CXIV 

Communicated by Pierre C. Van Wyck 
Sir 

You will take charge of the Cloathing 
the Boats Intrenching Tools — and such 
other Stores as shall be committed to 
your care by the Quarter Masr. General, 
with these you are to proceed (in the 
order they are mentioned) to Springfield 
by the way of Sufferans — Pompton — the 
two Bridges and Chatham. 

When you arrive at Springfield you will 
put yourself under the order of Major 
Genl. Lincoln or any other your superior 
officer commanding at that place You 
will also if occasion should require it 
alter the above route agreeably to orders 
from either Maj'r Genl. I^incoln or the 
Qr Mr. General 

You will be particularly careful to col- 
lect all your men that are in a proper 
condition to march and will use your 
best endeavours to prevent desertion. 
Given at Kings Ferry this 

25 day of Augt. 1781 — 
Go Washington 
To Colonel Cortland 



CXV 

From the Pennsylvania Packet or the General 
Advertiser 
Baltimore 8th September 1781 

With the warmest sense of gratitude 
and affection, I accept your kind con- 
gratulations on my arrival in this town. 

Permit me, gentlemen, to assure you, 
that from the pleasure which I feel in 
having this opportunity to pay my 
respects to the worthy inhabitants of the 
town of Baltimore, I participate in your 
sensations of joy 

If during the long and trying period 
in which my services, as a soldier, have 
been employed for the interests of the 
United States of America, and for the 
establishment of their rights, I have ac- 
quitted myself to the acceptance of my 
fellow citizens ; if my various fortunes ; 
if my attention to the civil powers of the 
States have subserved the general good 
of the public ; in these things I feel my- 
self happy — and in these considerations 
I rejoice in your felicity. 

The happy and eventful successes of 
our troops in the Southern States, as 
they reflect glory on the American arms, 
and particular honour on the gallant 
officers and men immediately concerned 
in that department fill my heart with 
pleasure and delight — the active and 
generous part our allies are taking in 
our cause, with the late arrival of their 
formidable fleet in the bay of Chesa- 
peake, call for our utmost gratitude ; 
and with the smiles of heaven on our 
combined operations, give us the hap- 
piest presage of the most pleasing 
events — events which in their issue 
may lead to an honourable and per- 
manent peace. 



ORIGINAL DOCUMKXTS 



43 



I thank you, most cordially, for your 
prayers and good wishes for my pros- 
perity. May the author of all blessings 
aid our united exertions in the cause of 
liberty and universal peace ; and may 
the particular blessing of heaven rest on 
you and the worthy citizens of this 
flourishing town of Baltimore 
I am, gentlemen. 

Your most obedient Servant 
Go Washington 
William Smith, Samuel Purviance Jr., 
John Moale, John Dorsey, James 
Calhoun, 
Committee of the Citizens and Inhabit- 
ants of the Town of Baltimore 

CXVI 

Communicated by Benson J, Lossing 

Head Quarter^ near York 
Octr 27th 1781 
Dear Sir 

As the Assembly of your State is now 
sitting, I cannot omit so favorable an oc- 
casion to suggest to you some measures 
which I conceive our present circum- 
stances and prospects require should be 
immediately adopted. 

To recruit the Regiments, assigned as 
a quota of this State, to their full estab- 
lishment and put them on a respectable 
footing, is, in my opinion, the first great 
object, which demands the attention of 
your Legislature — The Arguments which 
have formerly been so frequently urged 
to enforce the expediency of this measure, 
must I presume, have carried conviction 
with them — but unhappily for us, the 
situation of affairs, especially in the States 
which were the immediate seat of War, 
was so perplexed — and the embarris- 
ments of Government were so numerous 



& great, that there could be hitherto, but 
a partial compliance with the requisitions 
of Congress on this subject — Many of 
these difficulties are now removed, and 
the present moment which is certainly 
very favorable to the recruiting service 
ought to be eagerly embraced for the 
purpose. 

I will candidly confess to you that my 
only apprehension (which I wish may be 
groundless) is lest the late important suc- 
cess, instead of exciting our exertions, 
as it ought to do, should produce such a 
relaxation in the prosecution of the War, 
as will prolong the calamities of it — 
while, on the other hand, it appears to 
me to be our only sound policy (let that 
of the Enemy be what it will) to keep a 
well-appointed formidable Army in the 
field, as long as the War shall continue — 
For should the British Cabinet still per- 
severe in their hostile designs, and the 
Powers of Europe interpose in their be- 
half, this is a measure of absolute 
necessity — Or should a negotiation soon 
take place, the small expence which will 
be incurred by raising & keeping up a re- 
spectable force, for a short time, will be 
more than compensated, by the advan- 
tages to be derived from it at the pacifi- 
cation. 

Since this State, is at present, entirely 
liberated from the Ravages of War, I must 
take the liberty of recommending in the 
mosteearnesL manner, that every possible 
aid, and assistance may be given by it to 
the Southern States which are yet in, 
vaded and that General Green may, 
meet with that effectual support from its 
resources, which he will now have right 
to expect. 

Had I not considered the present 



144 



ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS 



period too precious to be suffered to pass 
unemproved for the public good, and 
that vigorous & decisive efforts ought to 
be made without a moments loss of time 
for augmenting our force, and reducing 
ihe power of the Enemy in the Southern 
States, I should rather have delayed this 
address until the sentiments of Congress 
could have been communicated to you 
but the importance of the occasion, will, 
I flatter myself, be a sufficient apology 
to them, for the liberty I am now taking. 
I have the honor to be 

With great respect «&: esteem 
Most Obedt & Humble Servt 

Go Washington 
[His Excellency Thomas Jefferson 

Governor of the State of Virginia,] 

cxvn 

Communicated by Benson J. Lossing 

Head Quarters near York 



Sir 



Novr 4 1781 



I have to inform you that it is con- 
cluded to form a deposit, of all the arms 
& ammunition for Musquetry brought 
with me from the Northward, and taken 
from the enemy,at Westham in this State, 
or in its neighborhood, from whence 
supplies may be forwarded for the South- 
ern Army, or issued to the State in case 
of another invasion ; — If proper depossits 
for establishing this Magazine can be 
found at the place mentioned, I beg you 
will have them provided, taking partic- 
ular care to avoid the Salt Houses, 
which will be detrimental to our pur- 
pose. 

If Westham will not afford the proper 
accommodation^ Richmond may be des- 



tined for the reception of the Stores for 
the present. 

A Guard of twenty four men will be 
necessary for the security of this Maga- 
zine, — They may be formed from the 
State Troops or Recruits, and will be 
put under the orders of Capt. Singleton 
of Colo. Harrisons Regt. of Artillery, 
who is to take the general charge of the 
Stores. — 

A Laboratory is also to be established 
at the deposit of the Stores— Capt. Irish 
with his Company of Laboratory men & 
Artificers will stand in need of assistance 
to remove them to the place fixed upon 
— You will be pleased to order them the 
means of transportation — 

In case of Danger from the Enemy, 
or any other exigence, I must beg you 
to give every needfull assistance for the 
security or removal of the stores, that 
may be brought proper, the expences of 
which will be refunded by the United 
States — 

The importance of this Deposit to 
this and the United States, will impress 
itself so deeply on your mind, that it 
will be needless for me to urge, that 
every measure may be taken by the 
Legislature of your State, for its perfect 
security & preservation — 

Colo. Carrington will deliver this, and 
Avill have the honor to confer with you 
on the necessary Arrangements to be 
made to fulfill my intentions 

I have the honor to be, with esteem, 
Your Moste 

Obedient Servant 

Go. Washington 
[His Excellency Thomas Jefferson 

Governor of the State of Virginia] 



NOTES 



'45 



CXVIII 

Communicated by T. J. Weaver 

His Excelency General Washington, 
Commander in Chief of the Allied 
Army 



To all Commanders of Ships of W^ar, 
and private armed Vessels, belonging to 
the United States^ and their Allies, 
cruizing on the high Seas, 

These are to certify that the Schooner 
Hunter of 60 Tonns burthen Captain 
Miller, Commander, navigated by Eight 
Seamen transporting P^ourteen Officers, 
& Seventeen Soldiers, Prisoners of W^ir 
to the United States of America under 
a Flag of Truce hath permission to pass 
from York Town in Virginia, to New- 
York, and from thence to Rhode 
Island. 

That the usages of W^ar, relative to 
Flaggs being observed on the part of 
said Vessel she is to pass without inter- 
ruption as aforemention'd 

Given at Head Quarters near York 
Town, this 5th day of November 1781. 
Go Washington 

CXIX 

Communicated by Joseph J. Cooke 
Mount Vernon 15th Novemr 1781 
Dear Sir— 

I have the honor to thank you most 
sincerely for your Congratulations con- 
veyed in your Favor of the 27th ulto — 

That our Success against the Enemy 
in the State of Virginia, has been so 
happily effected, & with so little Loss — 
and that it promises such favorable 



Consequences (if properly improved^ to 
the Welfare & Independence of the 
United States — is matter of very pleas- 
ing Reflection. 

I beg you to be assured that I am 
with perfect Regard & Esteem 
Dear Sir 

Your most Obedient and 
most humble Servant 
Go Washington 
Honr Joseph Reed Esq 



NOTES. 

The ANDREWS collection of en- 
graved WASHINGTON PORTRAITS. The 

following are in the possession of Mr. 
William L. Andrews, New York City : 

1 General W^ashington, Late President 

of the American Congress. 
Painted by P. Wright, of Philadelphia. P. 
Dawe, sculp. , London. Published by D. 
Gaily, No. 263 High Holborn, Jan. 8, 
1801. Desc: Three-quarter length in 
military costume. Battle scene in back- 
ground. Printed in colors. Size 14x19.} 
inches. 

2 Washington. 

Drawn and engraved by Chas. Puxton, 
M. D. Teibout, sculp. Dcsc: Full 
length, in military dress. Standing on a 
pedestal, and holding in right hand a 
scroll bearing his farewell address. In 
background a view of the I'owling Green, 
Fort George and bay. In foreground an 
urn, with the inscription, "Sacred to 
Patriotism," on the pedestal. Size, 
ioixi6| inches. 

3 Washington, Generalissime des Etats- 

Unis de I'Amerique. 
Dessino par Borneau, d'apres un talileau 
fourni par M. le Marquis de la Fayette. 
Grave par Chevillet. Desc: Three-quar- 
ters length, in military dress. Oval in 
square engraved frame. Size, 10x13^ 
inches. 



146 



NOTES 



4 His Excellency George Washington, 

Esq., Captain General of all the 

American Forces. 

J. Norman, sculp. Dcsc: Full length, in 
Coniinental army military dress. Left 
arm leaning on the mouth of a cannon. 
The right extended. Tents in the back- 
ground. Forms the frontispiece to "An 
Impartial History of the \\'ar in Amer- 
ica," printed in Boston, 1 78 1. Size 3tx6 
inches. 

5 General Washington. 

J. Trenchard, sculp. Desc: Half length, 
military dress. Oval in square frame. 
Frontispiece Columbian Mag., 1787. Size 
3fx6 inches. 

6 George Washington. 

H. Pinhas, sculp. Desc: On horseback, 
under a palm tree. Size, 4x6 inches. 

7 G. Washington. 

J, Tiaimbull, pinx., J. Le Roy, sculp. Desc.: 
Full length, military dress. Negro ser- 
vant holding his horse. In engraved 
frame. Size, 4^x7 inches. 

8 S. E. George W^ashington, General 

des Armees des Etats-Unis de 
I'Amerique. 
Le Beau, sculp. A Paris chez INIondhart, 
rue St. T-'icques. Desc: Oval in military 
dress (half length). In highly decorated 
engraved border of flags, cannon, etc., 
wreath of laurel, oak and palm. Size, 
4^x6^- inches. 

9 Georg. Washington, General iind 

Commandeur en Chef bey der 
Provincial-Armee in America. 
Desc: Three-quarter length, militaiy dress, 
]\Iili:ary action in 1 ackground. Very 
coarsely engraved. Size, 3^x5f inches. 

10 Gen'l George Washington. 

Hnlf length, military dress. Oval in 
square. Size, 3^x5 A inches. 

11 Le General Washington, Comman- 

dant en Chef des Armees Ameri- 
caines. 
Grave d'apres le Tableau de N. riehle,peint 
d'aprcs nature a Philadelphie en 17S3. 
A Basle clicz Chr. de Mechel. Desc: 
Half length, oval in square. Behnv a 
representation of the surrender of Corn- 
wallis, with the inscription, ' 'Jouerne'e me- 



morable du 19 Octobre 1781, a York en 
Virginie." Size, 5x7^ inches. The fore- 
going is in an illustrated copy of Everett's 
Washington. 

12 George Washington, Commander in 

Chief of ye Armies of ye United 

States of America. 

Engraved by W. Sharp from an original 
picture Half length, military dress. 
Oval in frame. Coiled snake and liberty 
cap on top, with the legend, " Dont 
tread on me." Size, 4^x6^ inches. 

13 George Washington, Esquire, Presi- 

dent of the United States. 

From the original picture, painted at the re- 
qu-;st of the Corporation of the Univer- 
sity of Cambridge, in Massachusetts. 
Published, June 24, 1793, by E. Savage, 
No. 84 Newman St. E. Savage, pinxit 
and sculpsit. Desc : Three-quarter lengih, 
Citizen's dress. Seated at table holding a 
paper. Size, loxi8 inches. 

14 The Washington Family. George 

Washington, his Lady and her two 

grandchildren by the name of 

Custis. (This Title repeated in 

French.) 

Philadelphia. Published, March 10, 1798, 
by E. Savage and Robt. Wilkinson, N>'. 
58 Cornhill, London. Painted and en- 
graved by E. Savage. Desc: Gen. Wash- 
ington (in military dress) and Mrs. Wash- 
ington, seated one on each side of a table, 
on which rests a map of Mount Vernon, 
to a point on which Mrs. Washington 
directs the General's attention. Mrs. 
^Vashing on's granddaughter stands be- 
side her and the grandson beside Washing- 
ton ; a negro servant standing behind 
Mrs. Washington's chair. The wind nv 
of the apartment opens upon a view of 
the Potomac. Size, i8x24Hnches. 

15 George Washington, Esq., President 

of the United States of America. 

From the original Picture painted, in 1790, 
for the Puilosophical Chamber at the 
University of Cambiidge, in Massa- 
chusetts. Painted and engraved by E. 
Savage. Published Feb. 7. 1792, by E. 
Savage, No. 29 Charles Street, Middx 
Hospital. Desc: Half leng h, military 
dress head uncovered. Oval in pliin 
engraved square. Size, 4^x5|. 



NOTES 



H7 



i6 George Washington, Esq., I'resident 
of the United States of America. 
From the original Picture painted, in 1790, 
for the rhilosophical Chamber at ihe 
Unirersity of Cambridge, in jMassa- 
chusetts. Painted and en_:;raved by E. 
Savage, London. Published for the Pro- 
prietor, Aug. 10th, 1793, by E. JefTerey, 
No. 11 Pall Mall. Desc: Half length, 
military dress, head uncovered. Oval, 
printed in sepia. Size, 3^x5. 

17 George Washington, Esq , General en 
chef de I'Armee Anglo-Americai- 
ne, nomme Dictateur par le Con- 
gres en Fevrier 1777. 
A Paris chez Esnauts et Rapilly, rue St. 
Jacques, a la Ville de Coutances. A. P. 
D. R. Z^^-j-r. .• half length, military dress, 
with cocked hat. Oval, in a border or- 
namented with military emblems. Size, 
4ix6i. 

18 — 19 The comparatively modern por- 
traits, viz. : 
The half length by Marshall, and eques- 
trian figure, Washington at Princeton. 

J. Andrews. 

The moreau collection of Wash- 
ington PORTRAITS. — The following are 
in the possession of Mr. J. B. Moreau, 
New York City : 

GILBERT STUART. 

J George Washington, Esq., late Pres- 
ident of the United States of 
America. 
From an original Picture i:i the possession 
of J. Sebn. De Franca, Esq , of Devon- 
shirv.* Place, to whom this Plate is Dedi- 
cated by his obliged humble Servt. , Robert 
Cribb. Engraved by W. Nutter. Size, 
9x7.} in. (Stipple). 

2 George Washington, First President 

of the United States of America. 
From the original pictures painted by G. 
Stuart, .in the possession of the Most 
Noble the Marquis of Lansdowne, En- 
graved by Jas. Fitler. Size, 4x5^- in. 
(Line). 

3 George Washington. 

Trott, del., after Stuart. Engraved by 
Wright. Size 2x3 in. (Line). 



4 George Washington. 

From a Picture painted by Mr. Stuart in 
1795, in the possession of Samuel 
Vaughan, Esqr,, published in 1796. En- 
graved by T. Holloway. Size, 8x9 in. 
(Line). 

5 George Washington. 

From an original picture in the possession 
of Samuel Vaughan, Esq. Engraved by 
W. Ridley. Size, 3^x4 in. (Stipple). 

6 George Washington. 

Ne en Virginie, le 11 Fevrier 1732. Grave 
d'apres le Camee par Madame de Brehan 
a New York 1789. Size, 6x4 in. 

7 George Washington. 

The English artist has followed the lines of 
the Print in the French original after a 
picture by Piehle on account of the re- 
marks of Mr. Lavater. Published by T. 
Holloway and the other Proprietor-, May 
21, 1794. The Portrait is an oval, 5x5ii- 
in., with a representation of the "Event 
of the 19th of October, 1781, at Yorktown 
in Virginia." Engraved by Holloway. 
Size, 7ix5|^ in. 

8 George Washington. 

Marckl, del. In Military uniform — (vig- 
nette). Engraved by Bertonnier. Size, 
3x34 in. (Line). 

9 George Washington. 

Medallion Head, by Pentagraph. En- 
graved by Ormsby. Size, 8x7 in. 

10 George Washington. 

Guenied, del. Full length, with pilm tree 
in background. Engraved by E. Monnin. 
Size, 6x5 in. 

1 1 George Washington. 

Painted by J. Wright, son of Mrs. Patience 
Wright. Engraved by J. CoUyer. Size, 
3x2 in. 

12 George Washington, 

From an original miniature by Wm. Birch, 
in the possession of Chas. G. Barney, 
Esq., (Private Plate). I'lngraved by H. 
B. Hall. Size, 3 in. Vignette (Line). 

13 George Washington. 

Dessine par Condu — Grave par Plan- 
chard. — De'die a S. E. le Gcm'ral Jakson, 
President des Etats-Unis d'Amerique. 
Par son tres-respectueux admiratcur. Le 
typographe, N. Bettoni. Size,62x8^ in. 
(Line). 



148 



NOTES 



14 George Washington. 
Generalissime des AmeriGains, Liberateur 

des Etats-Unis, contemporain et ami du 
General Lafayette. Dessine par Bonnieu 
d'aprts un tableau f ourni par M . le M arquis 
de la Fayette. Engraved by Chevillet. 
Size, 13-^xio in. (Line). 

15 George Washington, Commander-in- 

Chief of ye Armies of ye United 
States of America. 
Oval, with motto, " Don't tread on me." 
Size, 4]x6 in. 

PEALE. 

16 S. E. George Washington, General- 

en-Chef des Etats-Unis de I'Ame- 
rique. 
Le BB., pinxit. J. L., sculp. Size, lolxy 
in. (Line). 

17 George Washington. 

Oval. T. Cooke, del. et sculp. Size, 3x4111. 
(Line). 

18 George Washington. 

Peint par L. le Paon, Peintre de Bataille 
de S. A. S. Mgr, le Prince de Conde. 
Grave par N. Le Mire, des Academies 
Imperiales et Royales et de celle des 
Sciences et Arts de Rouen. Full length, 
with colored servant and horse in back- 
ground. Size, 12. 1x162 in. (Line). 

TRUMBULL. 

19 George Washington. 

Engraved by Geoffroy. Size, 3^x4 in. (Line 
and Stipple). 

20 George Washington. 

Full length, with servant and horse in the 
background. Engraved by T. A. Le 
Roy. Size, 6lx 4 in. (Line). 

SAVAGE. 

21 George Washington, Esq., President 

of the United States of America. 
From the original picture painted in 1790 
for the Philosophical Chamber at the 
University of Cambridge in Massachu- 
setts. Painted and engraved by E. Sav- 
age). Size, 7^x5 in. (Stipple). 

HOUDON. 

2 2 George Washington. 

Dessine et Grave d'apres Houdon par Alex- 
andre Tardieu. Depose a la Bibliothcque 
Nationalc le g Vendemiaire An. 9. Size, 
3 in. diam. (Line). 



23 Creorge Washington. 

Drawn by J. Wood from Houdon's Bust 
Published by Joseph Delaplaine, 1814. 
Engraved by Leney. Size. 4x5 in. 

CHANTREY. 

24 George Washington. 

Drawn by H. Corbould. From a Statue 
by F. Chantrey, London. Published Jan. 
I, 1827, Colnagi & Son, Pall Mall, East. 
Engraved by J. Thompson. Size, 12x4 
in. (Stipple). 

GREENOUGH. 

25 George Washington. 

Horatio Greenough, sculptor. Engraved 
by Jacopi Bernardi. Size, 9x12 in. (Line). 

J. B. MOREAU. 



The pierrepont-stuart. — Account 
of the full-length portrait of \\'ashing- 
ton in the possession of Henry E. Pierre- 
pont of Brooklyn, L. 1. 

The grandfather of Mr. Pierrepont, 
Mr. William Constable of New York, 
was having his portrait painted by Stuart 
in 1796, while Stuart w^as engaged paint- 
ing the full-length i)ortrait of Washing- 
ton for Mr. Bingham, which was i)re- 
sented to the Marquis of Lansdowne. 

Mr. Constable was in tl^.e army and 
aid to General Lafayette, and was inti- 
mate with General Washington. He 
induced Mr. Stuart to paint for him a 
portrait of Washington similar to that 
which he was then painting, and also a 
half-length portrait, which he presented 
to his friend, General Alexander Hamil- 
ton, for which two portraits Stuart was 
to charge his own price, which appears 
by Stuart's bill, as he inserted in his own 
handwriting the prices of the full-length 
and also the half length, while Mr. 
Constable by his agent inserted his own 
price for the portrait agreed upon. 

Owing to friendly relation between Mr. 



NOTES 



149 



Stuart and Constable and Mr. Daniel Mc- 
Cormick, who wasa mutual friend of both 
parties, Stuart finished the details of his 
full length for Mr. Constable with un- 
usual care. He purchased a Turkey rug, 
which he copied carefully, giving rich- 
ness to the picture, owing to some bad- 
inage had with Mr. McCormick when 
he bought it. 

This fine picture is in perfect pres- 
ervation, the colors being as fresh as 
when painted. As it was painted at the 
same time Stuart was at work on the 
Lansdowne portrait, for which Wash- 
ington was giving sittings, and by tradi- 
tion it h.as been transmitted that Stuart 
painted on both portraits alternately, 
both have been claimed to be originals. 

In the full-length Washington is rep- 
resented as delivering his farewell ad- 
dress ; in the half-length, presented to 
General Hamilton, he appears seated, 
with the copy of the address in his hand. 

The Lansdowne portrait of Washing- 
ton is sometimes called Stuart's first 
original, and the Athenaeum portrait his 
second original ; but Stuart's letter of 
9th March, 1823, corrects this. He 
writes of the Lansdowne portrait "as 
the only original painting I ever made 
of Washington, except the one I own 
myself. I painted a third hit rubbed it out. " 

This ] ortrait which he writes he owns 
himself, is the Athenaeum head which 
he afterwards sold. The third referred 
to, which he writes he destroyed, was in 
fact his first portrait painted in 1795, 
which was unsatisfactory to him. Before 
destroying it he made some copies, one 
of which called the Gibbs' Portrait, is 
in the possession of Dr. W. F. Chnn- 
ning, of Providence, R. L Editor, 



The birch miniature. — This portrait 
was obtained from the artist by my 
grandfather, James McHenry, who was 
appointed by Washington Secretary of 
War in 1796, and tradition in my family 
says that my grandfather selected from 
among several this specimen as that 
which presented the best likeness of the 
original, although the plate on which it 
had been painted was cracked. 

The following is a memorandum of 
remarks made to me by Mr. Rembrandt 
Peale, when on a visit to Baltimore in 
1858, with reference to a miniature por- 
trait in enamel of Washington, by Birch, 
owned by me. 

Mr. Birch came to Philadelphia, bring- 
ing with him a beautiful enamel minia- 
ture portrait of Lord Mansfield, which 
he had copied from an oil painting by 
Sir Joshua Reynolds ; and partly to en- 
courage him, and partly to have the first 
enamel painting executed in America, 
Mr. Peale, Senior (C. W. P., R. P.'s fa- 
ther), sat to him for his portrait, which, 
however, did not give satisfaction. Mr. 
Birch himself found that he could not 
paint enamel portraits immediately from 
life, and he therefore turned his atten- 
tion to the copying of oil paintings, and 
later in life he bought a little property 
in the neighborhood of Philadelphia, 
and occupied himself with the produc- 
tion of enamel bracelets, brooches and 
similar personal ornaments, with which 
he was very successful. Mr. Birch was 
anxious to paint a portrait of Washing- 
ton from life, but the President being 
tired of sitting to applicants for similar 
favors, would only grant permission to 
Mr. B. to remain in his cabinet whilst 
he was engaged with his papers or other 



150 



NOTES 



business, and thus Mr. Birch was able 
to make a crayon sketch, embodying the 
general characteristics of Washington's 
countenance. This sketch aided Mr. B. 
in his further work, the enarnel portrait, 
which Mr. Peale regards as copied from 
one of Stuart's copies of his (Stuart's) 
so-called first portrait of Washington. 
Mr. R. Peale and Stuart painted Wash- 
ington at about the same time. Mr. P. 
had obtained one sitting of some three 
hours, and on a following day, on re- 
turning for a second sitting, was told 
by Mrs. Washington that the President 
was then engaged giving a sitting to a 
young American recently returned from 
studying his art abroad. This was Stu- 
art. Between the first sitting given to 
Mr. P. and that given to Mr. Stuart, 
Washington had received from a Phila- 
delphia dentist a new set of artificial 
teeth, very clumsily made, and had in- 
serted them in his mouth ; the conse- 
quence of which was the disfigurement 
of the lower part of his face, which 
looked, said Mr. Bushrod Washington 
to Mr. Peale, as if he had filled his 
mouth full of water and was in the act of 
rinsing it. As he thus appeared Stuart 
painted him, and from that painting 
made several copies, which he called 
copies of his first portrait. Stuart was 
very jealous with regard to this original 
portrait, and it is therefore highly im- 
probable that he would have allowed 
Birch to copy it ; but Birch must have 
obtained access to one of the copies 
made by Stuart, and from that copy, 
with the assistance of his pencil sketch, 
executed his enamel. Mr. Peale recog- 
nizes this as particularly taken from 
Stuart's first portrait of 1795, from which 



Stuart's portrait of 1796, now at Boston? 
differs in some respects, as in the position 
of the head, the shadow, etc. Mr. Peale 
thinks, however, that in the enamel Birch 
modified somewhat the disfigurement of 
the lower part of Washington's face hon- 
estly portrayed by Stuart, whilst he con- 
siders the coloring and the upper fea- 
tures (above the mouth ) as very ex- 
cellent in resemblance to the original. 
Stuart professed to have rubbed out his 
first portrait, but Mr. P. thinks that he 
sold it to Mr. Wistanley of London. 
Stuart had observed, but never knew 
the cause of the disfigurement of the 
mouth and cheeks of Washington. 

J. Howard McHenry 
Baltimore. 



HouDON AND STUART. — I havc Com- 
pared carefully the Houdon bust with 
the photogram from the original study 
of Washington by Stuart, now in the 
Boston Museum of Art. A close com- 
parison proves the fidelity of both these 
likenesses. In all the characteristic 
markings they correspond. The subtle 
shades of modeling agree in them. In 
the Stuart head there is a little more 
breadth across the lower part of the face, 
the mouth slightly longer, and the chin 
more pronounced — but the differences 
are slight, and in those very differences 
are found points of resemblance. They 
prove each other's truth. 

New York. D. Huntington 



First exhibition of stuart's Wash- 
ington IN NEW YORK. 

General Washington. To be seen every 
day at the New City Tavern^ Broadway. 

A full length Portrait of General Wash- 



NOTES 



'51 



tngton (large as life), represented in the 
position of addressing Congress the last 
time, before his retirement from public 
life. This Picture was painted by the 
much celebrated American Artist, Mr. 
G. Steivart (who is now at Philadelphia). 
Mr. Stewart is justly celebrated as the 
greatest painter of the age, and Wash- 
ington is his hobby horse. Those who 
have not had the pleasure of seeing our 
illustrious Washington now have the op- 
portunity of gratifying themselves, and 
those who have seen him will here again 
realize all his noble dignity and tri- 
umphs, bestowing his good advice to his 
countrymen. He is surrounded with al- 
legorical emblems of his public life in 
the service of his country, which are 
highly illustrative of the great and tre- 
mendous storms which have frequently 
prevailed. These storms have abated, 
and the appearance of the rainbow is 
introduced in the back ground as a sign. 
(Mr. Cumberland of this city will be en- 
titled to much credit for the richness 
and elegance of the frame). Admit- 
tance, two shillings ; and those who will 
pay one dollar will have a ticket to visit 
as long as the painting is to be seen in 
this city. 

It will be exhibited for one month, 
after which it will be removed to one 
other of our principal cities, for it is in- 
tended that it shall make a tour of the 
United States. 

N. B. There is for sale in the same 
room the magnificent Musical Clock, 
which was at the Panorama, price, 1750 
dollars. Also ten original full length 
paintings, taken from life, just arrived 
from France, of the following celebrated 
personages, viz. : 



Marquis de la Fayette, Robespierre, 
Petiou, Rabaut St. Etienne, Thomas 
Paine, Clermont Tonnerre, Mirabeau, 
Brissot, Gensonne, Camille Desmoulins. 

The above paintings will be sold, the 
whole together or separately. They are 
all very excellent likenesses. 

G. Baker. 

^^^ Hours of admittance from 10 to 
2 o'clock, and from 3 to 5 in the after- 
noon. February 5. — The Time Piece ^ 
February 7, 1798. 

The earl of buchan's gift to 
WASHINGTON. — Sparks' publications, the 
Writings of Washington and Letters to 
Washington, contain part of a correspon- 
dence between the President and the 
Earl of Buchan which extended over 
several years. Some other parts of these 
manuscripts are in the possession of 
General C. W. Darling, of Utica, New 
York State, to whose courtesy the fol- 
lowing contribution is due : 

In the year 1792 the following para- 
graphs appeared in the newspapers of 
the United States : 

^^Philadelphia, Jan. 4th. On Friday 
morning was presented to the president 
of the United States (then general Wash- 
ington) a box, elegantly mounted with 
silver, and made of the celebrated Oak 
Tree that sheltered the Washington of 
Scotland, the brave and patriotic Sir 
William Wallace, after his defeat at the 
battle of Falkirk, in the beginning of the 
fourteenth century, by Edw^ard ist. 
This magnificent and truly characteris- 
tical present, is from the Earl of Buchan, 
by the hand of Mr Archibald Robertson, 
a Scots gentleman, and portrait painter^ 
who arrived in America some months 



152 



NOTES 



ago. The box was presented to lord 
Biichan by the Goldsmith's company at 
Edinburgh ; from whom his lordship re- 
quested, and obtained leave to make it 
over to a man whom he deemed more de- 
serving of it than himself, and the only 
man in the world to whom he thought it 
justly due. We hear farther, that lord 
Buchan has, by letter, requested of the 
president, that on the event of his de- 
cease, he will consign the box to that 
man, in this country, who shall appear, 
in his judgment, to merit it best, upon 
the same considerations that induced 
him to send it to the present possessor. 
'' The inscription, upon a silver plate, on 
the inside of the lid, is as follows : — 
Presented by the goldsmiths of Edin- 
burgh, to David Stuart Erskine, Earl of 
Buchan, with the freedom of their cor- 
poration, by their deacon : — A D 1790." 
The following letter, which accompa- 
nied the box that was presented to Gene- 
ral George Washington by Mr. Archibald 
Robertson, from Lord Buchan, does not 
appear in Sparks' Letters to Washington, 
in which the first letter printed from 
Lord Buchan is of date 15 Sept., 1791 : 

" Dryburg-Abbey, June 28th, 1791. 
"Sir, 

" I had the honor to receive your ex- 
cellency's letter relating to the advertise- 
ment of Dr. Anderson's periodical pub- 
lication, in the Gazette of the United 
States; which attention to my recom- 
mendation I feel very sensibly, and re- 
turn you my grateful acknowledgments. 
In the 2ist No of that Literary Miscel- 
lany, I inserted a monitory paper re- 
specting America, which I flatter myself, 
may, if attended to on the other side of 
the Atlantic, be productive of good con- 
sequences. To use your own emphatic 



wordsj'may the Almighty Being who rules 
over the universe, who presides in the 
councils of nations, and whose providen- 
tial aid can supply every human defect,' 
consecrate to the liberties and happiness 
of the American people, a government 
instituted by themselves for public and 
private security, upon the basis of law 
and equal administration of justice, pre- 
serving to every individual as much 
civil and political freedom as is consist- 
ent with the safety of the nation ; and 
may He be pleased to continue your 
life and strength as long as you can be 
in any way useful to your country. I 
have entrusted this sheet enclosed in a 
box made of the oak that sheltered our 
great Sir William Wallace, after the bat- 
tle oC Falkirk, to Mr. Robertson of 
Aberdeen, a painter, with the hope of 
his having the honor of delivering it 
into your hands ; recommending him as 
an able artist, seeking for fortune and 
fame in the New World. This box was 
presented to me by the Goldsmith's 
company of Edinburgh, to whom, feeling 
my own unworthiness to receive this 
magnificently significant present, I re- 
quested and obtained leave to make it 
over to the man to whom I thought it 
most justly due; into your hands I 
commit it; requesting of you to pass it, 
in the event of your decease, to the man 
in your own country, who shall appear 
to your judgment to merit it best, upon 
the same conditions that have induced 
me to send it to your Excellency. 

I am, with the highest esteem, Sir, 
Your Excellency's most obed't 
And obliged humble servant 
General Washington Buchan 

President of the United States of 

America 



NOTES 



153 



Washington's leiter of acknowledg- 
ment, dated Philadelphia, May i, 1792, 
was printed in Sparks' Writings of 
Washington, X. 229, and his will, also, 
recommitting the Box made from the 
Wallace Oak, has been repeatedly pub- 
lished. Editor. 



Historical ANECDorE of general 
WASHINGTON. — The original manuscript, 
of which the following is a translation, 
is in the handwriting of the celebrated 
St. John de Crevecoeur, and was re- 
cently placed in the hands of Mr. O. H. 
Marshall of Buffalo by the present Count 
de Crevecoeur, grandson of the author. 

Immediately upon the recognition by 
England of the independence of her 
ancient colonies General Washington 
made haste to resign his command (to- 
ward the close of 1783), and to return 
to Mount Vernon, where, in the same 
manner as before the revolution, he di- 
vided his time between reading, the cul- 
tivation of his beautiful seat and the 
society of his neighbors and numerous 
friends. He built a country house after 
the plans of Arthur Young. He raised 
a fine flock with the sheep and the dams 
which the King of Spain had sent to 
him. He planted a vineyard of several 
acres and a large nursery of fruit trees 
brought from Europe. Such were his 
quiet pursuits when in 1789 the public 
voice called him to the administration 
of the new federal government. It was 
at this period that the inhabitants of 
the Northern States, a large number of 
whom had served under his orders, and 
entertained the greatest veneration for 
his virtues, entreated him to pass some 
months among them. Long detained 



by business of the Government, he could 
not undertake the journey until 1791. 
Accompanied by his Secretary, he left 
New York. The eagerness of the pub- 
lic to supply him with horses made up 
for the w^ant of relays, which were not 
then known. His passage across the 
States of Connecticut, Rhode Island, 
Massachusetts and New Hampshire was 
one series of festivities, joy and pleas- 
ure for all classes of citizens, who again 
looked with deep feeling upon him whom 
they had formerly called their hero and 
their friend. He entered the towns of 
Boston, accompanied by a numerous es- 
cort of troops, old soldiers and inhab- 
itants, who had come out to meet him as 
far as Watertowai. The next day he re- 
ceived the congratulations of the Govern- 
ment, addresses from the municipality, 
the courts, the clergy, and tributes of 
gratitude and tender affection from other 
classes of society. The sailors, no less 
eager to show their homage and devo- 
tion, decorated their vessels with flags, 
elected an orator and came to express 
the joy they felt at seeing him in their 
town. All business and trade were sus- 
pended, forgotten for three days. Never 
before had the inhabitants of this cap- 
ital of Massachusetts experienced a 
more perfect delight. The astonishment 
of General Washington seemed equal to 
the pleasure he enjoyed at observ- 
ing wherever he went that all traces of 
the injuries and long sufferings which 
this town had undergone during the war 
had entirely disappeared ; that a large 
number of houses and public buildings 
had been built, the wharves had been 
rej^aired, the two fine bridges of Charles- 
town and Cambridge constructed, and 



154 



NOTES 



several large factories established, a very 
different spectacle from that this same 
town presented when he forced the Eng- 
lish army and squadron to evacuate it 
and set sail for Nova Scotia. He was 
not less astonished nor pleased to see 
the flourishing agricultural condition of 
neighboring fields, in the midst of which 
he had been compelled to set his camp, 
now covered with crops, vines and ele- 
gant houses, in many of which he was 
received and feasted by his old compan- 
ions in arms, who, like himself, had 
helped to establish the independence of 
their country, and were now become 
good farmers. 

But the time that General Washington 
had allowed himself being spent, he left 
for New Hampshire, whose .Governor, 
at the head of several squadrons of cav- 
alry, awaited him with impatience on 
the frontier of this State. The Gen- 
eral had just separated from the nume- 
rous escort which accompanied him be- 
yond Newburyport, when a violent storm 
threatening, he ordered his courier, who 
had not found any lodgings at the inn 
near by, to stop at the first habitation. 
He was taking tea with the proprietor 
and his family when he was informed 
that one of the residents of the place 
earnestly desired to speak to him. " I 
have just experienced a great misfor- 
tune ; you alone, General, can repair it." 
"I do not understand you. What do you 
mean ? " *'A man on horseback came to 
my house to ask if I could lodge the 
President. Supposing that he meant 
the head of some College or other cor- 
porate Society to whom law and custom 
give this title, I replied — * My house is 
full,* which was in fact the case ; and 



when I saw my mistake you were 
already far distant. Ah ! how much I 
regret, General, not to have known it was 
of you he spoke. What could have 
been the motive of Congress to des- 
ignate by a name so common with us 
the illustrious Commander-in-Chief of 
the Continental Armies, summoned by 
the affection and the gratitude of his 
fellow countrymen to the first magis- 
tracy of this country ? Fatal mistake, 
which deprived me of the happiness of 
receiving you ! If I dared to hope that 
you would deign to honor my house with 
your presence on your return to Boston, 
I should feel consoled for my misfor- 
tune ! Do not think, I conjure you, 
that it is as the inn keeper I thus ad- 
dress you. It is as a member of the 
great family which you had the glory 
of emancipating from the British yoke 
after seven long years of labor, anxieties 
and dangers. It is as an honest farmer 
who, like yourself, carefully cultivates 
his fields. General, grant me the favor 
I ask of you, and this day and that on 
which I shall have the honor to receive 
you in my house will be the happiest of 
my life." After kindly replying to the 
farmer, General Washington granted his 
request, and on his return from New 
Hampshire did not forget his promise. 

This anecdote is quite in the style of 
de Crevecoeur, as those familiar with the 
French edition of his Lettres d'un Cul- 
tivateur, which is much more elaborate 
than that which he published in Eng- 
lish, will readily recognize. Editor. 

Washington at Saratoga. — It is 
well known that General Washington 
visited the military posts and battle- 



NOTES 



1 55 



fields of northern New York in 1783, 
while waiting for a final settlement of the 
treaty of peace. It may not be uninter- 
esting to recall the fact of his visit to 
Saratoga Springs, a place that was then a 
wild forest of pines, sloping into a 
marshy, dreary valley. 

The Commander-in-Chief, accompa- 
nied by Colonel Hamilton and Governor 
Clinton, came by boat from Newburg to 
Albany. At this place they were joined 
by General Philip Schuyler, and to- 
gether they continued the journey on 
horseback to Stillwater, where they 
spent the night at the house of Har- 
monus Schuyler. The family were all 
away from home except one daughter. 
We can imagine the flutter of anxiety 
and responsibility she felt in entertain- 
ing, unassisted, these distinguished 
guests. In that day, it is true, hospi- 
tality was so general a virtue that all 
women performed its duties with a nat- 
ural grace and ease that are rare at the 
present time, but the glory of Washing- 
ton's achievement was then at its height, 
and a young girl who had grown up in 
the Schuyler family, where patriotic sen- 
timents and devotion to the great com- 
mander were synonymous, must have 
felt a certain awe tempering her pleas- 
ure in receiving the man whose name 
was so honored 

The gallant Generals appreciated the 
attentions of their young hostess, and 
when parting from her on the following 
morning General Washington raised her 
hand to his lips in the chivalric manner 
of that time. Long years after, when 
an old lady and on her death-bed, her 
youngest nephew called to see her, and 
on taking leave, she put out her hand to 



him, saying : ** Not my lips, George, but 
kiss the hand that long ago was conse- 
crated by the kiss of Washington." 

Leaving Stillwater the traveling party 
rode to the Saratoga battle-ground, and 
galloped over the heights where but a 
short time before the American and Brit- 
ish camps looked defiance at each other 
across the intervening ravine. They 
rode on to the place of surrender, and 
we see Schuyler, to whom the ground 
was so familiar, pointing out each spot 
where the momentous contest was con- 
tinued and finally settled. 

Proceeding on their journey they took 
boats at Lake George, inspected the 
fortifications at Ticonderoga and Crown 
Point, and on their return stopped at 
the High Rock Spring, where the village 
of Saratoga Springs now stands. Here 
they lingered long enough for General 
Washington to be strongly impressed, 
not only with the value of the water, but 
with the importance that would eventu- 
ally be attached to the surrounding land- 
Early in the same year General Schuy- 
ler had cut a road through the forest 
from his place at old Saratoga, now 
Schuylerville, to the spring, and he kept 
a tent pitched at the latter place during 
the summer months. General Washing- 
ton and Governor Clinton now deter- 
mined to unite in purchasing the spring 
and a large tract of land around it, if the 
necessary arrangements could be effected 
with the holders of the old patent. 
This is evident from a letter of Wash- 
ington to Clinton later in the same sum- 
mer. Clinton found, however, that some 
members of the Livingston family had 
already secured the purchase. This 
was a subject of regret to Washington, 



156 



NOTES 



for in a letter to Governor Clinton, 
dated November 25th, 1784, he says : 
'^ I am sorry we have been disappointed 
in our expectation of the mineral spring 
at Saratoga, and of the purchase of that 
part of the Oriskany tract upon which 
Fort Schuyler stands." He and Gov- 
ernor Clinton afterwards became joint 
owners of six thousand acres adjoining 
the latter, which General Washington 
-says they got amazingly cheap. 

General Otho H. Williams in a letter 
to General Washington, dated Balti- 
more, July 12th, 1784, says, in referring 
to a journey up the North River : "One 
reason I had in extending my tour so far 
that course was to visit the spring in the 
vicinity of Saratoga which I recollected 
you once recommended to me as a 
remedy for the rheumatism. Colonel 
Armstrong and myself spent a week 
there which was equal to a little cam- 
paign, for the accommodations were 
wretched, and provisions exceedingly 
scarce ; we were forced to send to the bor- 
ders of the Hudson for what was neces- 
sary for our subsistence." He then pro- 
ceeds to give his correspondent some- 
thing like an analysis of the water, 
having made numerous experiments in 
evaporating and bottling it. 

In his quick apprehension of the value 
of the spring, of its advantageous loca- 
tion, and probable popularity, Washing- 
ton evinced the comprehensive, re- 
ceptive and practical qualities of mind 
which were conducive to his success in 
more important affairs. One feels in- 
clined to speculate on the possible effect 
Washington's ownership, if it had been 
accomplished, would have had on the 
■spring, which then stood like a sentinel 



at the door of a laboratory, whose treas- 
ures — many health-giving springs — have 
since been exposed to view. 

Ellen Hardin Walworth. 
Saratoga Springs. 

Major bazaleel howe of washing- 
ton's life guard. — Major Bazaleel 
Howe of the New Hampshire line of 
the Continental army, and for a period 
of six months an Auxiliary Lieutenant 
in General Washington's Life Guard, 
entered the army at the very commence- 
ment of the war. Boston Harbor was 
to be defended ; men were being gath- 
ered in from the surrounding country. 
New Hampshire and Massachusetts con- 
tributed of their choicest sons. The 
morning came for the men to march. 
Young Howe, of New Hampshire, was 
but a youth. As the men fell into line 
his eye rested on a middle-aged man 
whose wife and daughters stood near 
him. As the time of marching drew 
near the wife threw her arms about his 
neck, the daughters were bathed in 
tears, while the man himself was deeply 
affected. Young Howe's heart was 
touched, and stepping forward he said : 
*' Give me your old gun and I'll go for 
you, and if the government ever gets 
able to furnish me with a gun I'll send 
the old thing back to you." The offer 
was at once accepted. He fell into line, 
and in a brief period, to the music of the 
drum and fife, the men marched away, 
young Howe to return to his home iio 
more till the close of the war, and then 
only on a brief visit to his mother. 

He served throughout the entire war, 
entering the army as a private. He was 
subsequently commissioned as a Lieu- 



NOTES 



57 



tenant, Captain and Major, and after 
the close ol the war served with General 
Wayne in the Indian war for three 
years. He subsequently remained in 
the army for six years, making sixteen 
years in the regular army. He was one 
of the original members of the Cincin- 
nati Society, and settled shortly after 
his retirement from the army in the city 
of New York, where he resided up to the 
period of his death in 1825. 

He remarked that he never was in 
the presence of General Washington 
but that he felt deeply impressed with a 
sense of his being in the presence of a 
man of great superiority. 

He was at the battle of Long Island. 
An old man who had been one of his 
soldiers, after his death said: "The 
Captain was a coward and ran away. 
Lieutenant Howe took command of the 
company ; we fought all day, and then 
ran many miles at night." He was a 
marksman of no ordinary ability. He 
served for a period with Colonel A. 
Hamilton's regiment, and was one of his 
picked men. Being surprised by the 
enemy he ran to the barn, mounted 
Hamilton's war horse bare-backed, and 
in a full run under a heavy fire, escaped. 

In a fort in the intensest cold weather 
they were in hourly expectation of being 
attacked. They tore up all their blank- 
ets to make cartridges; but there was 
no attack. Their sufferings were greatly 
enhanced by the severity of the weath- 
er while their coverings were all de- 
stroyed. ■ Could the incidents of the 
war, as talked over by him and some of 
his comrades within the hearing of the 
writer in his boyhood, be recalled, they 
would be read with deep interest. 
Passaic. J. M. Howe. 



Copy of a letter given Major Bazaleel 
Howe by General Washington : 

" I do hereby certify and make known to all 

whom these presents shall come that Mr 

Howe late a Lieut in the New Hampshire line of 
the continental army was an officer of a fair and 
respectable character, that he served some part of 
thelastyearof the war as an Auxiliary Lieutenant 
wiih my own guard, that he commanded the es- 
cort which came with my bagg;age and papers to 
Mount Vernon at the close of the war, and that 
in all my acquaintance with him I had great 
reason to be satisfied with his integrity, intelli- 
gence and good disposition 

Given under my hand this I2lh day of May 
1788 G Washington 

Dr. J. B. Howe, of Passaic, New Jer- 
sey, the son of the worthy soldier whose 
services are above described, is the 
present owner of the Dey House at 
Preakness, once famous as Washington's 
Headquarters. He has kindly communi- 
cated numerous details concerning his 
father's personal intercourse with Gene- 
ral Washington, and some interesting 
letters and orders from him, which will 
appear in their course in the series of 
Washington's Letters. Editor. 



Washington's entrance to new 
YORK, 25 NOV. 1783. — The following 
account is taken from a leaf inserted in 
an almanac which belonged to Lieut- 
enant-Governor Van Cortlandt — " Bick- 
ensleth's Boston Almanac, 1783." 

"N. B— I went from Peekskill Tues- 
day the 1 8th of Novr In company with 
his Excellency Govr Clinton, Coll Ben- 
son and Coll Campbell, lodge that night 
with Genl Cortlandt at Croton River 
proceeded & lodged Wednesday night 
at Edeo Covenhovens where we met his 
Excellency Genl Washington & his aid<, 
the next night lodged with Fredrk V 
Cortlandt at the Yonkers after having 
dwelt with Genl Lewis Morris. Friday 
morning we rode in company with the 



58 



NOTES 



Commander in Chief as far as the Widow 
Days at Harlem where we held a council, 
Saturday I wrote down to Mr Stuyves- 
sant. stayd there untill Tuesday then 
rode triumphants into the City next the 
Commander," C. E. V. C. 

Momer House, Croton Landinor, 



Washington an abolitionist. — 
T/mrsday, May 26, 1785. Mr, Asbury 
[Francis Asbury Bishop, of the M. E. 
C^liurch] and I set off for General Wash- 
ington's. We were engaged to dine there 
the day before. The General's seat is 
very elegant ; built upon the great river 
Potomawk ; for the improvement of the 
navigation of which, he is carrying on 
jointly with the State some amazing 
Plans. He received us very politely, 
and was very open to access. He is 
quite the plain, Country-Gentleman. 
After dinner we desired a private inter- 
view, and opened to him the grand busi- 
ness on which we came, presenting to 
him our petition for the emancipation 
of the Negroes, and entreating his sig- 
nature, if the eminence of his station 
did not render it inexpedient for him to 
sign any petition. He informed us that 
he was of our sentiments, and had sig- 
nified his thoughts on the subject to 
most of the great men of the State ; that 
he did not see it; proper -to sign the peti- 
tion, but if the Assembly took it into con- 
sideration, v/ould signify his sentiments 
to the Assembly by a letter. He asked 
us to spend the evening and lodge at 
his house, but our engagement at Anna- 
polis the following day would not admit 
of it. We returned that evening to 
Alexandria. Journal of the Rev. TJwnias 
Coke. W. K, 



Washington's cincinnatus. — To 
Washington as '' a Cincinnatus " was 
given an antique cameo mounted in a 
ring 30 millimeters broad, 25 high, repre- 
senting two personages, in which it is 
difficult to find the Farmer Dictator. 
Nevertheless the American hero gave 
this ring as a souvenir of the Cincinnati 
to Kosciusko, who had served as his 
aid-de-camp in the war of independence. 
Kosciusko in turn presented it to Baron 
de Girardot, who served in the Polish 
Chevaux-legers of the National guard, 
who left it to his son. Cadre americain 
de Cincinnatus en France^ by Baron de 
Girardot {1^60.) Editor. 



Itinerary of general washing- 
ton, additions and corrections. — 
Additions. — (III., 152.) In the Itiner- 
ary of General Washington there is a 
gap from June 23d to the 4th of August, 
1783, a part of which might be filled as 
follows : 

Jtdy 17. Left Newburg to visit the 
northern and western parts of the State, 
in company with Governor Clinton, 
Alexander Hamilton and Colonels Fish 
and Humphrey ; passed Albany, Old 
Saratoga, Fort Edward, Lake George, 
Ticonderoga, Crown Point, and returned 
by way of Ballston and Schenectady ; 
thence up the Mohawk to Fort Stanwix, 
and over to Wood Creek ; thence down 
across to Otsego Lake, and over the 
portage to the Mohawk. 

August 4. At Albany, after above trip 
of 700 miles in eighteen days, mostly on 
horseback, 

Troy, N. Y. J AS. Forsyth, 



NOTES 



159 



— Addition. — (III., 152, 1783.) 
"I have lately made a tour through the 
Lakes George and Champlain as far as 
Crown Point ; thence returning to 
Schenectady I proceeded up the Mo- 
hawk River to Fort Schuyler formerly 
Fort Stanwix and crossed over to Wood 
Creek which empties into the Oneida 
Lake and affords water communication 
with Ontario — I thus traversed the 
country to the head of the eastern 
branch of the Susquehannah and viewed 
the Lake Otsego, another portage be- 
tween that Lake and the Mohawk river 
at Canajoharie." Washington to the 
Marquis de Chastellux, letter dated 12 
October, 1783, Sparks' Writings of 
Washington, VLIL, 488. 

Editor. 

— Correctio7i. — (HI., 152, 1783.) 
In the very useful Itinerary of General 
Washington in the Magazine of Feb- 
ruary, 1879, it is stated that he de- 
parted from Philadelphia June 21st, 
1775. All the biographers of Washing- 
ton give this date, I presume, because 
Washington, in a letter of June 20, tells 
his brother that he expects to set out 
for Boston next day. The actual date 
was June 23 as appears by a newspaper 
extract in Moore's Diary of the Revolu- 
tion, and also by a letter of John Adams 
to his wife, which letter is dated June 
23, and begins, *' I have this morning 
been out of town to accompany our 
generals, Washington, Lee and Schuyler, 
a little way on their journey," etc. It is 
a matter of justice to Mr. Bancroft to 
mention that he gives the true date. I 
believe no one else does. 

F. BURDGE. 



— Correction. — ( HL, 157O In the 
Washington number, Washington is 
placed at Newburg, November 4, 1783, 
and (III-, 160) it is stated that it was 
at Newburg he issued the proclamation 
disbanding the army November 4, i 783. 
We have no local record of his occupa- 
tion of Headquarters here after August 
12, and have presumed that his Farewell 
Orders were issued at Rocky Hill, N. J. 
That he went from thence to Princeton, 
and from thence to West Point, where 
he remained November 14, 1783. 

Newburg. E. M. Ruttenber. 

Mr. Ruttenber is correct. The order 
is dated at Rocky Hill, Nov. 2, 1783. 
See Sparks [VIII, 491]. The error in 
the Itinerary was repeated in the des- 
cription of the Newburg Headquarters. 

Editor. 

WASHINGTON'S HEADQUARTERS 
DURING THE REVOLUTION 

The Yellow Cottage, Poviptofz, N. J. — 
General Washington never lived in 
Pompton, but only stopped as a traveler 
on his way to New Windsor and New- 
burg, and at such times was accom- 
modated with rest and refreshment at 
the Yellow House (now known as the 
Old Yellow Cottage). Judge Ryerson 
had purchased and lived there at the 
first of the war, but being so frequently 
called on to entertain the officers and 
others connected with the army, rented 
the house to a Mr. Curtis, who kept it 
as a tavern or house of public entertain- 
ment until the close of the war, Mr. 
Ryerson taking his family home to his 
father's house on the road to the Ponds. 
This Mr. Curtis was a man of jovial 
sport and humor. On his sign he had 



i6o 



NOTES 



the picture of a horse, a fish and a bird, 
with this poetry underneath : 

This is the Horse that never ran. 

This is the Fish ihat never swam. 

This is the Bird that never flew. 

After the close of the war Mr. Ryerson 
again took possession of this house, and 
there his children were born. When he 
left the Yellow Cottage to enter into the 
new house (now the dwelling of Mr. 
C W. Mills), Jacob M. Ryerson came 
to occupy the old one. 

Pompton retained its Dutch charac- 
teristics until a very recent period. Its 
changes have been owing to the influ- 
ence of the sons of the old residents, 
who, after education in more stirring 
neighborhoods, returned to vivify and 
modernize their own Pompton. 

L. T. R. 

The Yellow Cottage^ Povipton^ N. J. — 
From a biographical sketch of William 
Colfax, read before the New Jersey 
Historical Society by William Nelson, 
Jan. lo, 1876, occurs the following re- 
ference to the Old Yellow House : 

"While the army was at Pompton 
Plains the citizens showed the officers 
various courtesies. About a quarter of 
a mile above the Pompton Steel Works 
the road to Wanaque and Ringwood 
leaves the old Hamburg turnpike, nnd 
at the southeast corner of these roads 
stands an ancient yellow frame house, 
two stories high in front, with roof slop- 
ing almost to the ground in the rear ; a 
covered verandah in front, quaint half- 
doors, and various other unmistakable 
evidence of belonging to a past age. 
This was the residence, during the Rev- 
olution,of Caspar as (Dutch for Jasper) 



Schuyler (b. to Pec. 1735). grandson of 
Frank Schuyler. His house was the 
scene of many a festive gathering a 
century ago, in which Washington 
and his suite participated. The young 
officers found here a great attrac- 
tion in the charming daughter Hester 
(who in accordance with a custom of 
Dutch families, was named after her 
grandmother Hester, daughter of Isaac 
Kingsland), and the valiant young Col- 
fax, brave as he was in battle, surrendered 
at discretion before the flash of her 
bright eyes. Soon after the vv^ar he took 
up his residence at Pompton and mar- 
ried Hester Schuyler, 27 August, 1783." 
These particulars were received by 
Mr. Nelson from the late Dr. Colfax, 
the son of the General Coltax mentioned, 
who was during the revolution the Cap- 
tain of Washington's Body Guard. 

J.A.J. 



— The Dey House at Preakness, JV. J^. 
From tradition and presumptive evi- 
dence we believe that this house was 
built by Derick Dey, the father of Col. 
Thennis Dey, in 1720. The children of 
the latter were all born there, as well as 
those of his eldest son, Richard Dey, my 
grandfather, Anthony Dey, being his 
eldest child, and recording the fact in 
his family Bible. 

At the death of Richard Dey in 181 1, 
his widow and family, with the excep- 
tion of his eldest son, my grandfather, 
Anthony Dey, who resided in this city, 
removed to Seneca — not Onondaga — 
County, as Mr. Nelson says (Mag. III., 
495,) in his sketch of the headquarters. 
J. Warren S. Dey. 

JVeiv York. 



MAGAZINE OF AMERICAN HISTORY 



Vol. IV MARCH 1880 No 



THE SCOTCH AND SCOTCH-IRISH IN AMERICA 

THERE is, perhaps, no country in the world where every race and 
nation of the human family are so fully represented as in the 
United States of America. Here the descendants of Noah's three 
sons, Shem, Ham and Japheth — the red, black and white men, meet face 
to face. The remotest branches of these three great divisions from 
every nation under the sun here unite to form one great Commonwealth. 
Hence in no country should the science of genealogy be of such interest 
and value as in ours, and yet in none is it more neglected or by common 
consent ignored. It is rare to find a biography that goes behind the 
second or third generation. In neither biographical dictionary or 
Encylopgedia can the man be traced beyond his American ancestry. 
The sound of the name is often the only clue to his European nation 
ality. Perhaps an exception should be here entered in the case of the 
man whose ancestors came over in the May Flower; then the fact, 
sometimes the fiction, is always stated. 

In our republican enthusiasm to get rid of a titled nobility or hered- 
itary ruling class, we may have gone to the other extreme and pride 
ourselves on raising " Nature's nobility " somewhat as ** Topsy " was 
raised. But ''blood will tell." And, ''whatever stress we may lay 
upon the influence of circumstance and culture, it is yet true that we 
make small progress in the knowledge of human nature, unless we take 
large account of raceT It is of one of the races that constitute from a 
one-fourth to a one-fifth of the entire population of the United States 
that I am about to write — nam.ely the Scotch and Scotch-Irish. 

There are no such people as Scotch-Irish, say some of the daily 
newspapers issued in cities whose progress and poAver are due largely to 
this very people. "If Scotch, they cannot be Irish, and if Irish, they 
cannot be Scotch." So the Editor-in-chief, with one stroke of his mighty 
pen, annihilates several millions of the best population of the land. I say 
best deliberately, for I am prepared to show that the Scotch-Irish, 



l62 THE SCOTCH AND SCOTCH-IRISH IN AMERICA 

together with their Scotch ancestry, of which they are justly proud, 
have had a large share in the founding and rearing of this great Republic 
in all its truest, best elements. In our usual hurry and indiscriminate 
modes of speech we are accustomed to lump things. Dutch means Dutch 
in a heap. No matter from what part of Germany a man comes, he is a 
Dutchman. So Irish means Irish in a lump. It was an Athenian, I 
believe, who exhibited a brick as a specimen of the house he wished to 
sell. We have seen many descriptions of Ireland after this fashion; 
have listened to long lectures on Ireland — the whole of Ireland, which 
spoke exclusively of the people of the South and West of Ireland. These 
are the Celts — a very ancient people from the East and among the first 
known to history in Europe. They are still found in the Province of 
Connaught, Ireland ; in the Highlands of Scotland ; in Wales and Corn- 
wall, England, and are met with all over the world, easily distinguished 
by their Celtic features and peculiar brogue. 

The Scots were of this race, and our earliest knowledge of them is in 
Ireland, from which they migrated to Scotland, and from these very 
people Scotland takes its name. The Lowlanders of Scotland are an 
entirely different race of people. They are Norman and Saxon with a 
slight infusion of Danish blood. They readily passed over from the 
north of England into the south of Scotland and were called by the 
Highlanders Sassenach or Southrons. Macaulay says : " The population 
of Scotland, with the exception of the Celtic tribes, which were thinly 
scattered over the Hebrides and over the northern parts of the moun- 
tainous shires, was of the same blood with the population of England, and 
spoke a tongue which did not differ from the purest English more than 
the dialects of Somersetshire and Lancashire differ from each other. In 
Ireland, on the contrary, the population, with the exception of the small 
English Colony near the coast, was Celtic and still kept the Celtic speech 
and manners." 

The Scottish people, the Lowlanders, are, therefore, of the same race 
as the English. It was this people that migrated to the north of 
Ireland during the reigns of James I and Elizabeth, and from them the 
people called the Scotch-Irish are descended. Hence their similarity of 
character — hatred of tyrann}^ stern integrity, high sense of duty, devotion 
to God found in the New England Puritan and the Scotch Covenanter. 
This explains the reason why the Scotch-Irish do not like to be called 
Irish or Celts, a people differing from them in race, religion, language 
and history as far as possible. Yet nothing is more common than to 
find writers and persons supposed to be intelligent, continually con- 



THE SCOTCH AND SCOTCH-IRISH IN AMERICA 163 

founding the two races and thereby giving the most erroneous impres- 
sions in regard to them. The Scotch-Irish were originally Scotch 
people who settled in Ireland about A. D. 1609-12, on lands forfeited to 
the Crown by the repeated rebellions of the Irish people. More than 
half a million of acres were thus distributed by James I. to Scotch and 
English settlers, principally Scotch. These lands were often given as a 
reward of distinguished military service, and were therefore occupied 
by some of the Scotch nobility. The north and east of the province were 
settled by the Scotch, the south and west by the English, but in friendly 
co-operation. 

The Scotch from time immemorial have been noted for their clannish 
affinities, and hence they occupied the adjoining counties of Down and 
Antrim, where their descendants are still found, retaining the customs, 
manners, language, religion and family names of their early ancestors. 
The Grahams, Stewarts, Montgomeries, Shaws, Hamiltons, Boyds, 
Keiths, Maxwells, Moores, Barclays, Baylays, etc., are still leading family 
names in these two counties. 

In a township near Ballymena, in i\ntrim County, the Caldervvoods 
have intermarried until the family names no longer suffice to distinguish 
them one from another. Hence they speak of " John on the Rock ; " 
"Jamie's Davy ; " " Sam's Matthew ; " Wee Alik," etc. And it is related 
that when one of their brethren was praying for a sick member of the 
clan he said, '' Gaed Lord, for fear o' mistakes I mean Lang Jone in the 
Bushes." 

Ireland is divided into four provinces. In ancient times each province 
had its own king. The seat of the O'Neils was Ulster, in the North. It 
contains 5,879,384 statute acres, and is therefore about the size of the State 
of New Jersey. In 1871 the population of this province was 1,830,398, ot 
which 935,923 where Protestants — the Presbyterians numbering 484,425. 
The power for good which this little province has exercised in the history 
of the United States is seldom appreciated by the American people. The 
largest part of what follows relates chiefly to the people of this province, 
who have from time to time settled in this country. I am not going to 
speak of them to the disparagement of other nationalities which have 
contributed their share to our Commonwealth. I do not purpose to give 
the readers of this Magazine a stereoscopic view which requires all the 
lights in the room to be extinguished before you can see the small picture 
in the one bright spot in the room after it has been magnified a hundred 
diameters. All honor to the noble sons oi Germany, of France, Norway, 
Sweden, and Denmark, who have become worthy citizens of a free 



164 THE SCOTCH AND SCOTCH-IRISH IN AMERICA 

country. All honor to the Puritans of Old England, who, since the day 
they first knelt on Plymouth Rock to thank God for their safety from 
the perils of the sea, have done so much for the liberties, power and 
progress of this great nation ; and all honor to their sons who never fail 
to keep green in memory the noble deeds of their worthy sires. In asso- 
ciations, at annual dinners, poet, painter, orator and historian have never 
failed to conserve the patriotism and piety of these excellent people. 
While it may be a tribute to the modesty of the Scotch-Irish, it is not to 
be recommended that their many virtues and noble deeds have been 
unrecorded by the historian and unsung by the poet. Their failings have 
not escaped notice. 

The Scotch have always been a hard, plucky race, and the persecu- 
tions, perils and bloody battles through which they passed in Ireland, 
intensified these characteristics. The metal which in Scotland was iron, 
became, by the process of persecution, steel in Ireland. They were well 
inured, therefore, to hardship in the Old Country, and so were fully 
prepared to encounter it in the New — which they did on the frontiers 
with a persistence and heroism unsurpassed m the annals of history. 
They were also a very prolific race, and to-day their descendants are to 
be found in every State, territory, town and city of the Union. Their 
early settlements in the country are easily traced by the names of counties, 
cities, and towns in America called after the places they left in Ireland. 
Thus, Ulster County, in New York State ; Londonderry, in New Hamp- 
shire ; Bangor and Belfast, in Maine. There are some eight or ten 
Belfasts in as many different States. Hon. J. C. Purdy says : " It is a 
lact not generally known that in the year 1638, soon after the establish- 
ment in Ulster, some of these emigrants projected a settlement in New 
England. They are spoken of by Cotton Mather as a Scotch Colony. 
In the month of September of that year the Eaglewing sailed from 
Loch Fergus, for the Merrimack River, with 140 passengers, including 
the celebrated preachers, Robert Blair, John Livingstone, James Hamil- 
ton, and John McLelland. The vessel was driven back by stress of 
weather, and the next year these returned to Scotland, where they affili- 
ated with the more famous Johnston, of Warreston, and Alexander Hen- 
derson, and became prominent in the commotions, civil and religious, 
which led to the subversion of the English throne and the execution of 
Its treacherous occupant. Two-thirds of a century later, in consequence 
of persecution from a government, which, in some sense, owed its exist- 
ence to the heroism shown at the terrible siege of Londonderry and the 
crowning victory of the Boyne, the emigration from Ulster to this 



THE SCOTCH AND SCOTCH-TRTSH IN AMERICA 165 

country began in earnest, and from about the year 1720, swarm followed 
swarm from the great hive, some of the emigrants stopping in New 
England and New York, but the greater part passing into upper regions 
of Pennsylvania, Virginia and the Carolinas. 

Wherever these people have settled and formed communities, these 
communities have been uniformly characterized by law, order, indus- 
try, integrity, education and piety. They have been, without exception, 
among the most sober, thoughtful, intelligent, moral, self-respecting, 
independent people of the country. Of all the nationalities composing 
the American nation none have fewer representatives among the pauper 
and criminal classes of the country than the race of which I write. 
Judge Sutherland of this city recently stated — as reported in the N. 
Y, Tribune — that during his long service as a criminal Judge, only 
one Scotchman was brought before him accused of crime, and he was 
acquitted. On the other hand, since their first settlement in America, 
they have been among the pioneers of liberty and the pillars of the 
nation. 

They did not imbibe the spirit of freedom in their adopted country ; 
it was inborn, and they brought it with them and first inspired this 
nation with it. It was their hatred of tyranny and their native love of 
liberty that forced them to break the strong ties of home and kindred, 
and cross the sea to a strange land. The Scotchman is domestic in his 
nature. His love of home and country is the ruling passion of his life. 

Bancroft says, " The first public voice in America for dissolving all 
connection with Great Britain, came, not from the Puritans of New 
England, the Dutch of New York, nor the planters of Virginia, but 
from the Scotch-Irish Presbyterians." Bancroft has reference to the 
famous Declaration of Meclenburg adopted May 30, 1775, at Charlotte, 
North Carolina. There can be no doubt but this bold and coura- 
geous act prepared the way for the Declaration, a year later, at 
Philadelphia. This first Declaration was the work of the Scotch-Irish, 
who, Bancroft says, " brought to the New World the creed, the courage 
and the independence of the Covenanters." It was Lord Mountjoy who 
said, in 1784, that America was lost by the Irish emigrants. 

In the work of the Continental Congress this people bore an honor- 
able part. The Declaration of Independence had six of its signers and 
most efficient supporters from the Scotch-Irish. This heroic and 
patriotic people are never figure-heads in office, but forces in opposing 
wrong and pushing forward right; men to be feared, for they will 
conquer on whichever side they take their stand. Hence the well 



l66 THE SCOTCH AND SCOTCH-IRISH IN AMERICA 

known prayer, " Grant, O Lord, that the Scotchman may be right ; 
for, if wrong, he is eternally wrong." Space fails me to speak of the 
services rendered to the cause of freedom by these illustrious men, of 
which brief mention only will be made, Matthew Thornton was, by 
profession, a physician ; by appointment by Governor Wentworth of New 
Hampshire, a Colonel of Militia ; a Justice of the Peace, and on the 
abdication of Wentworth was elected President of the Provisional 
Government, and in 1776 a delegate to the Continental Congress. He 
was a man greatly beloved by all who knew him, a zealous and con- 
sistent Christian to the close of a long, useful and honored life. 

James Smith was born in Ireland, but while quite young was brought 
by his father to Pennsylvania. James was one of a numerous family of 
children. He studied under Rev. Dr. Allison, Provost of the College 
of Philadelphia, became a lawyer and one of the boldest advocates of 
independence. He succeeded to one of the seats in Congress vacated 
by those who refused to vote for independence. He was a member of 
the Convention of Pennsylvania convened to form a Constitution for 
that State after the Declaration was issued. He was also a member of 
the Committee given almost unlimited power to aid Washington in 
opposing the progress of General Howe's army. In conversation Smith 
was vivacious, humorous, witty and genial ; in religious matters, grave ; 
in duty, unflinching ; in courage, heroic. 

George Taylor was also born in Ireland. He was the son of a 
clergyman, and engaged in the iron business in Pennsylvania ; was 
elected a member of the Colonial Assembly, and was appointed on its 
most important committees. He was a man of great energy, stern 
integrity and devoted patriotism, and in every relation proved himself 
to be the worthy son of a worthy sire, a true Scotch-Irishman. Taylor, 
like many other of the signers, was a pupil of Rev. Dr. Allison, and 
was admitted to the Bar at the age of nineteen. In 1754, he settled in 
New Castle, Delaware. At the age of twenty-nine he succeeded John 
Ross as Attorney General of Kent, Sussex and New Castle Counties. 
In 1774, he was elected to the Continental Congress, was elected eleven 
consecutive times to the General Assembly of Delaware. In national 
and state affairs he occupied some of the most important positions until 
his death, at the age of 64, while Chief Justice of his own State. George 
Read was born in Maryland. His grandfather was a wealthy resident 
of Dublin, his native city, and his father emigrated from Ireland to 
Maryland about 1726. 

Thomas M'Kean was born in Pennsylvania, but his father was from 



THE SCOTCH AND SCOTCH-IRISH IN AMERICA 167 

Ireland. He was pupil with George Read under Rev. Dr. Allison. 
M'Kean rose steadily in his profession of law, through nearly every 
grade of office, from Clerk of the Court of Common Pleas, until he 
sat on its Bench as Judge. In 1776, he commanded a regiment, in 
New Jersey under Washington, and was chosen a member of a 
Convention in Delaware to frame a State Constitution for that State. 
That instrument was the work of his pen, and adopted by a unanimous 
vote with but few alterations. In 1777, he was Chief Justice of Pennsyl- 
vania and President of Delaware ; also Speaker of the Delaware Assem- 
bly and delegate to the Continental Congress. He died in 18 17, aged 
84 years. 

The sixth of these noble men was Edward Rutledge. He was the 
son of an Irish physician who emigrated to America in 1735, and settled 
at Charleston, South Carolina. Young Rutledge adopted the profession 
of law, in which he rose rapidly to eminence. He early espoused the 
cause of independence, and fearlessly voted for the Declaration, though 
large numbers of his constituents were opposed to it. He was appointed 
on committees of greatest importance together with Richard Henry 
Lee, John Adams and Dr. Franklin. He took up arms in defence of the 
country, was captured, and lay in prison for nearly one year in St. 
Augustine, Florida. In 1794, he was United States Senator; in 1798, 
he was chosen Governor of his native State. He died in 1800, aged 
60 years. 

Of the nineteen Presidents of the United States, the Scotch and 
Scotch-Irish race has furnished about one-half; Andrew Jackson, James 
K. Polk and James Buchanan being direct descendants of the latter 
branch of the family. Of the Vice-Presidents it gave to the nation were 
George Clinton and John C. Calhoun. Among its candidates for the 
Presidency were Samuel Houston, Stephen A. Douglas, De Witt Clinton 
and Horace Greeley. Pennsylvania is indebted to it for many of her 
best Governors and also the Judges of her Supreme and other Courts. 
George Chambers wrote, in 1856; The Scotch-Irish have furnished a 
majority of the United States Senators since the organization of the 
Federal Government. 

From this people have come many of the best families and most 
eminent men of the country, among which we may mention the Clinton 
family, at first settled in Ulster County, N. Y. ; the Livingston, Mont- 
gomery, Stirling, Stewart and Brown families. 

Some races are poor in genius and excel in only one direction, but 
this race is rich in blood and brain ; so that in every department of 



I68 THE SCOTCH AND SCOTCH-IRISH IN AMERICA 

life, in peace and in war, in science, art, industry and literature, every- 
where its representatives are found in the highest ranks. Among the 
proudest names that adorn the annals of American history none are more 
illustrious in oratory, than that of Patrick, Calhoun, M'Duff ; in war, 
than that of Montgomery, Mercer, Morgan, Knox and Jackson. In 
statesmanship, the names of Jefferson, Madison and Hamilton head a 
long list. In invention, Robert Fulton surely leads the van. 

The most promment characteristic of this race is will-power, force, 
determination, capacity to do. The combative element is strong in 
them. You may kill, but you cannot conquer them. " Resist the devil 
and he will flee from you," says St. James ; but resist a Scotch-Irish- 
man and he will flee at you, and keep at you until you yield. '• Fight 
it out on this line if it takes all summer," is the key-note of their 
contest. There is a wonderful vitality in this Scotch blood. If you 
have got it in your veins even from remote ancestry — from father, 
mother, grand or great-grandsire, it beats as true and patriotic, and 
in combat as warm and fierce as on the field of Bannockburn five 
hundred years ago. It was from this source that Daniel Webster got 
his overwhelming power in debate ; Thomas Jefferson^ the capacity 
that penned the immortal Declaration of Independence ; General Scott, 
his prowess in war; Joe Johnson and Stonewall Jackson, their contempt 
of danger and daring ; General Grant, his unyielding courage that 
nothing can break down ; Henry Ward Beecher, his conquering elo- 
quence ; Ex-Secretary Hugh McCuUoch, his financial ability ; General 
McLelland, his engineering skill and power of government; President 
Hayes, his honesty, independence and determination to stand by the 
right though the heavens should fall. 

Pennsylvania, one of the thirteen original States, now the second 
in population, and called the Keystone of the Union arch, as much 
from its importance as from its position, is second to no State in the 
Union for the power it has exerted in laying the foundation and 
moulding the character of the Commonwealth. It has furnished many 
of the noblest patriots, statesmen, jurists, theologians and philanthropists 
of the country. Its people have been noted for their intelligence, in- 
tegrity, thrift and every virtue that conduces to the peace and prosperity 
of a community. This State was settled largely by the Scotch and 
Scotch-Irish, who fused together as did the gold, silver and brass statue- 
gods of Corinth, when that city was burned, forming the peculiar and 
much prized Corinthian brass. Out of such metal were many of the 
strongest pillars of this great State formed. They brought to their 



THE SCOTCH AND SCOTCH-IRISH IN AMERICA 169 

adopted country their Bible, their conscience and their catechism ; their 
catechism, the very first question of which is, " Man's chief end is to 
glorify God and to enjoy Him forever," and of which good Dr. Murray 
said, at a public breakfast given to him and George H. Stewart in the 
North of Ireland, "You people teach this to your sons early, this 
ennobling idea of man's high destiny, they come out to America, and we 
find them men from the Canadas to the Mississippi." 

The Bible they held to be the one great charter of human liberty. 
You cannot enslave the people who read it. They held that it was the 
right, privilege and duty of every man to read it, judge and decide for 
himself. In order to do this they have always been the advocates and 
promoters of education for the people, the whole people. 

"Sixty years before the landing of the May Flower," said a writer 
in the Presbyterian Quarterly Review, i860, "and eighty-two years 
before the first public school law of Massachusetts was adopted, the 
first Book of Discipline in the Scotch Church required that a school 
should be established in every parish for the instruction of youth in the 
principles of religion, grammar and the Latin tongue. In America, 
before the cabins disappeared from the roadside, and the stumps from 
the fields, these men founded a log college at Nashaminy, in Eastern 
Pennsylvania, where some of the most eminent men of the last century 
were educated. And when they, first of all, opened the gates to the Valley 
of the Mississippi on a bright day, with no meaner canopy over their 
heads than the blue arch of Heaven, under the shade of a sassafras tree, 
two Scotch-Irish ministers inaugurated Jefferson College by solemn 
prayer, and the hearing of a Latin recitation. Half a century later 
another Scotch-Irish minister, with two of his ministerial brethren, Avent 
out, and kneeling down in the snow, with nothing to separate them 
from God but the wintry sky, dedicated the ground on which 
Wabash College now stands to God the Father, the Son and the Holy 
Ghost." 

While the people were impoverished and heavily taxed by the war 
for Independence, this same heroic people established Dickenson College 
at Carlisle, obtaining their chaiter in 1783 ; and though they have been 
frequently slandered as being sectarian and bigoted, many years after 
they gave up charter, property and all into the hands of another denom- 
ination, namely, the M, E. Church, virtually reversing the Calvinistic 
doctrine — the Presbyterians failing from grace while the Methods 
showed the perseverance of the saints. 

The log College was the seed from which sprang Princeton College, 



170 



THE SCOTCH AND SCOTCH-IRISH IN AMERICA 



which has given to the nation so many great statesmen, profound theolo- 
gians, distinguished scholars, eminent jurists and men of mark in all the 
higher walks of life. The constant stream of cultivated, conservative, 
consecrated intellect which has flowed from this institution for more 
than a hundred and thirty years cannot be measured in its benign influ- 
ence upon the nation. Her graduates have gone into the army and 
navy ; into the profession of the law and the practice of medicine ; into 
the halls of legislation, State and national ; into the sacred calling of the 
ministry ; and it is sufficient to say they have, with few exceptions, proved 
themselves worthy sons of their noble Alma Mater. The original source 
of this stream is to be traced to the *' Log College," founded by the Rev. 
William Tennent, an emigrant from the North of Ireland. Nor was 
this the only fruit borne by the Log College. Its scholars imbibed the 
spirit of its founders. Many other schools and academies were estab- 
lished by them which did noble service in the early days of the colonies. 
Chambers says, '^ It is difficult to measure or estimate the advantage to 
society from the establishment of the academies and schools of the Ten- 
nents, Blairs, Finley, Smith and AlHson in Eastern Pennsylvania." The 
Alexanders, who emigrated from Londonderry about 1736, and who, in 
the capacity of professors at Princeton as well as in the pulpit and 
through the press, have stamped their character upon the ministry and 
the Presbyterian Church of the country, contributing largely to make 
the church what it is to-day — a church noted for its learning, stability, 
piety and purity from ritualism and notions. 

In the financial and commercial interests of the country this people 
stand unrivaled for integrity, energy, fidelity and enterprise. A. T. 
Stewart was one of the greatest business men of this century, and his 
business perhaps the most extensive in the world. The Stuart Brothers, 
bankers, have ever been great pillars of strength in the country. The 
Brown Brothers, bankers, in Baltimore, Philadelphia, New York, Boston, 
London and Liverpool, stand without superiors in Europe or America 
for financial integrity and honor. Through all the money panics on 
both sides of the Atlantic, for more than half a century, this firm has 
never once wavered. The American nation has no stronger pillars in 
its financial edifice, or more illustrious names in its large philanthropy 
than this modest, quiet family supplies, nor has the British Parliament 
on its roll any names more honorable or distinguished than those of 
Sir William, James Clifton and Alexander Hargrave Brown, M. P., 
grandsons of the late James Brown, of New York City. 

In journalism it is sufficient to mention the New York Herald, Tribune, 



THE SCOTCH AND SCOTCH-IRISH IN AMERICA I/I 

Times and Ledger. In Arctic exploration Dr. Elisha K. Kane was among- 
the earliest and most noted. In literature, gentle, genial and mirth- 
exciting, the author of Rip Van Winkle must ever stand alone. As a 
historian the author of the Dutch Republic has no superior on either 
side of the Atlantic. Washington Irving and John Motley are claimed 
by the world of letters. The list of distinguished names in every 
department of life might be indefinitely extended. Perhaps the most 
condensed view of the grandeur of their character may be seen in the 
church which they founded and fostered in the New World. They 
were nearly all Presbyterians, and wherever they settled in America 
the church and school-house were the first buildings erected after their 
own log huts. To this church they point with pride to-day, to her 
pulpit and pew, her schools and colleges, her history and her literature, 
her loyalty to just government — the promoter of law; order, sobriety, 
morality, piety and every virtue that makes a nation powerful and her 
people prosperous. This church is the champion of equal rights, 
religious freedom and civil liberty ; the dread of tyrants and mother of 
republicanism, for *' Calvinism," says Bancroft, "is gradual repub- 
licanism." 

The similarity of principle and structure between the Constitution of 
the United States and the Constitution of the Presbyterian Church, in 
their gradation of higher and lower courts, as well in the mode of 
administration, has often been noted and commented upon. Bishop 
Hughes, of New York, said of the Presbyterian General Assembly : "Its 
structure is little inferior to that of Congress itself. It acts on the 
principle of a radiating center and is without an equal or a rival among 
the other denominations of the country." 

It is the appropriate honor ol this church to have been represented 
by the only clergyman that was a member of the Continental Congress, 
Rev. Dr. John Witherspoon, a lineal descendant of John Knox. The 
success of that Congress was due in no small measure to the force of 
character, sound judgment, earnest piety and burning patriotism of 
this great and good man. He served on nearly every important com- 
mittee of that Congress, strongly advocated the union of the colonies, 
and urged on, at a most critical moment, the signing of the Declaration. 
Mr. Chambers says, " Dr. Witherspoon was a member of Congress when 
the Declaration of Independence was reported, and was before the 
House for the signatures of its members. Some seemed to waver, and 
a deep and solemn silence reigned throughout the hall. This venerable 
man, casting on the assembly a look of interest, and unconquerable 



1/2 THE SCOTCH AND SCOTCH-IRISH IN AMERICA 

determination, remarked : * That noble instrument on your table, which 
insures immortality to its author, should be subscribed this very 
morning by every pen in the House. He who will not respond to its 
accents and strain every nerve to carry into effect its provisions, is 
unworthy the name of a freeman. Although these gray hairs must 
descend into the sepulchre, I would infinitely rather they should 
descend thither by the hand of the public executioner, than desert, at 
this crisis, the sacred cause of my country.' The patriarch sat down 
and forthwith the Declaration was signed by every member present " 
(Rev. S. S. Templeton). 

Rev. Francis Allison was another fine representative of a Scotch- 
Irishman, and a most useful and influential man of his day. He was 
born in the North of Ireland in 1705. Thirty years later he came to 
America and began his ministry as pastor of the Presbyterian church at 
New London, Pa. Here he 'opened a school. "There was at this time 
scarcely a particle of learning in the Middle States, and he generously 
instructed all that came to him without fee or reward." A number of the 
signers were educated by this man, who bore in after life the stamp of 
his pure and exalted character. He was elected Vice Provost of the 
College of Philadelphia. " To his zeal for the diffusion of knowledge 
Pennsylvania owes much of that taste for solid learning and classical 
literature for which many of her principal characters have been distin- 
guished." He was frank and candid in disposition, affectionate and 
faithful in friendship, catholic in sentiment, the advocate of liberty, civil 
and religious, the warm and sympathizing friend of the poor, often 
assisting them from his own purse. 

The Rev. Samuel B. Wylie, of Philadelphia, in later days was 
another such great and good man, now worthily succeeded in the 
ministry by his son, the present Dr. T. W. J. Wylie. 

Nor has the race deteriorated. Saxon blood and Norman brain 
resist bravely the influences that effeminate a less vigorous people. 
Where can you point to a more quiet, useful, potent, blessed life than 
that of the late Dr. Charles Hodge, of Princeton? Who can measure 
the impress on the ministry, and through it on the church and country, 
of his fifty years faithful, patient, earnest teaching? His work on 
Theology has not a rival if it has an equal in Christendom to-day. 
Where is there a more profound thinker and fearless preacher than the 
pastor of the Broadway Tabernacle ? Where can you find more solid 
learning, wisdom and piety than in the Fifth Avenue Presbyterian 
pulpit, or a higher type of Christian character than in its pews? 



r 



THE SCOTCH AND SCOTCH-IRISH IN AMERICA I73 

In the highest domain of human thought is not the palm of two 
continents awarded to the President of Princeton College ? Who 
organized and presided over our Royal Academy of Science, the Smith- 
sonian Institute, for nearly a third of a century, giving it a place and a 
reputation among the oldest scientific institutions of Europe, making it 
a mighty instrument for the diffusion of knowledge among mankind," 
for aiding the progress and development of our country, adding to the 
world's wealth of scientific discovery and invention? Was it not Joseph. 
Henry, the son of a Scotch Presbyterian, '' The Nestor of American 
Science," as he was justly styled, and we add the devout Christian, the 
highly cultured philosopher, the refined scholar, the polished gentle- 
man, the true-blue Presbyterian, to whom the Smithsonian Institute 
owes more than to any other man save it founder ? 

These are a few samples, and only a few of the people from whom 
many Americans are descended, and they have just reason to be proud 
of their honorable ancestry. In public and in private life, in church and 
State, law and literature, press and pulpit, at the plough and anvil, they 
have exhibited virtues that their descendants may well emulate. 

Let them teach their children patriotism — a much needed lesson of 
the times — tell them that their ancestors issued the first Declaration of 
Independence, urged on and signed the second Declaration, inaugurated 
the first President of the United States, constituted the first Cabinet, every 
member of it, laid down their lives at Bunker Hill, Princeton, Valley 
Forge, and on every battle-field to maintain this country free and 
independent ; that it was one of their blood who saved the Union, and 
is to-day one of the most honored citizens of the world, that another 
fills the Executive Chair, and that still another presides in the Chief 
Justice seat of the nation. 

Well did Washington know the men to place in his first Cabinet^ 
and associate with himself in the most trying circumstances of his 
eventful life. The country prostrated and distracted, the soldiers unpaid 
and mutinous, a Republic to be built out of shattered fragments, and 
not a standing model in the whole world to pattern by. It is recorded 
of Washington, when after crossing river after river with his broken 
army, some one asked him how far he meant to retreat; he replied, that 
if forced to cross every river and mountain to the confines of civilization, 
he would make his last stand with the Scotch-Irishmen of the frontiers, 
then plant his banner and still fight for freedom. 

GEORGE H. SMYTH 



THE MOUND-BUILDERS OF AMERICA 

In order to fully appreciate the suggestions contained in this memoir in 
regard to the origin of that mysterious race which once inhabited so large 
a portion of North America, and have left so many of those vestiges of 
their presence which have given the name by which we know them ; those 
mounds and earth works which are the silent monuments of a race now 
vanished from earth, leaving no other record of its existence, it will be 
necessary to bear in mind some of the physical features of that portion 
of the country where those remains are the most numerous, the great 
Valley of the Mississippi, including the lesser valleys of its tributaries, 
which is the basin of drainage through which flow waters draining a 
territory out of which the Empires of the Old World might almost be 
carved. - 

According to Professor Foster, the Mississippi Valley comprises an 
area of 2,45 5,000 square miles, extending through thirty degrees of longi- 
tude and twenty-three degrees of latitude. (Foster's Mississippi Valley, 
Chicago, 1869, p. 3.) 

Of this area, the Ohio River drains 214,000 square miles, the largest 
area of any of the tributaries of the Mississippi, except the Missouri^ 
having its source in the Alleghanies and the vicinity of Lake Erie and 
meandering towards the Southwest until it reaches the Father of Waters. 
The Ohio passes through a delightful region, and one who floats upon 
its waters cannot but be impressed with the ever changing panoi'ama of 
mountain and valley, of open champaign and woodland, which the voy- 
age brings before his vision. Every variety of soil to tempt the agricul. 
turist, is found in the Valley of the Ohio, and it is no wonder that the 
wandering tribes of Ancient America peopled that region with busy 
villagers in such numbers that their remains are found throughout 
all that area, and they no doubt found it, as the wandering tribes of old 
found theirs, '' A land flowing with milk and honey." 

As you pass down the Mississippi, all along its alluvial bottoms, the 
mounds are ever recurring, singly or in groups, some of great altitude and 
dimensions, others but a few feet above the surface, but all bearing the 
traces of the same builders, and the same general plan, and all yielding, 
when opened, the treasure of the past; the household Gods, the 



\ 



THE MOUND-BUILDERS OF AMERICA 1/5 

household utensils, the weapons of war and the chase, the ornaments for 
the person, the badges of office, or totems of tribes, and the playthings 
used in their games — all records of the past life with which these valleys 
once teemed, but none of them records which can now be deciphered so 
as to give us more than a dim conception of the mysterious people who 
have passed away and left no name behind. Leaving the mouth of the 
great river and passing along the Gulf coast, we come to a country where 
a race has erected to its memory structures of stone with carvings and 
sculptures, indicating a comparatively high state of civilization ; but of 
the builders we know no more than of the mound-builders of the valleys 
we have left. The remains of Central America have excited the wonders 
of the world, but their history too is lost. 

I am impressed with the idea that the race which built the once mag- 
nificent temples of Central America, is the parent stock of the race 
known to the Mississippi Valley as the Mound-builder, and that the 
mound remains of the valley are a part of the system of religion which 
influenced and governed pre-historic man from Yucatan to the Northern 
lakes. Let us glance at the geographical distribution of the mounds, 
their characteristics, and the remains they cover, and see whether there 
are any grounds for this belief. Some few evidences of the migration of 
the race exist outside of the area of the Mississippi Valley, but they are 
very few as compared with the numerous temple mounds and tumuli of 
the valley, and the reUcs of the stone age turned up by the plow over 
nearly every acre of its soil, so that we may justly conclude that the 
habitat of the mound-builder was the basin of the Mississippi and its tribu- 
taries. Thence colonies went North to work the mines of native copper 
on the shores of Lake Superior, and some outlying settlements occupied 
the fertile prairiesand valleys of the smaller streams which flow into the 
Northern lakes, while the seat of empire was the fertile, alluvial bottoms 
of the Mississippi and the undulating hills and valleys of the Ohio and its 
tributaries. 

Li Central America we find the temples erected on great mounds; 
in the valley we find the mound without the temple. If we ask why, 
does not a reason suggest itself? Do we not see in the history of 
older nations that the large centers of civilization had their structures 
and temples of stone, while the frontier towns and rural villages 
had theirs of more perishable materials ? Do we not see the same 
fact more vividly in America to-day, where our cities are of stone and 
brick, while the towns of the west and our rural villages are largely 



1^6 THE MOUND-BUILDERS OF AMERICA 

built of wood? Let our civilization be erased, and in a few hundred 
years at most the archaeologist would find little more traces of the vast 
population with which our country now teems than we find of those gone 
before, except where the plow or spade might turn up our less destruct- 
ible implements and works of art. Another reason. Many portions of 
the valley are wholly destitute, and many nearly so, of building stone. 
Considering the fact that new colonies build first with wood, and that 
vast tracts occupied by the mound-builders were heavily timbered and 
destitute of stone, is it not reasonable to suppose that the mound- 
building colonist, who carried with him the religion, habits and customs 
of the parent race, should erect similar mounds, crown them with 
wooden temples, which crumbled to dust when the hand which built 
them was no longer there to repair, while the same mound temples of 
their fathers, built with imperishable stone, have endured to give us a 
better view of an unknown past? Look at the objects of mimetic art, 
and we find in the pipes from the mounds of Northern Indiana, Ohio, 
Illinois, and other localities far from the Gulf of Mexico, faithful repre- 
sentations of birds, reptiles and animals known only to its vicinity and 
waters, or to regions still farther north, and some bearing a strong 
resemblance to those found in the ruins of Central America. 

Stronger yet is the evidence offered by the representations of the 
man himself, and by the skulls of the individuals found buried at the 
base of the tumuli of the valley. I have examined a number exhumed 
by myself, and believe I do not err in stating that the prevailing type of 
this race is the low, flat and quickly receding forehead, not flattened by 
pressure, but by a law of nature. We find it not only in the bones of 
the dead, but in the carved head of the mound pipe or idol, showing 
very clearly the marked type of the race, as recognized and portrayed 
by the race itself. Where else do we look for the same race-type? 
Go again to the sculptured temples and palaces of Central America, and 
you find, clearly cut upon the imperishable stone, whether in bas-relief 
or statue, the same race-type, the pre-historic man of America, sculp- 
tured by the pre-historic man himself. Whether it be God or man they 
carved, the same low, fiat and quickly receding forehead is the marked 
feature, just as it is in the sculptured pipes and in the skulls of the 
northern mound. 

As to their antiquity, who can speak? All tradition is lost. Per- 
haps ages have elapsed since the colonists swarmed from the then over- 
crowded hive of Central America, pushed upward their slowly advanc- 



THE MOUND-BUILDERS OF AMERICA 1 77 

ing settlements along the Mississippi, through the valley of the Ohio and 
its tributaries, until checked by a climate to which the race was unaccus- 
tomed, or perhaps by a sturdier and more warlike race coming down 
from the north, their frontiers a scene of constant wars, like our own 
to-day, and with the same savage race, which seems incapable of 
civilization, until at last, forced back by their enemies, the colony moves 
towards the south, towards its old cradle, and is overwhelmed. 

We can form some conception of their antiquity, however, from the 
fact that many of the mounds and earthworks of this strange race are 
covered with ancient forests of huge living trees, while the stumps of 
an older growth show that monarchs of the forest of many centuries' 
growth had lived and died upon their surface since the disappearance of 
the men who erected them. But stronger evidence still of their hoary 
antiquity is the fact that the red Indian, full of reverence for the graves 
of his ancestors, has no tradition of, or care for, these tombs of the past. 
They are neglected and uncared for until the eye of the savant detects 
their character, and uncovers the secrets hidden at their base. And 
when these moldering remains are exposed, they crumble to dust, and 
we are unable to preserve them except in a fragmentary condition. 
Compare these remains with those found in the mounds and barrows of 
Great Britain. There complete skeletons are found of men buried 
before the Christian era, and the skulls can be measured by all the tests 
applied to the modern skull. Here rarely more than the outlines can 
be seen, when, as the careful observer attempts with his fingers to 
loosen the bones from the compact surrounding earth, the fragment of 
poor humanity eludes his grasp, vanishes as it were from his eager gaze, 
and is literally dust to dust. Some allowance may necessarily be made 
on account of chemical agencies in the soil, but after all due allowance 
is made, is it not evident that ages have passed since these crumbling 
skeletons were instinct with life, and wielded a brief authority over the 
tribes which reared above their remains such a monument as the pre- 
historic burial mound ? 

These mute monuments and remains are the only records of the 
mysterious men who built them. No written records exist, and tradi- 
tion even is silent. Whence they came, when they lived, and how, and 
whither they have gone is left entirely to conjecture, and their history 
and fate can never be known with certainty. The race lived, but has 
vanished utterly. But we cannot believe the mound-builder was 
utterly destroyed. More likely the race or its remnants were incorpo- 
rated into and amalgamated with the conquering race, so that the race- 



178 THE MOUND-BUILDERS OF AMERICA 

type was lost by absorption, though occasionally it is found in 
individuals of the various Indian tribes which roam our western plains, 
and is yet practiced by the Flathead Indians, by the painful operation 
of artificial compression during infancy. 

As to their works, the limits of such a memoir as this will hardly 
allow more than a passing mention. Their mounds, earthworks and 
enclosures are found in nearly every part of the great valley, while 
their implements, weapons and ornaments, are revealed by the plow 
or spade wherever civilized man has tilled its surface. The sites of 
our large cities are generally the sites they chose for their villages. 
The forms of their works are too well known through the accounts and 
illustrations of their discoveries to need further description here, and 
these works give us all we know of the extent of their civilization. The 
art of working in metals and reducing ores seems almost if not wholly 
unknown to the Mound-builders. Some weapons and implements, with 
apparent marks of casting, have occasionally been found, but there is no 
certainty that they were manufactured by them, for if they had the art 
of reducing ores and casting them into the shape required, why the long 
journeys to the shores of Lake Superior, to procure the native copper 
found there, which was mined with stone mauls and wedges of wood 
or copper, from the same matrix? Why so laboriously hammer the 
lump, when obtained, into the desired form, with a stone hammer, if they 
knew how to reduce it by fire? Had they advanced to the knowledge 
of smelting ores, they must have advanced further in civilization, for a 
race which could fashion such beautiful ornaments, chip with such pre- 
cision and beauty the flint javelin, spear or arrow head ; could patiently 
work out with pebbles the fine specimens of stone hatchets and axes, 
which of themselves are works of art ; could so beautifully sculpture 
their pipes and ornaments of stone with faithful and life-like repre- 
sentations of men, and other natural objects around them, and adorn 
their pottery with fanciful, aesthetic copies of natural objects, designs, 
or geometrical patterns, could not have lost, but must have advanced 
in such an art as the working in metals. I am inclined to the 
belief that if cast metals are traced to their possession, they came 
through barter or exchange with others more advanced than they. It 
may not be entirely out of place to remark that the student of American 
archaeology, who studies the American pre-historic man through his 
works in stone, is entirely lost when he attempts to draw the line between 
stone implements of the Mound-builder and those of the modern Indian, 
except, perhaps, in the pipes, in the race-types of which, I think there is a 



THE MOUND-BUILDERS OF AMERICA 1/9 

marked difference ; the pipe of the Mound-builder being of two kinds, 
the one a small pipe with the bowl upon a curved platform which con- 
stitutes the mouth-piece, the other the animal form, like the frog, and 
other animal representations, heavy, and standing on a base, with a hole 
for the insertion of a stem, and of a form to be carried about the person ; 
while the Indian pipe is almost invariably made for r.n inserted stem. 

This difficulty in drawing the line, however, is not to be wondered 
at, if we reflect that a conquering race, which knew little or nothing of 
the works and weapons of the Mound-builder, would naturally adopt 
whatever they found was superior to their own, and if th:y could not 
themselves manufacture them, the conquered and amalgamated race 
would furnish the skilled workmen for their masters, and the new 
generations would grow up in a knowledge and use of th: arts of the 
race which had made the advance. In time the characteristics of the 
conquering race would predominate, and the mixed race deteriorate, 
until we would naturally expect a condition such as was found by the 
whites who discovered the New World. Is it not, too, an additional 
evidence in favor of my theory of their origin, that when America was 
discovered, the highest state of civilization among the North American 
savages was found in the central and southern part of the great valley 
and near the gulf ? 

In their civilization they had the simplicity which belongs to a race 
in its infancy, and were probably behind the parent stock and their 
Aztec neighbors. I believe they were agriculturists, and little given to 
war except in defense of their homes, and thus were unable by nature 
and education to cope with the fierce red savage, who probably con- 
quered and succeeded them. That they communicated with each other 
at great distances there can be no doubt. Many evidences of this inter- 
communication exist in native copper tools and weapons found far from 
the parent mines, in the plates of mica, the lumps of galena, the ocean 
shells and many other substances not native to the locality where 
found, but hundreds of miles from the spot where nature placed them. 

One of the most striking instances of this fact which I know of 
came under my own observation. I have in my cabinet a circular orna- 
ment, perforated with two holes, some five and one-half inches in 
diameter, with another article curiously perforated at each end, which 
were found in a pre-historic grave on the island of Mackinaw, situated 
in the straits between Lakes Huron and Michigan. The first is made 
from the broad part, and the other from the central whorl of the great 
conch-shell of the Gulf of Mexico, a thousand miles distant from the 



l80 THE MOUND-BUILDERS OF AMERICA 

j>lacc ol sepulture. Both had been highly polished, and when they had 
the pearly lustre ot the Iresh shell, must have made beautiful ornaments 
for the perhaps kingly wearer. I have also in my cabinet a carved 
stone totemic emblem or badge, found in DeKalb county, Indiana, which 
is almost a counterpart of the one hgured in Schoolcraft (part second, 
l>latc 45, History of the Indian Tribes, Phila., 1852) as found in Wash- 
ington county. New York, eight hundred miles from mine. Just so in 
later days, the name of the Indian chief, Duluth, to whom was com- 
mitted a century ago the charge of the ill-fated heroine of the American 
revolution, Jane McCrea, whose sad story and fate are embalmed 
in historv, song and romance, has reappeared as the name of a thriving 
tinvn at the extreme western end of Lake Superior, thirteen hundred 
miles from the scene of the tragedy, and the name comes, I believe, 
from a local Indian tradition of a local Duluth. 

To the primitive man distances and time were not so tiresome or so 
pressing as to the civilized man of to-day. With few wants, and those 
wants easilv supplied, to the roving character a journey of hundreds of 
miles could be accomplished without much fatigue or difficulty, and one 
fond of adventure and travel would be likely to carr}- for trade and 
barter such tools and ornaments as could be easily carried, and would 
most surely excite the admiration and desire of those who were igno- 
rant of such works. 

1 doubt not that manv instances could be cited bv careful observers 
which would tend to verify the suggestions herein made ; and I submit 
them in the spirit of investigation, not as proven facts, but as sug- 
jrestions to invite the attention of others to an investiiration of the 
theorv c^f the origin of this strange race, whose remains are exciting 
the attention of the scientific world. 

R. S. ROBERTSON 

Note. — This paper was read before the second Congress of Americanists, which met at 
Luxembourg, whore the theory suggested in it provoked some discussion and dissent, on the ground 
that all tradition and history indicate migrations from the north to the south. The point of my 
theory is overlooked, ;'. ^., that the Mound-builder passed away before tradition and histon,- 
began for America, and that he withdrew before, or was overwhelmed by, the migration from the 
north. 

That all tradition and history of the modern Indian jxtint to a migration from the north, or 
nither from the northwest, may be freely admitted, but that we possess any tradition or history 
that points to the origin of tlie Mound-builder may be safely denied. 



BENEDICT ARNOLD AND HIS APOLOGIST 

The generous treatment of the Southern leaders in the late rebellion 
against the Government of the Union seems to have been misunder- 
stood. It was based upon a desire for reconciliation of people of the 
Game blood, but contrary opinions, who had put their quarrels to the 
arbitrament of the sword. It is a perversion of the sentiment to base 
upon it a condonation of the crime of those who took part with the for- 
eign oppressor in the struggle for national existence and national inde- 
pendence. 

To what else can be ascribed the aggressive tone with regard to our 
revolutionary heroes which has marked a number of recent publica- 
tions? The cloak of apology is thrown aside, and toryism reveals 
itself in its most offensive form. The characters of the founders of our 
government, and of the brave men who established it, are maligned, 
their motives impugned, their acts misrepresented. 

And now an apologist has risen even for Benedict Arnold, who 
attempts to offset his treason by his patriotism ; in a word, to vindicate 
him from the verdict of a century. 

Kapp, in his Life of Steuben, tells a story of a youth who begged 
his assistance. His name being asked, he said it was Arnold. The 
Baron was horrified that any one would own to the name, but recog- 
nizing on reflection that it was not the boy's fault, he procured an act 
of legislature which changed the name, and left to him provision by will. 

Fortunately the old and honorable name of Arnold has been borne 
by too many worthy men, that the disgrace of one can drag it to 
the dust ; and no motive of defence wus suf^cient for the present 
apology. The words of the introduction, '' He was not so black as he 
has been painted," is the key to the biographer's intent. These chap- 
ters'^ are at once a palliation of his treachery and his apotheosis as a 
military hero ; and the facts are appealed to. Unfortunately the facts 
are the other way. They have hitherto lain scattered through the pub- 
lished and unpublished literature of the country, no one seemingl)^ 
caring to undertake the task of bringing them together. 

Mr. Arnold has reopened the verdict of a century upon the Traitor 
of the Revolution. If it result that the investigation which he courts 
show that Arnold was a villain of a deeper dye than is commonly sup- 
posed, he has only himself to thank. 



1.82 BENEDICT ARNOLD AND HIS APOLOGIST 

The character of man is usually homog'eneous. Conversions of the 
Damascus order are justly held to be miracles. Search thoroughly the 
character of Arnold, and the traits which culminated in the crowning 
treachery will be found characteristic of every part of his career and 
of each epoch of his life. 

Arnold's first exploit was running away from home and enlisting for 
the French war, Mr. Arnold says, at Hartford, but the advertisement 
for him as a deserter from the New York Regiment, which appeared in 
Weyman's New York Gazette for May 21, 1759 (see Mag. Am. Hist., I., 
194), shows that he did not volunteer in one of the Connecticut regi- 
ments, but crossed the line to New York, where he was paid for enlist- 
ment. He was, therefore, not only a deserter, but a bounty jumper, to 
use an expressive modern phrase. In the New York advertisement he 
appears as a " weaver," but he seems to have had no settled occupation. 
He served an apprenticeship with a druggist in New Haven, where, 
if tradition be true, he learned the use of ''apothecary stuff" to some 
purpose. He went out on one occasion as supercargo of a trading ves- 
sel, commanded by Youngs Ledyard of Groton. Captain Ledyard was 
administered to by Arnold, and died on the voyage, and to this day it 
is a tradition of the Ledyard family that Arnold poisoned him, and 
appropriated the funds of the venture. 

Of his reputation in New Haven, Colonel Tallmadge has left the 
strongest testimony in one of his letters to Mr. Sparks (Mag. Am. Hist., 
in., 754), in which he says that he met him while he (Tallmadge) was a 
member of Yale College, and was impressed by the belief that he was 
not a man of integrity. 

The terrible sufferings of the march to Quebec through the valleys 
of the Kennebec and the Chaudi^re are well known. Mr. Arnold ranks 
it with the Anabasis of Xenophon or the crossing of the Alps by Na- 
poleon. It was like these in the endurance and hardships of the men. 
It was unlike them in that it was through a country where there was no 
enemy, and that it was not marked either by foresight or prudence m 
executive management, organization or leadership. The assault on 
Quebec was a piece of Don Quixotism, as any one who has seen the 
ground of action must confess, necessary perhaps after the efforts and 
sufferings to reach that point, but hopeless from the beginning. Here 
Arnold received his first wound. His biographer cannot suppress his 
regret that the bullet had not killed him, a sentiment in which he will 
find cordial concurrence, though he may mingle more personal sorrow in 
his cup of grief than the world at large. His name might possibly, as is 



BENEDICT ARNOLD AND HIS APOLOGIST 183 

suggested, have been associated with that of Wolfe and Montgomery, 
instead of keeping eternal companionship with that of the man who 
sold his master for thirty pieces of silver, save that the original Avent 
out and hanged himself, while his imitator let his confederate in his 
treason hang for him. 

While in command at Montreal he first publicly displayed his con- 
temptuous indifference to the wishes of Congress, and his utter disre- 
gard of any rule of conduct except his own love of lucre. The object 
of the Canada campaign was the deliverance, not the conquest, of 
Canada, and all the earlier movements, while Montgomery held com- 
mand, were conducted with a strict regard to all personal and private 
property. Regardless of Montgomery's solemn engagement with the 
citizens of Montreal, Arnold, so soon as he found himself free from 
immediate control, began systematically to plunder the inhabitants, 
seizing large amounts of goods, without giving any account, and send- 
ing them to Ticonderoga. Followed closely by the owners, Arnold 
endeavored to shift the responsibility on a subordinate. A court of 
inquiry was raised, with whom Arnold quarreled, addressing them let- 
ters, written in a vein of characteristic impudence, from the conse- 
quence of which he was only saved by the interference of Gates, who, 
to use his own words, " dictatorially " dissolved the court. With what 
ingratitude the favor of Gates was repaid by x\rnold appears in the 
sequel. 

Gates intended him for the command of the flotilla he was organi- 
zing on Lake Champlain. The ill-matched naval battle which ensued 
between the poorly equipped, badly manned vessels of Arnold and the 
superior armament of Carleton forms an important chapter in the vol- 
ume ; the fight was gallant, but the result was the total destruction of 
the American vessels. The judgment of Bancroft, who had all the au- 
thorities before him, that Arnold *' recklessly sacrificed his fleet without 
public benefit," is just. Mr. Arnold offsets this with the expression of 
Marshall that '' the fight did not dispirit the Americans nor diminish his 
(Arnold's) reputation." Mr. Arnold quotes the letters and orders of 
Gates, and includes a passage of praise from Dacre, a British officer, 
and bearer of dispatches, all of which appear in Force's archives. We 
commend him to a perusal of the letter of Colonel, later Brigadier-Gen- 
eral Maxwell, of the Jersey line, written from Ticonderoga on the 20th of 
Oct., 1776, ten days after the action, in which he uses these significant 
words: '' You must have heard that a few days ago we had a fine fleet 
and tolerably good army. General Arnold, our evil genius, to the North 



1 84 BENEDICT ARNOLD AND HIS APOLOGIST 

has with a good deal of industry got us clear of all our fine fleet, only five 
of the most indifferent of them, and one row galley excepted." This is 
very harsh judgment and is only quoted to show the distrust of Arnold by 
his companions, even at this period. Mr. Arnold's account of the action, 
however, will not bear examination. In the disposition of his fleet Arnold 
showed his usual recklessness, and want of military judgment. Mr. 
Arnold says his rear was unapproachable, and his line extending across 
the channel he could be attacked in front onlv. On the contrarv he 
left the main channel of the Lake free to the undisputed passage of the 
British, and exposed his rear. As Maxwell says he suffered '' himself to 
be surrounded between an island and the mainland.'" That Arnold dis- 
played here as everywhere else personal bravery, is not questioned, 
but we are at a loss to find any evidence of military capacity. 

That the distrust of his contemporaries was not of his military ca- 
pacity alone appears in a letter of General Wayne of the 27th Septem- 
ber, 1780, in which he says that ''he had the most despicable idea of 
him, both as a gentleman and a soldier, and that honour and true virtue 
were strangers to his soul ; and however contradictory it might appear, 
that he never possessed either general fortitude or personal bravery, 
and that he rarely went in way of danger, but when stimulated with 
liquor, even to intoxication." 

On the 9th February, 1777, Congress elected five major-generals, 
each the junior of Arnold. This was naturally a deep grievance, and no 
doubt the seeds were there sown of his later treason, though it is worth 
notice that in a petition of Colonel John Brown for a court of inquiry 
upon General Arnold at Ticonderoga, which was referred by Gates to 
Congress, and by them dismissed, the last allegation against him was 
of a "treasonable attempt to make his escape with the navigation then 
at or near Ticonderoga to the enemy at St. Johns." In reference to the 
action of Congress Mr. Arnold uses this extraordinary language: "To 
what extent his treatment by Congress is to be attributed to envy, 
jealousy or other unworthy motives, it is now perhaps impossible to 
determine." Is it not more natural to believe that this admirable body 
of men were guided by motives no more unworthy than a distrust of 
Arnold ? 

It was onlv after the repeated requests of Washington that Con- 
gress consented to send x-Vrnold to the northward, to which the fall of 
Ticonderoga and the invasion of Burgoyne attracted undivided 
attention. Joining Schuyler at Fort Edward, he learned that the ques- 
tion of rank had been decided against him in Congress by a formal 



BENEDICT ARNOLD AND HIS APOLOGIST 1 85 

vote. Congress persisted in its distrust. Still the friend of Gates, with 
whom he was on terms of intimate confidential correspondence, the 
daily companion of Schuyler, and trusted by Washington, whose 
nature was unsuspicious and generous, he retained his command, and 
his conduct during this branch of the Saratoga campaign was faultless 
in every respect. Schuyler was soon after removed from command, 
and superseded by Gates. How Arnold repaid Gates for his friend- 
ship will now appear. The difference came to a head about the time of 
the first battle of Saratoga, that of Bemis heights, on the 19th Septem- 
ber, 1777. 

To this battle Mr. Arnold devotes a separate chapter. In this chap- 
ter, read by him as a paper before the New York Historical Society, 
the accuracy of Mr. Bancroft was questioned. Mr. Bancroft was 
present at the readmg, but took no notice of the remarks. Later in a 
letter describing this lecture, which appeared in the New York Tribune, 
October 21, 1879, ^^^- Arnold used these words : '' Mr. Bancroft took his 
seat on the stage, and I turned to him and complimented him as the 
' Fathcx' of American History,' and then went on to show, by the letters 
of Varick and Livingston, his mistakes, which I was sure he never would 
have made if he had ever read these letters! The audience evidently 
enjoyed the scene, and applauded repeatedly, and when I said ' if 
Arnold had died of his wound received at the moment of his victory, 
neither Mr. Bancroft nor any other respectable historian would have 
denied to him the glory of the campaign, nor would have made the 
erroneous assertion that he was not in the field in the battle of the 19th 
of September,' the audience applauded heartily and generally. And 
when I concluded summing up by declaring that General Arnold was 
the hero of that campaign, and that to him was its success and the sur- 
render of Burgoyne largely due, they again applauded. Mr. Bancroft 
was kind enough to say he had ' listened with great pleasure,' but 
directly one of the officers whispered, 'He has not heard a single word 
you have said ; the old gentleman is very deaf.' I could only say : ' I 
wish you had told me that an hour ago.' But all went off well." This 
is a graphic description of a not uncommon scene. The atmosphere of 
this ancient society, particularly on the platform, is of an unusually 
somnolent character, and this is not the first time that an appreciative 
audience has enjoyed the humorous scene of an enthusiastic 
orator making pointed allusions to a dignitary on the stage, who 
remained the while utterly placid under the gentle influence of sleep. 
Well do we remember a similar scene, when the late William CuUen 



l86 BENEDICT ARNOLD AND HIS APOLOGIST 

Bryant (one of the officers) presided at a meeting, and gave way to the 
same soothing influence. Towards the close of the lecture the rev. 
erend orator turned gracefully to Mr. Bryant, and quoted the welU 
known closing lines from Thanatopsis. The audience applauded — and 
so did the venerable Mr. Bryant, awakened by the sound. The audi- 
ence, to use the good stage word, " rose to him," while the unconscious 
president continued to lead the applause (of himself). 

Somewhat similar was the scene Mr. Arnold describes so innocently. 
Fortunate for him perhaps that the " Father of American History " was 
asleep in reality. He is not troubled with deafness, and Mr. Arnold 
deludes himself, if he supposes that he has '' caught him napping," in: 
the ordinary acceptation of the term. 

The conclusions of Mr. Bancroft have not been shaken by any fresh 
evidence that has been brought forward. The very letter that Mr. 
Arnold quotes, the insolent letter of Arnold to Gates, preserved in the 
N. Y. Historical Society, is conclusive evidence that while the division, 
which he claimed to be /its (although he had never led it into action), 
was that chiefly engaged, Arnold did not lead them in person. " You 
desired me to send Colonel Morgan and the light infantry and support 
them ; I obeyed your orders, and before the action was over I found it 
necessary to send out the whole of my division to support the attack." 
To send out is not to lead out. Moreover, the troops were put in at 
different hours during the day. 

But if any further evidence be needed, that of Robert R. Livingston, 
the brother of Major Henry B. Livingston, should suffice. In the appli- 
cation which he made to General Washington, on behalf of his brother, 
he could not have been misinformed on a matter which so immediately 
concerned his request. 

In a letter written 14th January, 1778, to General Washington, occurs 
the following passage : 

-:v -jf * u J \^Q \}^Q liberty to enclose your excellency an extract 
from a letter to him [Major Livingston], written under General Arnold's 
direction by a gentleman of his family, he being unable to hold the pen 
himself. After a warm recommendation of his conduct, both in camp 
and the field, and giving him and his regiment a full share of the honor 
of the battle of the 19th September, in which General Arnold^ not being 
present^ speaks only from the reports of those who were, he adds : On the 7th 
of October the conduct of your corps fell more immediately under the 
inspection of General Arnold ; he thinks it but justice to you and them 
to observe that great part of our success on that day was owing to the 



BENEDICT ARNOLD AND HIS APOLOGIST 187 

gallant part they acted in storming the enemy's works, and the alertness 
and good order they observed in the pursuit." 

Mr. Arnold further rests his argument on the statement of Marshall, 
in his Life of Washington, first editon, that "Arnold, with nine 
continental regiments and Morgan's corps, was completely engaged 
with the whole right wing of the British army." He does not seem to 
be aware that Marshall, in his revised edition, gives a different version 
of the movement of the 19th, in which he purposely omits the statement 
that Arnold was on the field. 

The letters of Major Livingston, quoted by Mr. Arnold, and of Major 
Varick, then serving as supernumerary aid to Arnold, contain no proof 
that Arnold was on the field, and there is still extant a circumstantial 
account of the action, written on the day of the battle by Major Varick 
to General Schuyler, which makes no mention of Arnold's participation 
in the fight. Varick saw the action himself for an hour, having accom- 
panied Col. Morgan, but was sent back for reinforcements. He was at 
dinner at headquarters, and speaks of his resentment at some words 
which dropped from General Gates. It would be strange indeed if Arnold, 
of whom he speaks as one whom he would '* cheerfully serve," had been 
in the action that he should have passed his presence by unnoticed. 

The battle of the 19th September was, on the part of the Americans, 
essentially a soldiers' battle. While Burgoyne led his men in person, 
exposing himself with great bravery, directing the movements of the 
British line, the Americans had no general officer in the field until the 
evening, when General Learned was ordered out. The battle was 
fought by the general concert and zealous co-operation of the corps en- 
gaged, and sustained more by individual courage than military disci- 
pline, as is shown by the loss of the miUtia in comparison with that of 
the regular troops. 

Mr. Arnold is of those who believe that the partial success of this 
day could have been converted into a decisive victory. The better 
opinion is that Gates wisely refused to take any action which would 
uncover the river road which Burgoyne hoped to force, and which was 
the only route by which his artillery could be moved to Albany. The 
purpose of Gates seems to be as incomprehensible to Mr. Arnold now, 
with the light of history, as to the young officers upon whose testimony 
he relies, and whose opinions, expressed before the plan of the campaign 
was developed, he accepts as a verdict on its general scope. The pur- 
pose of Gates was to hold fast to his position, decline all but necessary 
action until the troops he had ordered to '' fall in the rear or flank of 



1 88 BENEDICT ARNOLD AND HIS APOLOGIST 

General Burgoyne " had reached their assigned posts, and all possibility 
of retreat was cut off. 

Such was the symmetrical plan which the genius of Gates devised 
and carried to complete conclusion. To him the laurels of Saratoga are 
justly due, and to ascribe the honor of this decisive campaign to Schuy- 
ler, or to style Arnold the hero of Saratoga, is simply absurd. 

That Arnold behaved with the most desperate recklessness in the 
second battle of Saratoga (on the 7th October) is nowhere disputed. 
That the source of his recklessness was patriotic ardor has been ques- 
tioned (Magazine, III., 310,) by one who was evidently of the opinion of 
Wayne. 

From what source Mr. Arnold draws his circumstantial statement 
that Arnold rode a gray horse on the day of the 19th does not appear. 
He does not claim that the horse was shot under him in the battle, yet 
the General is found borrowing " a beautiful Spanish horse " from Major 
Lewis for the action of the 7th October. This animal was killed, and 
the compensation for it was the occasion of a piece of rascality on the 
part of Arnold in perfect harmony with his entire career. It is well 
told in Sparks' Biography of Benedict Arnold. 

On this day Arnold went into action in violation of orders. His 
conduct inspired the troops, no doubt, but he showed no such general- 
ship as is claimed, and had the day resulted differently he would have 
been deservedly cashiered. He was severely wounded, and Gates, with 
his usual magnanimity, mentioned him in general orders in the highest 
terms. 

This is not the place to defend Gates, the generous, accomplished 
gentleman, from the imputations cast on his nature, character and 
capacity in this volume. He was all that Arnold was not; high-toned, 
magnanimous, an accomplished officer and a gentleman ; a patriot 
and not a traitor. Dying childless and without kindred in this country, 
the honor of his name has no personal defender ; but the truth of 
history, like other truth, cannot be long perverted, and the spirit ot 
modern investigation leaves no cause to doubt that the late repeated 
efforts to strip from the brow of Gates his well-earned laurels w411 
arouse the attention of historic students, and result in the entire vindi- 
cation of this admirable and much abused character. 

The domestic life of Arnold, and the temptations which his admission 
into the high-born, courtly society of Philadelphia led his ambitious 
spirit need not be noticed here. He was assigned to the com- 
mand of Philadelphia on the withdrawal of the British in 1778. As 



BENEDICT ARNOLD AND HIS APOLOGIST 1 89 

usual he assumed authority not in the purview of his command, and 
embroiled himself with the President and Council of Pennsylvania. He 
was accused with trading with the enemy and other disreputable prac- 
tices; including that of consorting with persons disaffected to the cause 
of the country. Tried by court martial on these charges, he was 
acquitted of that of *' making purchases for his own benefit," but repri- 
manded for his illegal acts and unwarrantable interference with the civil 
government. That he led a life of ostentatious splendor is notorious, 
and that it was maintained by continuous peculation there is little 
reason to doubt. Proof, other than that presented to the Council, is 
mentioned by Mr. Reed as still extant (Life of President Reed, II., 126). 
To Washington fell the duty of the reprimand. At the close of the 
noble paragraph in which he describes the profession of arms as the 
chastest of all, and therefore its honor to be most tenderly guarded, he 
generously promises the guilty, but still favored ofificer, that he would 
furnish him as far as in his power " with opportunities of regaining the 
esteem " of the country. 

Is it difficult to predict the sequel ? Will not the man who in turn 
has thus far betrayed each benefactor, turn also on the generous hand 
which is still held out to him? 

His wound giving him an excuse for a demand for a service which 
would not require activity, he sought the command of West Point, 
the key of the military position, with the purpose to betray his trust. 
He was not tempted ; he needed no tempters but his ambition and his 
avarice. 

Mr. Arnold has made much of Washington's opinion of Arnold ; he 
has offset it against the contempt and distrust of his companions in 
arms. Washington was not a man to lend a ready ear to other than 
open accusations ; the gossip of a camp rarely reached him. But it is not 
certain that he ever had any personal liking for Arnold, To Reed, of 
Pennsylvania, he wrote a line which refutes the idea that his '' opinion 
and confidence " in Arnold were '' conveyed in terms of affection and 
approbation." In answer to his biographer, Washington's final opinion 
of him may well stand as the national verdict upon the traitor. 

"Arnold's conduct is so villainously perfidious that there are no 
terms that can describe the baseness of his heart. That overruling 
Providence which has so often and so remarkably interposed in our 
favour, never manifested itself more conspicuously than in the timely 
discovery of his horrid intention to surrender the post and guns of 
West Point into the hands of the enemy, -x- * -x- * yj^g confidencr 



590 BENEDICT ARNOLD AND H^S APOLOGIST 

^nd folly which have marked the subsequent conduct of this man are of 
a piece with his villainy, and all three are perfect in their kind." 

Against a man so utterly lost to all sense of honor it seems almost 
absurd to bring charges of smaller peccadilloes, but the whole truth 
may as well be told. 

Not satisfied with public defalcations and delinquencies, Arnold 
stooped even to defraud his subordinates. 

In the letter of General Wayne, which has been already referred to, 
he charged him with employing sutlers to retail public liquors for his 
private emolument, and furnishing his quarters with beds and other 
furniture by paying for them with pork, salt, flour, etc., drawn from the 
magazine. Nor, he goes on, " has he stopped here ; he has descended 
much lower and defrauded the veteran soldier, who has bled for his 
country in many a well fought field during five campaigns ; among 
others, an old sergeant of mine has felt his rapacity. By the industry 
of this man's wife they had accumulated something handsome to support 
themselves in their advanced age, which coming to the knowledge of 
this cruel spoiler, he borrowed a large sum of money from the poor, 
credulous woman, and left her in the lurch. The dirty, dirty acts which 
he has been capable of committing beggar all description ; and they are 
of such a nature as would cause the infernals to blush were they accused 
•of the invention and execution of them." 

Nor is this accusation of honest General Wayne unsupported. In 
the Connecticut Gazette of December 12, 1780, may be seen a letter 
copied from the New Jersey Journal, of Sarah Warren, dated October 
25, 1780, complaining of Arnold as having borrowed from her in August 
of the same year, $22,000. Copies of the notes for $12,600, August 8, 
and $9,400, August 18, respectively, are printed with the letter. 

A part of the reward of the traitor was a command in the British 
forces. He was at once set about work in which the most unscrupulous 
of the British commanders hesitated to engage, and detached to Virginia 
on a plundering expedition, in which he acquitted himself with the hot 
zeal of the fresh convert. Here his peculating disposition had full 
swing, and he shipped large quantities of tobacco and other produce, 
which he robbed from the plantations of his countrymen, to the Havanas 
for sale for his own account. 

His last act in America was a fitting crown to his dishonorable 
career, and as before, plunder was again his object. A large quantity of 
public stores and private property was accumulated at New London. 
They were within reach of the enemy by a sudden stroke, with a com- 



BENEDICT ARNOLD AND HIS APOLOGIST I9I 

petent force led by a commander acquainted with the ground. Such 
was Arnold ; a son of Connecticut and familiar with every inch of 
her coast. The inhabitants, too, had been his companions and friends. 
He eagerly undertook the service, and was the hero of the most dis- 
graceful act of the long war. New London was burned to the ground 
under his eyes and the British arms, polluted by his presence, were dis- 
graced by the murder of Col. Ledyard at Fort Groton by the British 
officer who led the attack ; a deliberate murder after surrender, Ledyard 
being run through the body with his own sword. 

Thus did Arnold, after betraying every trust and turning in base 
ingratitude upon every person who had befriended him, fitly close his 
career of infamy by the wanton parricidal destruction of that which 
every feeling of honor and humanity should have made sacred in his 
eyes. 

His career in Nova Scotia and England are of little general interest 
to American readers. How the Prince of Wales walked with him arm 
in arm, how he was received by the English nobility, are matters in 
which Americans have no concern. The standard of English morals at 
the period was a low one at the best, yet Arnold does not seem to have 
been a welcome guest in any circle of London society. 

Mr. Arnold entitles his volume '' The Patriotism and Treason of 
Arnold," and while admitting his treason, calls upon us as a ** just and 
generous people to remember that he was a/<3:/r/^/ also." But other 
arguments must be brought forward than are presented in support of 
this unwarranted statement. There is no evidence that the heart of 
Arnold ever beat with one patriotic thrill. 

JOHN AUSTIN STEVENS 

* The Life of Benedict Arnold, his Patriotism and Treason. By Isaac N. Araold. 8vo, pp. 
447. J anson, McClurg & Co., Chicago. 1880. 



THE CHEWS OF PENNSYLVANIA 

Among the inhabitant:: IVnnsylvania city, classed bv 

ttie epigramatic Dr. Hohnes as '• liic gciicalogical centre ot the United 
States,!' few have a longer line of xVmerican ancestry to revere than 
the Che\v>i; worthy of note, in these days of downfall or destruct- 
iveness, for the unostentatious preservation (without entail) of thj 
venerable mansion of tiieir forefathers, as the. family home. 

Although their genealogy dates back far beyond the revolutionary 
days m which Cliveden became historic as the strategic Chew's House, 
whose massive graailc walls, occupied by the Bripsh Lieutenant-Colonel 
Musgrave, turned the tide of victory against the Americans, at the 
battle of Oermantown, the name of the builder of that house, Chief 
Uistice Beniainin Chew grandfather, great-grandfather and great-great- 
grandfather of its present dignified owner and happy occupants), stanas 
forth in the family reci-'rd, through his merit, attainment and oppOi 
tunity, as the eminent man of his race. He was born in Maryland at 
the family mansion on West River, November 29th, 1722, exactly one 
hundred jears after his grandfather's grahdfather, John Chew—as re- 
corded in Hotten's List of Emigrants to America— landed at Hogg's 
Island, opposite Jamestown, in Virginia • John Chew in the Charitie, 
Sarah (his wife), and three servants, in the Seafloure, tbe following year. 
In a letter dated Montreal, September 28th, 1797, Joseph Chew gives 
to his cousin, Joseph Chew, of Connecticut, the following account of 
their ancestor, John Chew : He was settled in Virginia in 164^ "at 
which time Sir William Berkeley was Governor of that colony, and had 
a particular regard for hini, as I find from some papers I have seen. 
The family afterwards removed to Maryland, from whence the Chews 
in that province and those in Philadelphia are descended." The writer 
of this letter, being a Tory, became, after the revolution, a citizen f^i 
Montrerd, and was in the Indian Bureau with Sir William Johnson. 
His name is am(mg the signatures to the Indian treaty, now at Indepen- 
dence Hail. He was a great-grandson of Joseph, second son 01 John and 
Sarah Chew, whose grandson, Thomas Chew, married a daughter of 
Colonel James Taylor of Virginia, and lived in that province. Ahce 
Chew, a daughter of this union, married l^er cousin, Zachary Taylor, 
and settled in Kentuckv- Her g -andson, General Zachary Taylor, was 
the distinguished soldier of the Florida and Mexican wars, and President 
of the United States. Another daughter of Colonel James Taylor 



THE CHEWS OF PENNSYLVANIA I93 

married Ambrose Madison, and was the grandmother of President 
Madison. John Chew, the founder of the family in America, is said 
to have been a cadet of the Chews of Chewton, in Somersetshire, 
England. 

He is styled in a Virginia land-grant of the year 1623, John Chew, 
merchant. Neill's history of the Virginia Company of London contains 
a curious petition of the General Assembly of the company, in the year 
1622, that the people should not be again placed " under the crewell 
yoke" of Sir Thomas C. Smith's government. In the list of signatures 
the name of John Chew follows that of John Ute, who came over from 
England about the same time as the Chews in the " Francis Bona- 
ventura," and probably accompanied them to Maryland, as the will of 
one of their descendants, John Chew, batchelor, bequeaths, in 1696, to 
'' Mary Utie, widdow, Baltimore County, one dozen calves' leather 
chairs, and four pounds sterling of money." 

In the Land Office Records of Virginia is a quaint old deed of the 
year 1624, headed " By the Governt & Capt-Generll of Virginia for Mr 
Chew — To all those to whom these Presents shall come greeting in our 
Lord God everlasting know ye that I — Sir Francis Wyatt, Lt Gouvernre 
& Capt-Generll of Virginia, doe with consent of the Counsell of State, 

give & grant to John Chew heirs & assigns etc Signed 

with my hand & the great Scale of the Colony at James City, the four- 
teenth day of August, in the yearres of the Reigne E Souvereigne Lord 
James of Angt the foure and twentieth, and Scot fifty eight yearres." 

John Chew's name appears as Burgess from Jamestown and in the 
Upper House of Assembly from 1623 until 1643, when (notwithstanding 
letters from Governor Berkeley, dissuading him from the step) he re- 
moved with his family to Maryland, in which province they received 
large grants of land, which are yet to be seen in the records of Annap- 
olis, as well as the purchase of 500 acres of land for " 5000 lbs. of To- 
bacco." 

In the Maryland upper House Journal of 1659 John Chew's eldest son 
is recorded as " Samuel Chew, Gent.," in the House of Burgesses, and in 
Liber C. D of Chancery Records, folio 11, "Samuel Chew, Esq.," is 
sworn, December 17, 1669, one of the Justices of the Chancery and Pro- 
vincial Courts. March 15, 1670, a land-writ is issued '* unto his Lord- 
ship's trusty and well-beloved Sam'l Chew, Esq.," by the Lord Proprie- 
tary ; and his name appears in both Houses of Assembly until 1676, the 
year of his death. 

He styles himself Samuel Chew of Herrington in his will (said to be 
a holograph), wherein, having bestowed the half of his landed estate 



194 THE CHEWS OF PENNSYLVANIA 

on his eldest son, he devised the remainder to his second and third sons, 
and his '' Lots in the Town of Herrington " to the fourth. To his 
other children he gave only their respective shares of a large amount 
of personal property, consisting of negroes, " Able-bodied Englishmen, 
and Hogsheads of Tobacco, done up in Casks," ready for the market- 
He also bequeaths " Imprimis to my brother, Joseph Chewe my scale 
gold Ring, to be delivered unto him forthwith after my Dficease by my 
Executrix." This executrix was his wife Anne (Ayres) Chew, a prom- 
inent Quakeress, in whose tenets her children were brought up, and 
from whom are descended both the Chews of Maryland and the Chews 
of Pennsylvania. Her fifth son, Benjamin, married Elizabeth Benson, 
and died at an early age, leaving one son, Dr. Samuel Chew of Maid- 
stone (an estate near Annapolis), who, after the death of his first wife, 
Mary Galloway, removed with his second wife, also a Mary Galloway 
(widow of Richard Galloway) to Dover on the Delaware, and was cre-^ 
ated Chief Justice of those three lower counties of the Province of 
Pennsylvania now included in the State of Delaware. He thus became 
the first ot the Chews of Pennsylvania. 

Dr. Samuel Chew was the father of Benjamin Chew, the illustrious 
Chief Justice, and his equal in mental vigor, as is shown in his speech 
to the Grand Jury on the Lawfulness of Self-defence against an armed 
enemy, which severed his connection with the Quakers. This speech 
was printed at the request of the Grand Inquest of the County of New- 
castle, as being " very worthy the Consideration of the Publick." It is 
a model of forcible reasoning, but extracts from it are unnecessary here, 
as it was twice published by Franklin. The arguments were unanswer- 
able, and gave great offense to the Quakers, who, being in the majority 
in the Assembly of Pennsylvania, had rejected the Governor's recom- 
mendation to put the Province " into a posture of defence upon account 
of our war with Spain." The Assembly of the lower counties, however, 
where the Quakers were in the minority, passed a militia law, with pro- 
vision for arms, ammunition, etc., which the Quakers endeavored to frus- 
trate by declaring it contrary to their Charter of Privileges. Chief 
Justice Samuel Chew, though a Quaker, took occasion in his speech to 
the Grand Jury to sustain the law with his argument and opinion, for 
which the Quakers expelled him from their community. 

An answer to this from the pen of the indignant Judge appears in a 
leading gazette of that day. After setting forth that nothing is more 
generally professed among Protestants than charity and " Toleration," 
he points out that new sects '* are all able clearly to prove that matters 
of Judgment & Opinion not being under the power Sa Direction of the 



THE CHEWS OF PENNSYLVANIA I95 

Will, ought to be Left free & unmolested to all men. But once installed 
<& confirmed, we too often find that those very People, who have con- 
tended for Liberty of Conscience & Universal Toleration, soon become 
inore Clear Sighted, & plainly discover the necessity for Uniformity in 
matters of Religion." The people called Quakers he asserts to be a 
"remarkable & surprising instance of this Spirit of Peace & Charity 
maintained as long as they had occasion for it ; that is, so long as they 

were oppressed & persecuted But in process of Time, having 

grown Rich & powerfull, they extend their Jurisdiction, & carry their 
Claim so high, as for differences even concerning Speculative matters, 
to Exclude persons from their Society, with hard names & other marks 

of Bitterness worthy the Pope himself Their Bulls of 

Excommunication as full-fraught with Fire & Brimstone & other Church 
Artillery as those even of the Pope of Rome ! " 

Nor did Dr. Chew fail to denounce their proceeding from the bench 
in a second speech to the Grand Jury, saying: "I am, Gentleme7i (how- 
ever unworthy the honour), by the Authority of his Majesty's com- 
mission, constituted Chief Justice of this Government, which gives me 
a Right to sit in this Place. And in November last, at a Court of Oyer 
and Terminer held here, I did, according to Custom and the Duty of 
my Ofifice, deliver from the Bench, as the Act of the Court, a Speech to 
the Grand Jury, calculated to the best of our Judgments to the Occasion 
of the Times, his Majesty's Service and the Good of the Publick. . . 
I take it we were accountable to his Majesty alone, and subject to no 
other control than the Laws of the Land But I am mis- 
taken it seems, & am accountable for what I shall transact in the King's 
Courts to a paltry Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction, that calls itself a Monthly 

Meeting. Tell it not in Gath^ publish it not in Askalon ! 

Is it not extraordinary that these People should here, 

where, by a singular Instance of Favour, they have been admitted to 

an Equality with their Fellow Subjects, act a Part, 

which, if it could have been foreseen, would justly have excluded them 
from all Civil offices, and left them upon the same Footing with their 

Brethren in other Places It was for want of a timely 

Check to such Beginnings as these that the Church of Rome extended 
by Degrees her wide Dominion, & usurped such an enormous Power 
over the Christian World as to be able to govern it with an arbitrary 

sway And tho' the Constitution of England was the best 

calculated for Freedom and human Happiness of any Government in 
the known world, it was not able to stem the Torrent of that Church 
Power, that, like a whirlpool, drew all things into its vortex 



196 THE CHEWS OF PENNSYLVANIA 

After what has been said to you in general, Gentlemen, I hope I have no 
need to say much for to excite you to a resolute and faithful discharge 

of your Duty, The Oath and Affirmation you have now 

severally taken exact of you Diligence and Impartiality. The Laws of 
the Land are to guide you in the Course of your Enquiries for the 
Good of your Country. If, therefore, you pay a proper Regard to 
them, you will be in no Danger from Tamperings, or private Influences 
of any kind, but will be Proof, not only against the attempts of Reli- 
gious Societies, but against all other Combinations of artful men to turn 
you aside from your Duty." 

A local poet of the time celebrates the event in verse, beginning thus; 

" Immortal Chew first set our Quakers right. 
He made it plain they might resist and fight, 
And gravest Dons agreed to what he said, 
And freely gave their cash for the king's aid, 
For war successful, or for peace and trade." 

Seven of Judge Chew's children died in infancy. His daughters 
Elizabeth and Ann married Colonel Tilghman of Wye and Samuel Gal- 
loway. His son Samuel (Chew) was for many years Attorney General 
of the Colony, and Judge of the Supreme Court of the State of Dela- 
ware, but left no descendants, and John died a bachelor. Benjamin, 
who became Chief Justice, was the eldest of Judge Samuel Chew's 
sons. He studied law under Andrew Hamilton of Philadelphia, and at 
the Inner Temple, London. His first wife, who was also a Mary Gal- 
loway, died in 1755, leaving daughters only, one of whom married 
Edward Tilghman of Philadelphia, a distinguished lawyer. Mary (the 
eldest) married Alexander Wilcocks, and was the mother of Benjamin 
Wilcocks, and of Mary and Ann, wives of Charles Jared IngersoU and 
Joseph Reed IngersoU (Minister to Great Britain). 

A member of the Provincial Council, Attorney General of Pennsyl- 
vania fourteen years, and Recorder of the city of Philadelphia twenty 
years, Mr. Benjamin Chew was appointed in 1765 Register General of 
Wills, and in 1774 Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of Pennsylvania, 
though soon displaced by the events of the Revolution. He and his 
half-brother, John Chew, however, were among the signers of the 
strongly worded " Non-Importation Agreement," which is a sufBcient 
refutation of his supposed sympathy with the supporters of the Crown. 
There is also an interesting anecdote, given in Westcott's Historic Man- 
sions of Philadelphia, of Chief Justice Chew's last charge to the Grand 
Jury, on which occasion, having just defined the offense of high treason, 
Dr. John Cox, a juryman, pressed forward, and demanded in an exalted 



THE CHEWS OF PENNSYLVANIA 1 97 

voice, *' What then is to become of us, who are now opposing the arbi- 
trary power attempted to be exercised by the British Ministry? " The 
Chief Justice, who had only paused for a moment, immediately resumed 
his discourse: "Opposition by force of arms to the lawful authority of 
the King or his Ministers is high treason; but in the moment when the 
King or his Ministers shall exceed the Constitutional authority vested 
in them by the Constitution, submission to their mandate becomes trea- 
son." It is added, that Dr. Cox and most of the Grand Jury immediately 
made a low bow to the Court. 

The Chief Justice, however, in common with other patriotic citizens, 
considered the attempt to set up an independent government rash and 
premature ; and refusing to sign a parole, he and the late Proprietary, 
John Penn, were ordered to be sent as prisoners to Fredericksburg, Vir- 
ginia, by Act of Congress, as '' disaffected officers of the Crown." August 
13, 1777, the Reverend Dr. Ewing appeared before the Supreme Council 
of the State in Mr. Chew's behalf, and stated his Avillingness ** noiv to sign 
the Parole," which had only been refused " from a desire that the cause 

ot the arrest might have been inserted in the warrant, 

that it may not be supposed he stands charged with having committed 
any crime against the States, but that he is arrested as an officer under 
the late government." This appeal was unsuccessful, but the place of 
exile was changed to Mr. Chew's own property, the Union Iron Works, 
near Burlington, New Jersey, for himself and Mr. Penn, while other 
influential citizens, the most of them Quakers, were banished to Virginia. 

In the spring of 1778 much discussion arose in Congress with regard 
to these arrests; and notwithstanding that President Wharton declared 
Mr. Penn and Mr. Chew to be adversaries, since " those who are not for 
us are against us," Congress directed them to be conveyed without 
delay into the State of Pennsylvania, and there discharged from their 
parole. It was during Mr. Chew's enforced sojourn at Union Forges 
that his country seat, ** Cliveden," was turned by the British into a 
temporary fortification, which proved strong enough to check the 
advance of Washington's victorious troops, before whom the British 
were flying in disorder, at the battle of Germantown. In Johnson's 
Life of Greene he speaks of the "impenetrable thickness of the walls," 
and General Wilkinson in his Memoir says : " The artillery seems to 
have made no impression on the walls of the house, a few slight inden- 
tures only being observable, except from one stroke in the rear, which 
started the wall." 

Historians generally lay the blame of the American defeat upon this 
delay in front of Chew's House, and the blame of the delay upon Gen- 



198 THE CHEWS OF PENNSYLVANIA 

eral Knox, who argued the unmilitariness of leaving an unreduced for- 
tification in the rear. Colonel Pickering claims for himself the credit 
ot havmg earnestly opposed the movement, asserting that General 
Joseph Reed — to whom Gordon ascribes it — was not in the army at that 
date. Mr. William B. Reed confirms the truth of this in his Life of 
President Reed, but states that his father was at that time serving as a 
volunteer, although he does not say whether he took part in the battle 
of Germantown or not. The point has been rendered still more obscure 
by the fact that a portrait of General Reed represented him in the 
midst of the battle ; yet, for some unexplained reason, the representa- 
tion of the battle has been cut away from the portrait of the hero, and 
thus only the portrait has been preserved by his family. 

Chastellux, in his Travels in America, describes a romantic and 
daring exploit of Colonel Laurens and the Chevalier Mauduit-Duplessis 
during the siege of Chew's House. The Chevalier, who was in com- 
mand of the artillery, proposed to Laurens that the}^ should ''get some 
straw and hay from a barn to set fire to the principal door, . . , but 
it is scarcely credible that of these two noble adventurous youths one (Du- 
plessis) should be at present on his way to France, and the other (Lau- 
rens) in good health at Newport." They not only succeeded in reaching 
the house, but de Mauduit actually forced his way into it through a 
windoAV, where he was met by a British officer, who, '' pistol in hand,, 
desired him to surrender," when another rushed into the room, and 
"■ fired a musket shot, which killed, not ^L de Mauduit, but the officer 
who wished to take him." The difficulty was to retire, for none had fol- 
lowed them, and it would have been ridiculous to return running. " ^L 
de Mauduit, like a true Frenchman, chose rather to expose himself to 
death than ridicule; but the balls respected our prejudices. He re- 
turned safe and sound, and Mr. Laurens, who was in no greater haste 
than he, escaped with a slight wound in his shoulder." 

The owners of Cliveden have been careful not to destroy the traces 
of this memorable siege, and have preserved the ancient appearance of 
the house, which shows no marks of decay in its substantial walls of 
hewn granite, its wooden carvings and mouldings, its well-kept grounds 
and magnificent old trees. The sides of the quadrangle in the rear of the 
building (used as kitchen and laundry) are of much older date than the 
principal mansion, built by Chief Justice Chew in 1763. The curious 
old well, of which a drawing illustrates this article, is built in the back 
wall of the kitchen, and so arranged that, in case of attack or siege from 
Indians, it could be closed up with outside doors, and the water drawn 
from inside the house. The heavy cornices, dormer windows and pedi- 



THE CHEWS OF PENNSYLVANIA 



[99 



ments on the roof are very ornamental. The vestibule or hall is wide 
and handsome, and the two large pillars supporting the entrance to the 






r^^ 



'^r\'^ 













?^^ 



'^>fWvi" 



broad stairway add a picturesque effect. A year or two after the battle 
of Germantown Cliveden was sold. The Duke de la Rochefaucauld- 
Liancourt, in his Travels in the United States, says that Blair McClen- 
ahan bought it from Mr. Chew for about $9,000, and sold it back to him 
(eighteen years afterwards) for about $25,000, no improvements having 
been added. 

Preserved among other family documents at Cliveden is " The Re- 
port of the Commissioners " (one of several originals) in the settlement 
of the famous boundary called Mason and Dixon's line. It has descended 
to its present owner, Mr. Samuel Chew, from his great-grandfather. 
Chief Justice Benjamin Chew, who, with Messrs. Allen, Ewing, Ship- 
pen and Willing, acted for the Penns in the settlement. 

Benjamin Chew was appointed President of the High Court of 
Errors and Appeal, when it was organized in 1791. This appointment, 
coming so soon after the close of the war, was not onl}' a tribute to his 
ability and standing, but a vindication of his patriotism, which had fallen 
under suspicion, partly from his attempted attitude of neutrality, and 
partly from the welcome given by his gay and fashionable daughters to 
the British officers of Clinton's command. Of these, the unfortunate 



200 



THE CHEWS OF PENNSYLVANIA 



Major Andre was sufficiently attracted by the charms of Margaret 
Chew — styled Peggy in the quaint nomenclature of the day — to select 
her for his Lady of the Blended Rose in the famous Mischianza Tour- 
ney and Fete, and to address her a farewell, touching in its unconscious- 
ness of his impending fate. 

" If at the close of war and strife 

My destiny once more 
Should in the various paths of life 

Conduct me to this shore ; 
Should British banners guard the land, 

And faction be restrained, 
And Cliveden's mansion peaceful stand, 

No more with blood be stained ; 
Say wilt thou then receive again, 

And welcome to thy sight. 
The youth who bids with stifled pain 

His sad farewell to-night? " 

Margaret was the eldest of Mr. Chew's bevy of fair daughters 
by his second wife, Elizabeth Oswald. She married Colonel John 
Eager Howard of Maryland. The Howard family possess an account 
of the Mischianza, written for her by Andre, and adorned with a sup- 




THE CHEWS OF PENNSYLVANIA 201 

posed portrait of himself, sketched in water colors, of which a copy is 
given here. One of those curious discrepancies so often seen in authentic 
relics, and which really prove their genuineness, occurs in this sketch. 
The Knight is in the dress of the White Knights, of whom Andre was one 
— the Knight's lineaments resemble his — but on the shield carried before 
him by his Squire is blazoned the motto and device of Captain Watson, 
the Chief of the Black Knights — " Love and Glory," with a heart and a 
wreath of laurel, instead of Andre's own device of game-cocks fighting, 
with the terse motto, *' No rival!" In the absence of all clue, the sup- 
position may be hazarded that " Love and Glory" was possibly yielded 
by Andre to Captain Watson, and he chose to resume his first choice 
in preparing the memento for Miss Chew. This memento is " humbly 
inscribed to Miss Peggy Chew by Her most devoted Knight and Ser- 
vant, J. A., Knt. Bd. Re. — Philadelphia, June 2d, 1778." The cover is 
ornamented with pink tracings of the same laurel wreath as is on the 
shield, inclosing the initials *' P. C." 

A letter, written by Miss Peggy Chew while on a visit to Lans- 
down — the Penn country seat — after the evacuation of Philadelphia by 
the British, confesses the regret felt by these unpatriotic ladies for the 
gay ''train " who had so enlivened their circle. She writes of 

"passing over again in imagination those happy scenes, and 

though there were some dark moments, yet there were other gay ones, that in a 
great degree compensated for them, and perhaps gave us a high relish for pleasure, 
when it was within our grasp. What is life, in short, but one continued scene of 
pain & pleasure, varied and chequered with black spots, like the chess-board, only 
to set the fair ones in a purer light ? What a three months have we spent since 
the exit of the gay train that was so pleasing last wmter — A state of torpid 
existence has been ours since they left us. .... . The day or two after I 

came out Mr. John Penn and a Mr. Vernon arrived from England 

Mr. P. will require some further study of his character to decide even on a pre- 
possession, as he is the most timidly diffident young man I ever saw, as much so 
as a blushing virgin upon her first advance into the world. I have discovered him 
to be fond of poetry, nay, forms a stanza now and then in different languages> 
which evinces his having cultivated that good sense. He is good looking, but not 
so easy in his manners as Vernon, his friend. American ease of manners may 
impart a small degree to him. As I have chatted so freely about former scenes 
with B. B. and Nancy T., don't, however, my dear, betray to anybody what I have 
said of these gentlemen. What a mixture of people have I lately seen ! I like 
to have something to say to all. It is only a few weeks since the agreeable 
Michaelis left us, and here are new objects to engage our attention — I suppose 
there will be a vast number of strangers among us this winter — The societies 
will be improved by the addition, as there are so few gentlemen in proportion to 



202 THE CHEWS OF PENNSYLVANIA 

the ladies. How I would harangue if I were with you ! My heaven — I seem as 
if I had a thousand, and yet a thousand things to say, but, alas ! my time is 
short — " 

In another letter, dated "Philadelphia, June 23, 1784," Miss Chew 
gives a lively description of certain bridal scenes, in which she acted 
as bridesmaid to a friend who marries a Frenchman : 

" Every thing that was possible to dispense with in the form of the ceremony 
was omitted, on account of the Bride being a Protestant. Molly Swift is the other 
Bridesmaid. Mr. Harrison & Mr. Terrasson, a frenchman, the others — We all 
accompanied the Bride & her intended from her Father's to the Minister's parlour, 
where the Abbe was ready to receive us, & as soon as we entered he performed 
the ceremony, which cheated the company who were in the great room of at least 
half it ; before they could get in we were almost taking our departure ; for, to 
spare her feelings in receiving the congratulations of a vast crowd, we turned off 
as, soon as she was Madam — and retired to her Father's again. The three days' 
entertainments were dinners, which, tho' I dislike them in general, went off sur- 
prising well. What contributed greatly to my satisfaction was being gratified by 
having a table in the adjoining coolest room for the Bridesmaids, to which many 
gentlemen followed, for the sake of Ease and Air, &, I flatter ourselves, for the 
sake of our company also. Govr Morris kept us in a continual smile (I dare not say 
laughter for the world, but you may admit it in the back room). Next day Walker 
kept up the spirit of the Table with great eclat. This is the Tea table week, my 
dear. But I suspect the latter part of it will be rather tranquil, as a great many 
gentlemen are going away to-day & to-morrow. The Ministers Ternant & Otto 
are gone this day on board at Cheston. I don't recollect wether you knew Ter- 
nant; know, however, that he was a monstrous favorite of mine. I had a sincere 
respect for him, & am sorry to lose his acquaintance. Apropos of Frenchmen — 
I hear McMahon is married — They are a strange kind of people. Don't you 
think they are, my dear friend — It was written from a friend of Ternant's to 

him that it was soon to be — and I since hear he is actually married 

I wish to describe several of our Beaux to you — our Hollander too, I want you 
to know him — Not the irresistible Hogendorp ; he is gone, & what is worse, I 
never saw him ; but van Beschel, I mean. He improves upon nearer acquaintance 
— his mind opens with advantage — But I am afraid to trust myself with char- 
acter." 

The Chew mansion in Third street, always the centre of a brilliant 
society, received in turn the members of the first Continental Congress, 
Washington, who held Mr. Chew in high esteem, Adams, the gay 
British officers, and accomplished foreigners who visited our land 
in those eventful days. Adams records its elegance in his diary, dilating 
upon the ''turtle and flummery and Madeira" of the sumptuous din- 
ners. Mrs. Chew was distinguished for her urbanity and her beauty, 



THE CHEWS OF PENNSYLVANIA 205 

which, inherited by her children and their descendants, has become his- 
torical. Her daughter Harriet became the wife of Charles Carroll of 
Maryland, only son of Carroll of CarroUton, ''the Signer; " her grand- 
son, John Lee Carroll, is the present Governor of Maryland. Two 
other of the lovely Misses Chew married — one an Englishman, Mr. 
Philips ; the other, Mr. Micklin, and her daughter married Hon. George 
M. Dallas, Minister to Russia. Harriet was a great favorite. General 
Washington insisted upon having her charming company durmg his sit- 
tings for his portrait to Stuart, '' to give his face," he said, " a more agree- 
able expression." 

There is a letter of Miss Franks, afterwards wife to Lieutenant- 
General Sir Henry Johnston, quoted in Griswold's Republican Court, in 
which she draws an amusing parallel between the manners of the New 
York ladies of that era and the Philadelphia belles; giving the prefer- 
ence to the latter, as being less complaisant to the gentlemen, yet more 
witty and entertaining ; and mentioning *' the Chews " as girls who 
could entertain a drawing-room full of company, " without having 
recourse to games," and with the brilliancy of their wit and conversa- 
tion alone. Nor did the daughters monopolize the family inheritance 
of beauty and distinction. Benjamin Chew, Junior, their only brother, 
is described by a biographer as *' an elegant, accomplished, brave gen- 
tleman of polished manners, singular personal symmetry of form and 

feature, and great strength, bestowing liberal charities, 

leading a blameless life of princely hospitality." He mar- 
ried Miss Banning, a lady of large fortune, who outlived him many 
years. Like his father, he was a lawyer, as was also his eldest son, Ben- 
jamin Chew, who made a boast of his descent from a ''generation of 
lawyers." This gentleman, though gifted with great abilities, yielded 
to the promptings of a haughty and eccentric temper, and wasted his 
life in lawsuits with his brothers and sisters, from whom, as his legiti- 
mate heirs, he finally diverted by will all of the family property, pic- 
tures, plate and papers that he could control. In his youth he served 
in the war of 1812. His eldest sister married the Hon. James >L'ison, 
who, with the Hon. John Slidell, became during the late civil war the 
occasion for the famous international case of arrest while proceeding in 
an English vessel on an embassy to England and France, from the Con- 
federate States Government. 

Of Mrs. Mason's four younger brothers, Samuel was a prominent 
lawyer, noted for his irresistible humor and wit. John served gallantly 
in the navy under Commodores Gordon and Decatur, and was chosen 
bearer of dispatches after the victorious battle with the Algerines. He 



204 



THE CHEWS OF PENNSYLVANIA 



was lost at sea in the sloop-of-war Epervia. William was Secretary of 
Legation to the American embass}^ to Russia ; and after the return of 
Mr. Dallas, the Minister, Charge d' Affairs. All three died without heirs, 
leaving the sons of their brother Henry Banning Chew (who married a 
daughter of Gen. Ridgely of Hampton, Governor of Maryland in 1815, 
and resided on her estate of Epsom, adjoining Hampton,near Baltimore, 
Maryland ;) as the only representatives besides their aunt, Miss Anne 
Penn Chew, owner of Cliveden, of the name of the Chews of Pennsylyania. 
Charles, the eldest son of Henry Banning Chew, remained, with his 
family, at Epsom ; but his sons Benjamin and Samuel returned to Penn- 
sylvania, and are living at Cliveden with their distinguished aunt, who 
worthily represents, in her own person and carriage, the family tradi- 
tions. Mr. Samuel Chew married the dausfhter of David S. Brown, of 
Philadelphia, and his children represent the ninth generation of Che\ys 
in America. Dr. Samuel C. Chew, of Baltimore, represents the elder 
branch, while the Hon. Benjamin Brooke Chew, still resides in the 
neighborhood of the old settlement, in Prince George County, Mary- 
land, of this notable family, which, in spite of the levelling power of 
republican institutions, the division of property, and the process of time, 
has retained its high standing from generation to generation, through a 
period of two hundred and fifty-seven years. 

ELIZABETH READ 




TRANSLATION 



205 



DIARY 

OF A FRENCH OFFICER 

1781 

(Presumed to be that of Baron Cromot du Bourg, 

Aid to Rocnambeau.) 
From an unpublished Manuscript in the posses- 
sion of C. Fiskc Harris, of 
Providence^ R, I. 
Translated for the Magazine of American History 
JOURNAL FROM MY DEPARTURE FROM 
FRANCE 26 MARCH, 1781, UNTIL THE 
18 NOVEMBER OF THE SAME YEAR, 
WHEN THE ARMY UNDER THE ORDERS 
OF M. LE COMTE DE ROCHAMBEAU 
WENT INTO WINTER QUARTERS. 

MARCH 

March 26 — 27 — We left Brest on the 
26th at four o'clock in the afternoon in 
company with the Emeraude and the 
Bellone which were to serve as our es- 
cort until we passed the Capes, but soon 
after sailing we lost sight of them ; we 
had made on the 27th, at noon, the hour 
from which I shall hereafter count my 
day's travel, a run of 49^ leagues. 

March 27 — 28 — The sea ran very high 
all day as well as during the night and 
we encountered some severe blows in 
one of which the main top-mast was 
broken ; we made 80 leagues. 

Side note — A vessel was seen from the mast- 
head. 

March 28 — 29 — Weather similar to 
that of yesterday ; the run, 64 leagues. 

Side Note — A vessel was seen ahead from the 
mast-head at 11 o'clock. 

March 29 — 30 — During the day of the 
29th and all night the weather was very 
stormy, constant gales, hail and a high 
sea. On the morning of the 30, the 



weather cleared — the run during the 24 
hours, 35 leagues. 

Side Note. — Several vessels were seen. 

March 30 — 31 — The sea was very 
high although the weather was fine ; the 
wind was ahead nearly all day — the run, 
26 leagues. 

Side Note. — A vessel was seen from the mast- 
head. 

March 31 — The weather fine and the 
sea calm ; we met a Brig upon which 
we fired a cannon shot. She showed 
the Danish flag and came within hail — 
she said she was from Leghorn and had 
seen nothing for five days — we resumed 
our course and made in the 24 hours — 
54^3 leagues. 

Side Note — We saw a small Danish vessel. 

APRIL 

April I — 2 — We had a fair wind from 
astern all day, and therefore made 71 73 
leagues. 

April 3 — 4 — Variable winds during 
the day ; some squalls ; run of 30 leagues. 

April 4 — 5 — A fair wind but not very 
strong — very fine weather — run 32 
leagues. 

April 5 — 6 — Wind and weather varia- 
ble ; run 24 leagues. 

April 6 — 7 — High sea, very rough 
and bad weather; run, 42 leagues. 

April 7 — 8 — Fine weather ; the sea 
very rough ; we labored much ; several 
very heavy blows ; our run was 39/^ 
leagues. 

April 8 — 9 — Winds varying contin- 
ually ; the sea high and very rough ; con- 
stant blows; we only made \o)/i leagues. 

April 9 — 10 — Contrary winds and 
swelling sea ; run 30?^ leagues. 

April 10 — II — Fine weather, the sea 



2o6 



TRANSLATION 



smooth and calm, no wind; run 5^ 
leagues. 

April 12 — 13 — Weather and winds 
variable; the sea very heavy; run 18 
leagues. 

April 13 — 14 — Weather fine, the sea 
heavy and contrary winds on the 13. 
On the morning of the 14th better 
weather ; run 14 leagues. 

April 14 — 15 — Weather fine and a 
clear sky, very light winds, some calms; 
run 18 leagues. 

April \^ — 16 — The weather fine and 
the sea quite smooth. At daybreak on 
the 1 6th, we sighted a small vessel to 
which we gave chase; we soon came up 
with her and fired a cannon shot, hoist- 
ing our flag. She showed her own also 
which was likewise replied to by a can- 
non shot. This vessel was the Privateer 
Rower (Rover) of 12 guns which our 
frigate captured last year. She left New- 
port 13 days ago to carry to France the 
news of an engagement between M. Des- 
tcuches and Admiral Arbuthnot — the 
former having sent out the Eveille, a ship 
of 64 guns, to intercept the reinforcements 
which the English were transporting to 
Arnold in Chesapeake Bay. The Eveille 
was not able to join the first division, 
but arrived within the Capes; she met the 
Romulus of 44 guns escorting a convoy 
of 10 transports which she took with 
the ship. She sent the transports in to 
Philadelphia and took the Romulus to 
Newport where she was armed and in- 
creased the number of vessels under M. 
Destouches to 8, with which he went 
out on a cruise toward the Chesapeake 
where he fell in with the English. There 
was a brisk engagement. The enemy 
were roughly handled although in supe- 



rior force, their fleet numbering 10 ves- 
sels, of which one, the London, a three 
deck ship. One of our vessels, the Con- 
querant, was for a long time engaged by 
three and badly injured. The Rover 
left us toward nine o'clock and we con- 
tinued our course. The run in the 24 
hours was 37 leagues. 

Side Note. — We fell in with a vessel named 
the Rower (Rover) (this word means wanderer). 
We were allowed to send letters to France by this 
vessel but without date or position of the =hip. 

April 16 — 17 — Weather and sea calm. 
Run 7^ leagues. 

April 17 — 18 — The weather quite fine 
but a heavy swell. Run, 30 leagues. 

April 18 — 19 — Very foggy, the sea 
very rough; run 28 leagues. 

April 19 — 20 — The sea continued 
ver) rough, the weather dark and over 
cast ; the winds constantly variable ; 
some squalls; run 16 leagues. 

April 20 — 21 — The weather fine but 
the sea rough through the 20th, and a 
part of the night. The morning of the 
2ist almost a calm; the run 25 }4 
leagues. 

April 2\ — 22 — The weather fine and 
nearly always calm ; with the little wind 
we had, our run 12^ leagues. 

April 22 — 23 — A heavy swell. Run 
24 leagues. 

April 23 — 24 — Weather similar to 
that of yesterday. Run 23 leagues. 

April 24 — 25 — Several squalls, a 
heavy sea, more wind than the preceding 
days. Run 46^ leagues. 

April 2^ — 26 — Fine weather day and 
night with a fresh breeze. Run -T^^y 
leagues. 

Side Note. — A vessel seen from the mast- 
head. 



TRANSLATION 



207 



April 26 — 27 — The weather fine and 
a smooth sea during the 26th, but in the 
night and during the 27th a heavy sea, 
strong winds and a great deal of fog. 
Run 53>^ leagues. 

April 27 — 28 — During the day of the 
27th the wind favorable, the night calm 
and very rainy, and the same on the 
morning of the 28th. Run t^t^ leagues. 

Side N'ote. — Several birds seen, sign that we 
are nearing land. 

April 28 — 29 — Very heavy weather, 
the sea very rough and every appearance 
of a storm until the morning of the 29th. 
We passed the night under jib sail; on 
the 29th the weather cleared, the wind 
was favorable and in the twenty-four 
hours our run 56 leagues. 

Side Note. — To be under jib sail is to take in 
all sail and let the ship drift. 

April 29 — 30 — The finest weather 
possible. Run 4575 leagues. 

April 30 — T May — The sea smooth 
but a heavy fog. Run 26^ leagues. 

Side Note. — We saw a great many birds. 
MAY 

May I — 2 — The sea absolutely as 
smooth as oil, until two the morning a 
fair wind. Run 37^ leagues. 

May 2 — 3 — The sea smooth, a fair 
wind at midnight ; sounded and found 
at 65 fathoms a bottom of whiteish gray 
sand, mixed with small black gravel ; we 
were on the St. George's Banks at seven 
in the morning; on the same bank we 
found 86 fathoms ; a great deal of fog, 
rain and thunder ; in the 24 hours the 
run 28^ leagues. 

May 3 — "4 — Heavy fog and rain. We 
sounded several times and found bottom 
at 60 and 120 fathoms. We caught 
some cod. There was thunder in the 



night. The 4th in the morning we 
sounded and found at different times 
60, 80 and 140 fathoms ; heavy fog all 
the while till noon ; the run 16 leagues. 

May 4 — 5 — A heavy swell and high 
wind. We found ourselves in the 
course of the day off Jeffrey's bank 
which gave us 51 fathoms — at eleven at 
night 100 — at daybreak we sighted 3 
vessels. Run 15 leagues. 

Side Note. — We saw three vessels. 

May 5 — 6 — The 5th almost calm until 
5 or 6 o'clock in the evening ; at midnight 
we fell in with two vessels and beat to 
quarters. They kept us up all night 
and for some time within cannon shot, 
but seeing that they had no intention of 
attacking us we did not give chase, our 
orders being to reach our destination as 
rapidly as possible, and at half past 
eleven on the morning of the 6th land 
cried from the mast-head and at two 
o'clock was perfectly visible from the 
deck. At three o'clock when we were 
not more than 4 leagues from Boston, 
we saw a small vessel upon which we 
fired a gun. She came alongside and 
served to pilot us to land. At five 
o'clock we entered the harbor of Boston 
to our great satisfaction and came to 
anchor. Run 27 leagues. 

Side Note. — To beat to quarters is the signal 
to prepare for action. 

The entrance \o the port of Boston is very 
difficult for those not acquainted with it, because 
of the great number of islands and rocks through 
which the passage lies. 

The Frigate upon which I crossed 
carried a captain, a ship's ensign, 
three auxiliary officers, a guard of 
marines and an auxiliary corps of vol- 
unteers. 



2o8 



TRANSLATION 



I am not able to say what the service 
is on board of other of the King's ships, 
but it seemed to me that the crew of 
this vessel, although governed with the 
greatest kindness, did its duty perfectly. 
Not a single man was punished on the 
passage ; everything was in the best pos- 
sible order. There was also on this ves- 
sel a detachment of Infantry of 35 men 
commanded by an officer. The soldiers 
lived in perfect harmony with the sailors 
and not only did their own duty with ex- 
actness but even went aloft in the differ- 
ent manoeuvres, a thing entirely outside 
of their own line of duty. Their posts 
assigned were to the service of the bat- 
teries and in the watch. 

The beat to quarters is about the same 
thing in the Navy as the Generale in the 
land service; it is always executed with 
the greatest promptness and in a very 
short time ; according to the diligence 
with which this is done a vessel finds 
itself in proper condition for action. 

There were always one or two officers 
on watch during the passage which I 
made because besides the officers of the 
frigate we had on board three ship's lieu- 
tenants in the suite of M. de Barras, 
who was on his way to take command 
of the fleet at Rhode Island. 

The entire crew seemed to me thor- 
oughly willing, perfectly disciplined, 
and, as far as I can judge, it seems to me 
that the sailor is more easily governed 
than the soldier on land. 

Side Note. — To i>eat to quarters is to put aside 
every thing that can be in the way in action, to 
prepare the guns, each man going to his post. 
The bent to quarters is always given the moment 
a vessel is met, and often even at other times to 
accustom the crew to be prompt in case of sur- 
prise. 



The watch is a service of four hours, to whi;,h 
the officers of the navy are held. They pass 
these four hours on deck, and are charged with 
the sailing of the ship during this perird. They 
direct their course according to the orders of the 
captain of the ship. 

ARRIVAL IN AMERICA. 

May 7 — In the morning I landed and 
my first care after having called 
upon the Consul of France, was to have 
him present me to the famous M. 
Hancock, Governor of Boston. In the 
evening I also saw Doctor Couper, 
(Cooper), a gentleman celebrated by the 
part he has had in the Revolution of this 
country. Not understanding English I 
was not able to form any opinion of their 
intellectual powers, but I hope if I have 
the opportunity to return to Boston when 
I know their language, to be able to judge 
for myself of what I have heard concern- 
ing these two men. 

During the day which I passed at 
Boston I saw as much of the town as I 
could; it seemed to me extremely pretty. 
It is quite large, and shows that before 
the war it must have been a charming 
residence. It is in the best possible 
situation, has a superb harbor, and from 
a high piece of ground calledthe Beacon, 
(Beacon Hill), there is one of the most 
beautiful views in the world. From it 
may be seen the position which General 
Washington took when he seized the town 
and forced the English to abandon the 
country. I should have much liked not 
to have been so in haste to reach New- 
port that I might have visited the dif- 
ferent posts occupied by the English 
and by Washington, who, according to 
what all the Bostonians say, showed his 



2o8 



TRANSLATION 



I am not able to say what the service 
is on board of other of the King's ships, 
but it seemed to me that the crew of 
this vessel, although governed with the 
greatest kindness, did its duty perfectly. 
Not a single man was punished on the 
passage ; everything was in the best pos- 
sible order. There was also on this ves- 
sel a detachment of Infantry of 35 men 
commanded by an officer. The soldiers 
lived in perfect harmony with the sailors 
and not only did their own duty with ex- 
actness but even went aloft in the differ- 
ent manoeuvres, a thing entirely outside 
of their own line of duty. Their posts 
assigned were to the service of the bat- 
teries and in the watch. 

The beat to quarters is about the same 
thing in the Navy as the Generale in the 
land service; it is always executed with 
the greatest promptness and in a very 
short time ; according to the diligence 
with which this is done a vessel finds 
itself in proper condition for action. 

There were always one or two officers 
on watch during the passage which I 
made because besides the officers of the 
frigate we had on board three ship's lieu- 
tenants in the suite of M. de Barras, 
who was on his way to take command 
of the fleet at Rhode Island. 

The entire crew seemed to me thor- 
oughly willing, perfectly disciplined, 
and, as far as I can judge, it seems to me 
that the sailor is more easily governed 
than the soldier on land. 

Side Note. — To beat to quarters is to put aside 
every thing that can be in the way in action, to 
prepare the guns, each man going to his post. 
The beat to qtiarters is always given the moment 
a vessel is met, and often even at other times to 
accustom the crew to be prompt in case of sur- 
prise. 



The watch is a service of four hours, to which 
the officers of the navy are held. They pass 
these four hours on deck, and are charged with 
the sailing of the ship during this perir d. They 
direct their course according to the orders of the 
captain of the ship. 

ARRIVAL IN AMERICA. 

May 7 — In the morning I landed and 
my first care after having called 
upon the Consul of France, was to have 
him present me to the famous M. 
Hancock, Governor of Boston. In the 
evening I also saw Doctor Couper, 
(Cooper), a gentleman celebrated by the 
part he has had in the Revolution of this 
country. Not understanding Englisli I 
was not able to form any opinion of their 
intellectual powers, but I hope if I have 
the opportunity to return to Boston when 
I know their language, to be able to judge 
for myself of what I have heard concern- 
ing these two men. 

During the day which I passed at 
Boston I saw as much of the town as I 
could; it seemed to me extremely pretty. 
It is quite large, and shows that before 
the war it must have been a charming 
residence. It is in the best possible 
situation, has a superb harbor, and from 
a high piece of ground called the Beacon, 
(Beacon Hill), there is one of the most 
beautiful views in the world. From it 
maybe seen the position which General 
Washington took when he seized the town 
and forced the English to abandon the 
country. I should have much liked not 
to have been so in haste to reach New- 
port that I might have visited the dif- 
ferent posts occupied by the English 
and by Washington, who, according to 
what all the Bostonians say, showed his 



I 



TRANSLATION 



2C9 



military genius on this occasion. From 
what the inhabitants told me, and from 
what they showed me from the Beacon, 
(Beacon Hill,) this is the conclusion I 
formedconcerning this operation. Boston 
is a peninsula surrounded by a number 
of islands of considerable extent. The 
Bostonians were blockaded in their port 
by an English squadron and by the 
English army on the side where the 
town is connected with the main land. 
Washington found means to post his 
troops and a part of his artillery upon a 
height from which it overlooked and 
swept the harbor. This position was so 
favorable to him that the English con- 
sented to withdraw on condition that he 
would not fire upon their squadron. 
With a much inferior force he gained 
this advantage. 

The town seems to me but thinly set- 
tled, and the inhabitants in a state of 
great inaction; no workmen in the port, 
either from negligence or want of 
means, but this inaction leads me to fear 
its usual consequence — a complete 
decay. 

Side Note. — Mr. Hancock and Doctor Couper, 
(Cooper), brought about the revolution in this 
country. 

The beacon is on elevated ground upon which 
a very high pole is set, on the top of which 
is a beacon which is lighted in case of sur- 
prise, and at this signal all the militia of the 
country rally. It can be seen from a very great 
distance. 

The town of Boston, like all English towns, 
is built of very small houses of brick or wood. 
They are extremely neat within. The inhabit- 
tants live absolutely in the English manner ; 
they seem to "be excellent people and very affa- 
ble. I was extremely well received on the 
few visits that I was able to make. A great 
deal of tea is drank in the morning. The din- 
ner, which is generally at two o'clock, consists 



of. a great quantity of meat. Very little bread 
is eaten. In the afternoon at five o'clock tea is 
again '.aken, Madeira wine and punch, this cere- 
mony lasting until ten o'clock, when they go again 
to table and take a supper somewhat less consid- 
erable than the dinner. At each meal the cloth is 
removed, the dessert is served and fruit is 
brought. On the whole, the greatest part of the 
lime is spent at table. 

May 8 — I left Boston for Newport. I 
slept at a distance of 15 miles and 
found at the inn where I stopped the 
same neatness as in the town. This 
is a habit of the country. Our inn- 
keeper was a captain, the several milita- 
ry grades being granted here to every 
rank of people. There are shoemakers 
who are Colonels ; it often happens that 
the Americans ask the French officers 
what their trade is in France, The 
country which I crossed in these 15 
miles is extremely wooded and very 
hilly. The farms on the way are sur- 
rounded by walls of stones which are 
placed one on another, or wooden fences. 
There is a large extent of pasture land. 

Side Note. — The country seemed to me great- 
ly to resemble that part of Normandy which is 
by the Bridge of d'Ouilly and at Conde on the 
Noireau. 

It is cut also by an infinite number of brooks 
and streams. 

May 9 — In the morning I left my 
resting place for Newport at a very early 
hour. The country seemed to me less 
wooded but as little improved as the 
town ; as a whole it is not inhabited. 
The villages are immense. They are 
bjme four or five miles in extent and 
even more and the houses scattered. I 
passed through Bristol which was for- 
merly quite a commercial town ; that 
was before the war, for it has felt this 
scourge severely. When the English 



2IO 



TRANSLATION 



withdrew they burned more than three- 
fourths of the houses and they have not 
yet been rebuilt. I at last crossed Bris- 
tol Ferry which separates Rhode Island 
from the Continent. The arm of the 
sea is about a mile wide. I am now ar- 
rived at Newport and propose to exam- 
ine the country with a little more care. 

Side Note. — Some of the villages appear to 
me to be from 15 to 20 miles long. 

I arrived at Newport the 9th May, 1781, as I 
have just said, and my first care, after having 
performed the duties which my service required) 
was to study the country in which I found my- 
self. 

Rhode Island is in its extreme length at most 
fifteen miles, and the widest part of the Island 
five. 

It must have been one of the most pleasing 
spots in the world before the war, since notwith- 
standing the disasters it has suffered, some of 
its houses destroyed, and all its woods cut down, 
the Island is still a charming residence. 

The Island is very much cut up, 
that is all the land belonging to the 
different proprietors is enclosed by 
walls of stones piled one upon an- 
other or by wooden fences. There are 
some farms in which barley and other 
grains grow admirably. Great quantities 
of Turkey grain, otherwise called maize, 
are grown here. There are, as in Nor- 
mandy, extensive orchards and the 
country bears about the same fruits as 
those of France. If it were cultivated 
as our provinces are the productions 
would be much greater, the soil being 
very good and the grass superb. It is 
cut by numerous small streams. The 
inhabitants are inactive and consequent- 
ly not laborious. 

Side Note. — The measure is here as well as on 
the Continent by miles as in England — three 
miles make a league. 



There is very little game on the Island, some 
partridge rather larger than our own, some sea 
fowl and birds of passage, but there are neither 
hare or rabbits nor wild beasts. The birds differ 
a little from our own — part of the wings of the 
black bird is red. There is a kind of heron the 
plumage of which is tinged with various blue — a 
bird which is called the Widow, the body of 
which as well as the breast is black, but the head 
of a very handsome yellow and a part of the 
wings of the same color. There are Cardinal 
birds of the same size as the black|,bird but al- 
most entirely red. The crows are of a smaller 
kind than ours. 

There are cows, pigs and sheep precisely as in 
France. There are also numbers of geese and 
turkeys of the same kind as our own ; the horses 
are generally quite good although in less variety 
than I had supposed, the English having intro- 
duced their breed here as well as on the main 
land. They are extremely dear, a horse which 
would be worth 20 louis in France, will here 
bring 40 or 50 at least. Their great merit is in 
being excellent leapers, being early trained. 
They have all the gait which we term the 
amble, of which it is extremely difBcult to break 
them. 

The coast of the Island abounds in fish. The 
cod is very abundant, some sturgeon, great 
quantities of mackerel, shad, black fish and 
many varieties of shell fish. 

I found the army in the best possible 
condition, very few sick and the troops 
in splendid order. 

The Island seemed to me to be so 
fortified that a landing was no way 
to be feared, at least if one should be 
made no ill result need be feared from 
it. 

Newport is the only town on the Is- 
land, there being besides but a few scat- 
tered buildings to which the name of 
farm houses is given. Three-fourths of 
these houses are small farms. 

There are but two streets of any conse- 
quence in the town. It is well built 



TRANSLATION 



211 



and quite pretty ; it must be quite com- 
mercial and therefore much more pros- 
perous before the war. 

The Fort is to the south west of the 
town and of considerable size. The 
troops encamped last year in front of 
the town to the south west ; the camp 
extends from the south east of the Town 
almost to the north of it. In front of 
the port to the south west of the town, a 
half a mile distant, is Goat Island, upon 
which there is a battery of eight pieces 
of twenty-four, which defend the en- 
trance to the Harbor ; to the south 
west of Goat Island the Brenton bat- 
tery of twelve pieces of twenty-four 
and four twelve inch mortars, the 
fire of which crosses that of the 
vessels in the harbor. The Brenton 
battery is a half mile from Goat 
Island. 

About three quarters of a mile to the 
north west of Goat Island is the Battery 
of Rose Island of twenty pieces of thir- 
ty-six and four mortars of twelve inches 
upon which the right of the vessels 
rests ; it defends not only the entrance 
of the Harbor but reaches every thing 
that might pass it. 

The Battery of Brenton's Point, of 
which I have just spoken, is about one 
and a quarter miles by sea to the south 
west of the town; all along the coast to the 
south west of Brenton's point there are 
several guard posts and some redoubts 
which also defend the entrance to the 
Harbor. To the north west of the town 
is Coasters Island where there is a bat- 
tery of three pieces of cannon. It is 
about three quarters of a mile from the 
town and a quarter from the coast. 
This battery commands that part of the 



entrenched camp which lies to the north 
of its position. 

There are several Guard posts scat- 
tered along the coasts with Redoubts at 
the places where it would be possible 
for an enemy to land, so that should a 
descent be effected the smallness of 
the Island would allow of the troops 
being moved in a very short time to 
its centre, there to defend themselves, 
and they would there have the ad- 
vantage of the entrenched camp, from 
which it would be, by reason of its 
situation, extremely difficult to dislodge 
them. 

As for the Harbor, it seemed to me 
from the position of batteries and the 
range of fire of our Vessels that if they 
were attacked it would be absolutely 
impossible for the enemy to force an 
entrance. The Plan of this Island 
which I attach to this Journal will ena- 
ble my readers to judge of our position 
much better than from the imperfect 
account I give of it. 

May 1 6 — The Count de Rochambeau 
learned that the English squadron had 
gone out from New York under the 
command of Arbuthnot. 

May 17 — It appeared before the 
channel about six leagues in the offing 
and came to anchor. It remained until 
the 26th, allowing the twenty-six trans- 
ports, ships which arrived from Boston, 
to come in on the 23d. During all this 
time we were in uncertainty as to 
whether our Squadron should go out or 
not, but the result of a Council of War, 
held on board of the Due de Bourgoyne, 
at which M. de Rochambeau was pres- 
ent, was that it should remain in the 
Harbor. 



212 



TRANSLATION 



OBSERVATIONS ON THE QUAKERS, THEIR 
RELIGION AND MODE OF LIFE 

Every one has some idea of the Anglican 
religion, and there are few who have not heard 
also of the Quakers. A large part of the town 
and even of the Island is inhabited by people of 
this sect. I have endeavored to inform myself 
concerning their customs ; here is what I have 
learned. 

They are people of extreme gravity in their 
dress as well as in their behavior. They are 
quiet, talk very laconically and are very frugal. 

The base of their religion consists in the fear 
of God and the love of their neighbor. 

It is also a matter of principle with them to 
take no part in war. They abhor all that may 
lead to the destruction of their brethren. 

For the same reason they refuse to take any 
part in the rejoicings for the success of a nation 
in war. 

By the same principle of love for their neigh- 
bor they will not suffer any slave in their com- 
munity, and the Quakers can hold no negroes, 
although there are few houses which have not 
one or more belonging to it according to its 
means. They even hold to be a duty to aid 
them. They are very charitable. They will 
never make oath, saying that the oath is in the 
heart of man and not in words. 

They also refuse to pay tithes, considering 
the demands made by the clergy as a usurpation 
which is not authorized by the Holy Writ. 

They meet in an edifice which they call their 
Temple, and there pass two consecutive hours 
in the most perfect silence, unless one or more 
of them believe themselves inspired. Then 
he upon whom grace is working rises, and tak- 
ing off his hat, gives way to his inspiration, and 
preaches to his brethren upon the subject with 
which he is so strongly penetrated. This dis- 
course sometimes lasts quite a long time, and it 
is easy to see from their countenance that there 
is passing, or that at least they believe there is 
passing within them, something extraordinary. 
Their sermons generally run upon the vanities 
of this world and their principles of religion. 
The women also speak when they feel them- 
selves inspired. There are sometimes meetings 



without any sermon, but at others Grace works 
more efficaciously and there is a number of 
preachers. They are all very devout in their 
meetings, and for nothing in the world would 
they speak to one another. 

JUNE 

June 9 — The Vicomte de Noailles 
who visited Boston out of curiosity re- 
turned and announced to the General 
the arrival of the convoy which left 
France some days before I did, but 
which had been at sea 80 days while I 
was only out 40 — as I was about naked 
not having been able to bring anything 
with me on the Frigate, and as we were 
at the point of entering on the cam- 
paign, I asked permission of M. de 
Rochambeau to go to Boston to refit, 
which he gave me, and an hour after I 
started. I slept at Warren, quite a 
pretty little village not more than eigh- 
teen miles from Newport on the main 
land. Several little merchant vessels 
were built there before the war; there 
were some even which had been begun 
but were left to rot. I was received at 
the inn by the keeper, one Mr. Millers, 
who is an officer in the service of the 
Congress, and by his brother who last 
year commanded all the militia of 
Rhode Island. These two men are 
about a third larger than M. Beaujon. 

June 10 — 1 left Warren at four o'clock 
in the morning quite anxious to reach 
Boston. I can hardly express my as- 
tonishment at the change which I found 
in the places I had passed hardly six 
weeks before, the landscape which 
seemed to me frightful had put on anew 
garb, the leaves had opened in the in- 
terval, the roads were entirely repaired, 
it seemed to me absolutely that I was in 



TRANSLATION 



213 



another country. The roads are almost 
all bordered with acacia trees which 
were at this time in flowers and spread 
a charming perfume, so that it was easier 
for me to imagine myself walking in a 
garden than as leading a life of adven- 
ture two thousand leagues away from 
all to whom I am attached. As I went 
my way dreaming I found myself near a 
church, a very handsome temple, at 
which men and women were arriving 
from all sides. My curiosity led me to tie 
my horse to a branch, and I went in. It 
was at Dagues.(?) This temple was quite 
pretty for a place so small. The minis- 
ter who was preaching was quite young, 
and as far as I could judge, his discourse 
turned on the misfortune of this war, on 
the necessity of sustaining it, and he 
urged his hearers to pray to the Supreme 
being to bring it to an end. I started 
again on my journey and arrived in 
good season at Boston where I learned 
that the greater part of the fleet were 
anchored at three leagues from the en- 
trance of the channel, but that the Louis 
Auguste, on which my servant was with 
all my baggage, had two days before 
while anchored at the same place, been 
driven by a frightful gale to put to sea, 
and that nothing had been since heard 
of her or several other vessels of 
the convoy which shared the same 
fate. It was in this lovely situation 
that I wrapped myself in my bed 
clothes. 

Side Note. — During this time one-half of the 
troops, that is to say the Regiments of Bour- 
bonnois and Royal Deux»Ponts, left Newport 
for Providence. M. de Choisy remained at 
Newport with 400 Infantry, 30 men from the 
artillery and 1000 of the militia of the country. 

The squadron also remained at Newport. 



Temples or churches are the places of wor- 
ship of the country. 

June II — Monday I spent a part of 
the day in going back and forth from my 
lodging to the Harbor and from the 
Harbor to my lodging in the hope of 
seeing the fleet come in, which, as I 
have said was anchored three leagues 
from the town, and of hearing some- 
thing of the vessel which interested me 
most particularly. At last at six o'clock 
in the evening I saw not only the fleet 
come in but also the Louis Auguste, 
which had rejoined it in the morning. 

Side Note. — The second division of the Army 
composed of the Regiments of Soissonnois and 
Saintonge, left Newport the same day for 
Providence. 

On the arrival of the fleet, the Stanislas, the 
Diane and Dawoot (Davoust) were missing, 

June 12 — My first care was to get my 
man from on board and look up my 
baggage. I found everything in good 
order. In the afternoon I took a stroll 
to Cambridge which is a little town 
three miles from Boston ; it is one of 
the prettiest places possible ; it is situ- 
ated on the bank of the river of Bos- 
ton in a charming place and its houses 
are perfectly beautiful. At one end of 
the town on a very extensive green, 
there is a college which takes the 
title of a university ; it is one of the 
finest in America, There are about one 
hundred and fifty scholars to whom 
Latin and Greek are taught. There 
is a library, which is both fine and 
extensive. This is a very interesting 
object in this country. There is also 
a Museum of Physics filled with the 
finest and best instruments. There 
is one of Natural History just be- 
gun in which there are already many 



214 



NOTES 



curious things, but which is not yet 
complete. I left Cambridge at half 
past seven in the evening delighted with 
what I had seen in a country still barbar- 
ous in its manners and its slight cultiva- 
tions. The night caught me at a mile 
or so from the town, and I was not a lit- 
tle surprised to see the two meadows 
on the sides of the road I was riding 
upon covered with sparks of fire extend- 
ing from the surface of the ground to 
from five or six feet above. I at first as- 
cribed it to the extreme heat of the last 
five days, but I hardly knew what to 
think, when all at once I saw some 
which seemed to come out of the road 
upon which I was. I saw them even 
on the ground and all around me. I got 
down suddenly from my horse to pick 
up one of these sparks which seemed to 
me so extraordinary, and I could not 
have been more astonished by anything 
than I was at finding in my hand a sort 
of fly which threw out a great light ; this 
insect is in this country called the fire- 
fly. They produce precisely the same 
effect as the shining and burning worms 
in France, except that they are in- 
numerable. When I reached Boston I 
spoke of what I had seen and was as- 
sured that nothing was more common. 

Side Note. — I have since seen them in many 
places. 

June 13 — In the morning, before leav- 
ing Boston, I went five miles from the 
town to see a place which had been de- 
scribed to me as interesting. This is a 
little town called Miltown (Milton), 
where there is a paper factory of consid- 
erable extent and two chocolate mills. 
The river which moves them forms above 
a sort of cascade which is quite pretty. 



The view from the top of the hill is also 
fine. 

June 14 — I left Boston, but before 
quitting this town which I may perhaps 
never be able to see again, I desired to 
make the acquaintance and at the same 
time take my leave of the fair sex. 
Twice a week there is a ladies' hall or 
school where the young ladies meet to 
dance from noon until two o'clock. I 
spent some moments there. I found the 
hall quite pretty, although the English 
on leaving the City had stolen or carried 
away some twenty mirrors which cer- 
tainly ornamented it. I found nearly 
all the women extremely handsome, but 
at the same time extremely awkward. 
It would be impossible to dance with 
less grace or to be worse dressed (al- 
though with a certain extravagance.) 



NOTES 



An ancient gold medal. — The 
medal, of which impressions are given, 
was formerly the property of Maria 
Farmer, whose descent is as follows : 

\st. Jacob Leisler came to America in 
1660 from Amsterdam. Married in 
1663 Elsie Tymens, step-daughter of 
Govert Loockermans, and widow of Pe- 
ter Vandeveer, was hanged, i6th May, 
1691. 

2d. Mary Leisler^ daughter of Jacob 
Leisler, baptized December 12, 1669. 
Married, ist, February, 1690, Jacob 
Milbourne, Secretary to Jacob Leisler ; 
2d, May, 1699, Abraham Gouveneur, 
born 1671. 

3^. Maria Gouverneur^ baptized July 
13, 1 7 12, was the daughter of Abraham 
Gouverneur and Mary Leisler his wife. 



NOTES 



215 




Inscription on Rim. 

Insig. Civi. Imperi. Novimag. The 
Insignia (or Arms) of the Imperial 
City of New Magdeburg (or of the 
New Imperial City) ? 

There is no date on either side of 
the Medal. 



^ 



■^ K 



Inscfiption on Rim. 

Termi. Posvis. Qvem. non. Trans- 
gredientvr. P. S. CIIII. 



" Thou hast set a bound that they 
" may not pass over. Psalm CIV." 
(9th verse, ist paragraph.) 



She married, ist, Henry Myer, Jr., son 
of Hendrick Myer and Wyntje Rhee, 
and, 2d, December 31, 1742, Jasper 
Farmer, merchant of New York. She 
died March, 1788, and was buried in 
Trinity Church, near the chancel, 
by the side of her deceased husband, 
Jasper Farmer. By her will, dated 
March 3, 1788, recorded in New York's 
Surrogate's office i8th March, 1788, Lib. 
40 of Wills, p. 96, she bequeaths the 
medal in the following words : '' Item — 
I give and bequeath unto Henry Rem- 
sen my large Gold Medal with the Im- 
perial Arms thereon." 

1st. Henry Remsen (here alluded to) 
was born April 5, 1736. He was of the 
firm of Henry Remsen. Jr., & Co., and 
was in business in Hanover Square, New 
York, in 1768. He died March 13, 1792. 



2d. Henry Remse?i, son of Henry 
Remsen, ist, was born November 7, 
1762. He was Private Secretary to 
Thomas Jefferson and President of the 
Manhattan Co., New York, from 1808 
to 1826. He died February 18, 1843. 

yi. William Ee??isen, son of Henry 
Remsen, 2d, was born in New York 
February 13, 1815. Mr. William Rem- 
sen states that the medal was given by 
his father to his, Henry's, sister Caro- 
line Remsen, and by her given to him 
some thirty-five years ago. 

The inference from the above seems 
to be that this medal descended from, 
or was given by, Jacob Leisler to his 
grand-daughter, Mrs. Jasper Farmer, 
was bequeathed by her to Henry Rem- 
sen, and descended from him to its 
present owner, Mr. William Remsen. It 



2l6 



NOTES 



seems probable that the medal was 
struck to commemorate some event in 
the history of the city of Madgeburg, 
perhaps its destruction by Marshal 
Tilly in 163 1, or perhaps the completion 
of the work on the Protestant religion, 
known as the Centuries of Magdebourg 

in 1559-74. 

October, 1879. Henry Remsen. 

Extracts from Will of Maria Farmer^ 
deceased (will dated 3d March, 1788. 
Recorded in New York Surrogate's Of- 
fice, 1 8th March, 1788, Lib. 40 of Wills, 
p. 96). 

Directs burial to be in Trinity Church, New 
York, near her deceased husband (Jasper Farm- 
er). Funeral to be conducted "according to 
" the ancient Dutch Custom and mode, at- 
" tended by a genuine Dutch Minister (if there 
" is one in town) ; also by all the Ministers of 
" the Church of England, also by the Rev. Dr. 
" Rogers and the assistant Minister of his church, 
" also by his Excellency the Minister of the 
" United Netherlands, also by the Governor of 
" this State and the Mayor of this City, and 
" also by Doctor Charlton, to all of whom I 
" desire that Scarfs and Gloves may be given, 
" as well as to my Pall Bearers ; and in order 
" that the procession may be conducted exactly 
" conformable to the old Dutch Custom, I de- 
" sire that the directions of leronymus Van Al- 
" stine be taken, he being perfectly acquainted 
" with the Discipline and Usages of the Re- 
" formed Dutch Church." 

Legacies are given to " My niece Hester 
" Gouverneur, Daughter of my brother Nicholas 
" Gouveneur, deed." To "the children of 
" my son Peter Farmer." "Item — I give to 
" Peter Goelet my Pair of Silver Candlesticks. 
" Item — I give to Jacobus Lefferts, Esquire, 
** my Ebony Tea Table. Item — I give to Thomas 
" Farmer my Silver Salver. Item — I give and 

bequeath turfo Henry Remsen my large Gold 

" Medal -with ihe Liipej-ial Arms thereon. Item — 

" I give and bequeath to my son Peter Farmer, 

' son of my deceased husband, my Diamond 



" mourning ring, which I had made in memory 
" of his father, and 25£ in cash to purchase 
" mourning suits for himself and wife. Item — 
" A christal ring to wife of Peter Farmer. 
" Item — To Jasper Farmer, son of Peter Farm- 
" er, my Silver Tankard marked M.G. Item — 
" To George Farmer my silver stand and Cas- 
" ters. Item — to Anne Farmer, Daughter of 
" Peter Farmer, two of my Gold stay Buckles. 
" Item — to Elizabeth Farmer, daughter of Peter 
" Farmer, my silver Milk Pot, shaped like a 
" cow. Item — To Samuel Farmer, son of Pe- 
" ter, my small Silver Tankard. Item — To 
" David Provost my silver Tea Kettle and 
" stand. Item," &c. &c. &c. 

Peter Goelet, Jacobus Lefferts, Es- 
quire, and Gerard Walton of the City 
of New York, and Thomas Farmer of 
the State of New Jersey appointed Ex- 
ecutors. Thomas Farmer alone quali- 
fied. H. R. 



North American Indians. — Dr. 
Edward Bartholomew Bancroft, an em- 
inent man of science, and a friend of 
Dr. Franklin, Silas Deane and other pa- 
triots of the Revolution, published, in 
1770, Lond., ''The History of Charles 
Wentworth ; " an exceedingly curious 
work in some respects. The following 
note is found in Vol. III., p. 54. 

New York. C. M. S. 

'' I shall subjoin a fact to which I was 
myself an eye witness. At Colonel Bo- 
quet's expedition against the Ohio In- 
dians, in 1764, when, by the conditions 
of peace, they were obliged to restore 
their captives, many among them con- 
sidered their return to their friends and 
countrymen as a new captivity; and not 
only parted from the savages with re- 
luctance, but with tears. The Shawanese 
found it necessary to bind several of 
their prisoners and force them to the 



NOTES 



camp; and several women who had been 
delivered up afterwards found means to 
escape to the Indian town ; and others 
who could not effect this clung to their 
savage friends, refusing to part, and 
continued many days, making the bit- 
terest lamentations, and refusing all sus- 
tenance. Nor did the Indians in their 
turn discover less affection for their de- 
parting captives, whom they delivered 
up with the utmost reluctance and tor- 
rents of tears, visiting them daily during 
their stay in camp, and presenting them 
with corn, meat, skins, horses, and every- 
thing besides that they could possibly 
spare. They also did more ; they even 
solicited and obtained leave to accom- 
pany them on their return home with 
the army, and employed themselves in 
hunting and bringing provisions for them 
on the roads ; and a young Indian of 
the Mingo tribe, having formed an at- 
tachment to a female captive belonging 
to Virginia, and been permitted to call 
her his wife, gave an instance of love 
that appears romantic ; for against all 
remonstrances of the imminent danger 
of his approaching the frontiers of our 
colonies, he persisted in following her, 
at the risk of being murdered by the 
surviving relations of many unfortunate 
persons who had been scalped or capti- 
vated by the warriors of his nation. 'Tis 
certain the ferocity of these savages is 
terrible in war ; but in peace their kind- 
ness and humanity are virtues worthy of 
imitation by those who glory in Chris- 
tianity and civilization. When either 
affection or caprice determines them to 
give life to a prisoner, they give every- 
thing which, in their opinion, belongs 
to it ; he is at once incorporated with 



them, and is in every respect treated like 
themselves ; the infants are adopted by 
some among them, and treated like chil- 
dren of their own body; and no woman 
thus saved is reserved from base motives, 
or her honor ever violated." 



A NICARAGUA CANAL PROPOSED IN 

1586. — The following reference to a 
Nicaragua Canal is found in the fourth 
volume of " Purchas his Pilgrimes," 
Book VII., Chapter XI., page 1,433. I^ 
is contained in " The Historie of Lopez 
Vaz a Portugal [/. ^., a Portuguese] 
{taken by Capitaine Withrington, at the 
Riuer of Plate, Anno, 1586, with the 
Discourse about him " :) 

*' I doe verily beleeue that if this 
Land were now the ancient Romans^ or 
else the Egyptians^ they would surely 
make a channell from the end of this 
River de Carinas (which issue th from 
the Lake of Nicaragua) to the South 
Sea, for that there is no more but foure 
leagues betweene the Sea and the Riuer, 
so that they might Trade to the Moluc- 
cas^ and to the Coast of Chi?ta, so would 
it be sooner and easier done then the 
long and troublesome Voyages of the 
FortugalSy and sooner made, then to goe 
through the Straits oi Magellafi j which 
is almost impossible to passe thorow." 

Boston. Samuel A. Green. 



Poetry of the revolution. — The 
following lines were picked up on the 
Mall (so called) in front of Trinity 
Church-yard, New York, during the 
British occupation of the city in 1779, 
and excited strong feelings of resent- 
ment among the British officers. They 
were long afterwards found to have 



2l8 



NOTES 



been written by Miss Hannah Lawrence, 
afterwai-<as the wife of Jacob Schieffelin : 

On the puii;ose to which the Avenu adjoin- 
ing Trinity Chu^^ch has of late been dedicated. 

This is the scene of gay resort, 
Here Vice and Folly hold their court, 
Here all the Martial band parade, 
To vanquish — some unguarded Maid. 
Here ambles many a dauntless chief 
Who can — oh great ! beyond belief, 
Who can — as sage Historians say, 
Defeat — whole bottles in array ! 

Heavens ! shall a mean, inglorious train, 
The mansions of our dead profane ? 
A herd of undistinguish'd things. 
That shrink beneath the power of Kings ! 

Sons of the brave immortal band 
Who led fair Freedom to this land, 
Say — shall a lawless race presume 
To violate the sacred Tomb ? 
And calmly, you, the insult bear — 
Even wildest rage were virtue here. 

Shades of our Sires, indignant rise, 
Oh arm ! to vengeance, arm the skies. 
Oh rise ! for no degenerate son 

Bids impious blood the guilt atone, 
By thunder from the ethereal plains. 
Avenge your own dishonored Manes, 
And guardian lightnings flash around, 
And vindicate the hallow'd ground ! 

R. L. SCHIEFELIN. 



General john hardin. — I take oc- 
casion to congratulate the Magazine up- 
on having such a brilliant contributor 
in Ellen Hardin Walworth. Her ar- 
ticle, " The Battle of Buena Vista," in 
December number, in my judgment, 
places her in the front rank of writers 
for a historical magazine. The circum- 
stantial accuracy, ornate style and flow- 
ing periods are a constant source of 
pleasure to the reader of her mono- 



graph. Here is a little reminiscence of 
her grandfather. General John Hardin. 
I found it not long since in a semi-politi- 
cal letter from General Wilkinson. Gen- 
eral Wilkinson, familiarly known to all 
historical readers by his " Memoirs," was 
originally a Marylander. I believe, how- 
ever, he went to Philadelphia to pursue 
his studies,and there joined as a volunteer 
Col. William Thompson's Pennsylvania 
rifle regiment, which entered the trench- 
es at Cambridge about August 9, 1775 ; 
soon taking rank as the first regiment of 
the Continental Line. Thompson was 
made a Brigadier on the ist of March, 
1776, and ordered to Canada ; and we 
next hear of Wilkinson's energy in sav- 
ing Arnold's com.mand with de Haas' 
Pennsylvania battalion from capture by 
Carleton. In January, 1777, General 
Washington appointed him Lieut.-Colo- 
nel of Col. Thomas Hartley's additional 
regiment, which appointment, however, 
he resigned April 9, 1777, to accept po- 
sition as one of the Adjutant-Generals 
of Pennsylvania. The same astute and 
financially powerful clique at Philadel- 
phia, Robert Morris, Blair McClanachan, 
the Irvines, John, Matthew and Thomas, 
etc., that sent General John Armstrong, 
Sr., and his able brigade Major, Morgan 
Conner, to South Carolina to manage 
matters there, sent General James W^il- 
kinson, the Adjutant-General of Penn- 
sylvania, uj) to act as Adjutant for Gen- 
eral Gates, a further reason, by the way, 
why Pennsylvania should have been in- 
cluded in Mr. Curtis' roll-call of States 
at Saratoga. 

To come back, however, to General 
Hardin, the latter was First Lieutenant 
of Van Sucaringen's Eighth Pennsyl- 



NOTES 



19 



vania, detailed into Morgan's rifle com- 
mand. After the war in 1784 he ran for 
sheriff of Fayette county, and came out 
second best; the constitution at that 
time allowing the people to choose two 
for the office of sheriff, either of whom 
could be commissioned by the Council. 

Thereupon General Wilkinson writes 
to President Dickinson (after resigning 
his position as Brigadier and Adjutant- 
General) : 

" On the present return of the elec- 
tion for Fayette County Major John 
Hardin stands second for the Sher- 
iff's office : permit me briefly to state to 
your Excellency this man's merit with- 
out detracting from that of his competi- 
tor. Mr. Hardin served in the alert of 
the army under the Generals (then Col- 
onels) Morgan and Butler in the North- 
ern Campaign, 1777. His rank was that 
of a Lieutenant, and I can, as the Adju- 
tant General of the army under General 
Gates, assert that he was exposed to 
more danger, encountered greater fa- 
tigue and performed more real service 
than any other officer of his station : 
with parties never exceeding twenty 
men, he in the course of the Campaign 
n\ade upwards of sixty prisoners, and 
at a personal encounter in the rear of 
th.^ enemy's position he killed a Mohawk 
exi^ress, and brought dispatches which 
he was conveying from General Bur- 
goyne to the commanding officer at Ti- 
conderoga, with the loss only of a lock 
of hair, which the Indian's fire carried 
away. It is sufficient for me. Sir, to tes- 
tify his merits, the justice which char- 
acterizes your administration will do the 
rest." 

According to a note in Wilkinson's 



Memoirs, General John Hardin was 
murdered by the Indians near Sandusky, 
Ohio, in 1791. 

Belief onte, Penn. John B. Linn. 

A HERO OF QUEBEC. — Died June, 
1807, at Ford, County of Northumber- 
land, England, aged 85 years, Robert 
Sanderson, who was orderly sergeant to 
General Wolfe at the memorable attack 
on Quebec, and the person represented 
in the print as supporting the British 
general after he had received his mortal 
wound. — Gentleman s Magazine^ 77, p. 
684. W. K. 



The bailey medal. — This medal, 
struck by Tiffany & Co., and endowed 
by the friends of the late Admiral in 
memory of his services, especially in 
leading up the van of Admiral Farragut's 
fleet in the little (3) gunboat Cayuga, 
and taking the surrender of New Or- 
leans has been recently conferred for 
the first time by Captain T. P. Luce, 
commander of the U. S. training ship 
Minnesota, on ordinary seaman T. M. 
Johnson, for the highest merit as a grad- 
uating apprentice. Editor. 



The tappan Indians. — I have read 
with interest the notice of the Seventy- 
six House, Tappan. In it is said that 
the word Tappan is derived from the 
Delaware word Tappanne^ meaning "cold 
stieam." I have always understood the 
meaning to be " clear water." Perhaps 
some Indian scholar may decide. There 
are still some remains of the burial 
places of this tribe in the neighborhood 
of the village. It is on a clearing in the 
Green woods, and is to this day known 



220 



QUERIES 



among the inhabitants of the locality by 
the name of the wild man's burial place; 
in the Dutch dialect, " Wildermann s 
Kerche Yard'' A sketch of this tribe 
would interest many of your readers. 
Tappan. J. J. S. 



QUERIES 

New YORK Genealogy. — Who were 
the father and mother and more remote 
ancestors of Gov. Petrus Stuyvesant, 
who came from Holland in 1647 ? 

What was the ancestry of Nicholas 
Bayard, whose widow, a sister of Gov. 
Petrus Stuyvesant, brought to America 
her sons Baltazer, Peter and Nicholas ? 

What was the parentage of Govert 
Lockerman, whose daughter, Anna 
Marika, married Baltazer Bayard, and 
whether Anna Marika was the daughter 
of the first or second wife of Locker- 
man ; one of the wives having been a 
daughter of Anneje Jans? 

What was the parentage of Oliver 
Stephens Van Cortlandt, who came from 
Holland in 1638, as Secretary to Gov. 
Kief, and married Ann Lockerman } 

What was the parentage of Catharine 
Von Brug, wife of Philip Livingston and 
mother of Gov. William Livingston of 
New Jersey ; and how she was related 
to Carl Von Brugge, Lieutenant-Gov- 
ernor of the New Netherlands in 1648 ? 

What was the parentage of Margeret 
Hardenbrook, wife of Frederick Phil- 
ips, whose daughter Eve married Jaco- 
bus Van Cortlandt ? 

What was the parentage of Lieutenant- 
Governor Brockholst of New York, 
whose daughter Susan married Philip 
Prench; their daughter, Susan French, 



being the wife of Gov. William Livings- 
ton ? J. 

An author's name. — Who is the 
author of the following lines ? 
" That he's like a palm-tree, may well be said. 
Having ever a cluster of dates in his head.'* 

Alleghany, Pa. I. C. 



Appleby. — Arthur St. Clair, in a let- 
ter to Governor Penn, dated Ligonier, 
August 25th, 1674, says: "This mo- 
ment I have heard from Pittsburgh, that 
Mr Speare and Mr. Butler's goods that 
were going to Appleby, are seized,'* etc. 
* * * " It will oblige me to put off 
my journey to Appleby." Where was 
Appleby ? I. C. 

Alleghany, Pa. 



Secretary burnet. — Who was 
'' Robert Burnet, Esq., Secretary to Nova 
Cesarea, or New Jersey in America," and 
so appointed in May, 1733, v. Gentle- 
mans Magazine. Robert Burnett, one 
of the twenty-four proprietaries of East 
Jersey, and who died in 17 14, had a son, 
and also a grandson, named Robert, the 
latter the son of John. Was the Secre- 
tary either of these, and what may be 
known of him .> T. H. M. 



Casselii Dissert, de frisonum nav- 
igatione in Americane. — Has it ever 
been translated into English, or is the 
original work of Casselius in any library in 
this city t Johannes Cassel was born at 
Gottingen in 1533, and died in 1613. 
He was a professor of philosophy, etc., 
at Rostock, and his works were printed 
in octavo at Frankfort, in 1687. 

W. H. 



QUERIES 



221 



Indiana. — In the Pennsylvania Pack- 
et of February 5th, 1780, the following 
advertisement appeared : " The Propri- 
etors of Indiana are requested to be 
punctual in meeting, agreeable to their 
adjournment, at the Indian Queen Tav- 
ern in Philadelphia, on the first Monday 
in February, at four o'clock, i\ M. Per 
order, David Franks, President." 

Where was Indiana located in 1780, 
and did not this company originate the 
name now applied to a State ? 

Market Street. 



Has the account an historical basis? 
It has a mythical look. W. H. 



An extraordinary military re- 
cord. — The following scrap, in a lady's 
handwriting, was copied from " we 
know not what original " • 

" During the American war, 80 old 
German soldiers, who, after having long 
served under different monarchs in 
Europe, had retired to America, and had 
converted their swords into plough- 
shares, voluntarily formed themselves 
into a company and distinguished them- 
selves in various actions, in the cause of 
independence. The captain was nearly 
a hundred years old, had been in the 
army 40 years and present in 17 battles. 
The drummer was 94, and the youngest 
man in the corps on the verge of 70. 
Instead of a cockade, each man wore a 
piece of black crape as a mark of sorrow 
for being obliged, at so advanced a pe- 
riod of life, to bear arms. * But,' said 
the veteran, ' we should be deficient in 
gratitude if we did not act in defence 
of a country which has afforded us a 
generous asylum, and protected us from 
tyranny and oppression !' Such a band 
of soldiers never before, perhaps, ap- 
peared on a field of battle." 



Aaron Wright's journal. — Some 
years since there appeared in the Histor- 
ical Magazine (Dawson's) a notice of 
this journal. The journal was copied 
in part in the note. Aaron Wright was 
a sergeant or private in Col. Wm. 
Thompson's Pennsylvania Rifle Regi- 
ment from Northumberland. Can any 
one of your readers give me any infor- 
mation as to this journal, or tell me in 
what number of the magazine the notice 
appeared or whose were the initials to 
the notice? J. B. L. 

Belief onte., Pa. 



KosciuszKo's early military ca- 
reer. — Could any of the readers of this 
Magazine enlighten a countryman of 
Thaddeus Koscuiszko, engaged upon a 
biography of that Polish hero, concern- 
ing the following facts in Kosciuszko's 
American life, or point out the books 
and documents wherein the desired an- 
swer may be found ? Why was Kos- 
ciuszko, a young man who had arrived 
in America without important recom- 
mendations, previous fame or rank, sud- 
denly appointed a Colonel of Engineers, 
and entrusted with the important 
position of Engineer upon General 
Gates' Staff ? Did he give any proof of 
engineering skill at the defence of New 
York in September and October, 1776 ? 
Where did he serve in 1779, after leav- 
ing West Point and before joining Gen- 
eral Greene's army in North Carolina ? 
Is there any truth in the statement of 
his French and German biographers 
that he assisted Generals Sullivan, 



222 



QUERIES 



Greene, Lafayette and Count d'Estaign 
during their Rhode Island campaign, or 
had been wounded in the American ser- 
vice, or took part in the seige of York- 
town, while no biographer of General 
Greene mentions his ever having left the 
Southern army in 1781 ? An answer to 
any of the above questions would 
greatly oblige Kosciuszko's 

Polish Biographer. 



BOISANTIER, BISHOP OF GALLIPOLIS, 

OHIO. — A person of this name, a canon 
of St. Denis, was made bishop about 
1789 or 1790. Any information relating 
to him would be acceptable. I. C. 

Alleghany^ Fa. 



The HAMILTON FAMILY. — While pe- 
rusing a quaint old volume at a friend's 
house in Bermuda, entitled ''A Natural 
History of Nevis, by the Rev. William 
Smith," printed at Cambridge, England, 
in 1745, I was struck with the name of 
Hamilton as borne by residents of that 
small island ; and it occurred to me 
that perhaps they were connected in 
some way with the celebrated Colonel 
Alexander Hamilton so often mentioned 
by American writers. 

I copy the references : page iii, "An 
intimate acqaintance of mine at Nevis, 
one Mr. Archibald Hamilton, went for 
his liealth's sake to Boston, the Metrop- 
olis of New England, and at his return 
back gave me a very particular account 
of that flourishing British Province ;" 
page 113, "When Mr. Hamilton was in 
New England (/. <f., in 1717 or therea- 
bouts), it was currently reported, and 
universally believed, that the Person 
who cut off King Charles the First's 



Head, died there then, he owning it 
upon his Death-bed, but not before." 
On page 214, a commission issued April 
16, 1 7 16, by Walter Hamilton, Gov- 
ernor of the Leeward Islands. 

What relation, if any, were these gen- 
tlemen to the distinguished American } 
Bermoothes. 

Weems' WASHINGTON. — Can any one 
give me any account of the 4th, 5th, or 
6th Editions of Weems' Life of Wash- 
ington ? Also, can any one verify the 
statement made in Hough's Washing- 
tonia that two Editions of the work were 
printed in the lifetime of Washington ? 

BiBLIOS. 

Machias. — This is a singular name, 
and I do not find it used anywhere ex- 
cept in connection with Maine. Will 
some one of your contributors, learned 
in the Indian tongues, give an explana- 
tion ? OUTIS. 

NoRUMBEGA. — Last summer, when 
on the Maine coast, I inquired in vain 
of the Indians for some information re- 
specting " Norumbega," or " Noram- 
begu." Aged Penobscot Indians did 
not know the word. Will some one 
give its origin ? Is it an Indian word ? 
It first appears on the Verrazano Map as 
"Aranbega." Vetromille's definition is 
not satisfactory. Who will reply ? 

Cutis. 



Anneke JANS. — Is it true that the 
Anneke Jans heirs are descended from 
King William IV. of Holland ? It has 
been so stated. C. H. B. 

Philadelphia. 



QUERIES 



223 



The AMERICAN FLAG. — Is there an 
autograph copy of Jas. Rodman Drake's 
^'American Flag " in existence ? Has a 
Jac simile of the author's autograph of it 
ever been published, and if so, where 
can one be obtained ? 

Do you know of an autograph copy, 
ox fac simile of one, of Geo. P. Morris's 
"Flagof Our Union?" 

Should any of your readers know of 
such autographs, will you please ask 
them to communicate with me direct as 
well as answer in your Magazine ? 

The object I have in view is to give 
these songs in autograph in the new edi- 
tion of my History of the American 
Flag, etc., for which I have secured 
autographs of " Hail Columbia," " The 
Star Spangled Banner," " Red, White 
and Blue," "The Blue and the Gray," 
'* America," " God Save the Presi- 
dent," "Battle Hymn of the Re- 
public," etc., etc. I only need the 
"American Flag " and " Flag of our 
Union " to complete the series of na- 
tional and patriotic songs in the auto- 
graphs of their authors. 

Geo. Henry Preble. 

Brookline^ Mass., Jan. 28, 1880. 



A NEW SONG. — The following verses, 
with their title, have been copied from 
an ancient looking manuscript memoran- 
dum, and are offered to these columns 
with the query, whether they have ever 
before been in print ? Their theme is 
the famous "Tea Party" exploit of 
Boston at the outbreak of the Revolu- 
tion, and they were evidently composed, 
and not without poetic merit, under the 
fresh inspiration of that bold and sig- 
nificant historic act : 



(I.) 
" As near bounteous Boston lying, 
On the gently swelling flood, 
Without Jack or pendant flying, 
Three ill-fated Tea ships rode, 

(2.) 
Just as glorious Sol was setting, 
On. the wharf a numerous crew, 
Sons of freedom, fear forgetting, 
Suddenly appeared in view. 

(3.) 
Armed with hammer, axe and chisels, 
Weapons new for warlike deeds, 
Towards the herbage-freighted vessels 
They approached with dreadful speed. 

(4.) 
O'er their heads aloft»in mid-sky 
Three bright. Angel forms were seen— 
This was Hampden, that'was Sidney, 
With fair Liberty between. 

(5.) 
'Soon,* they cried, * your foes you'll banish, 
Soon the triumph shall be won ; 
Scarce shall setting Phoebus vanish 
Ere the deathless deed be done.' 

(6.) 
Quick as thought the ships were boarded, 
Hatches burst and chests displayed, 
Axes, hammers, help afforded, 
What a mighty crash they made ! 

(7.) 
Squash into the deep descended 
Cursed weed of China's coast. 
Thus, at once, our fears were ended — 
British rights shall ne'er be lost. 

(8.) 
Captains, once more hoist your streamers. 
Spread your sails and plough the wave ; 
Tell your Masters they were dreamers, 
When they thought to cheat the brave." 

W. H. 



NoTB. — We call attention to the significant absence of 
any mention of Indian costume as being worn by the 
men who destroyed the tea. On this subject, see the ac- 
count by a participant, published in the Magazine (I, 
590), October, 1877. Editor. 



224 



QUERIES 



A WASH 1-GTON RELIC. — There was 
exhibited in the office of the Boston 
Traveller, in January, 183 1, a silver 
snuff box, in, weight equivalent to about 
four dollars and a quarter, of an oblong 
form, which was personally presented 
by Gen. Washington to the last chief of 
the Oneida tribe of Indians, whom it 
will be remembered remained true to the 
cause of liberty. On the lid was the 
following inscription beautifully en- 
graved : 

"This Box 

was the gift of 

Gen. George Washington, 

TO 

Shenandoah, 
Last Chief of the Oneidas 
1784." 
By some strange process it seems after- 
wards to have become the property of 
the town of Manlius, N. Y., for on the 
back of the box was engraved : 
" The Trustees of the Village of 
Manlivs 

TO 

H. C. De Boies Esq. 
Dec. 20, 1828." 

Two years later the owner of the box, 
having met with some reverses of for- 
tune, was obliged to leave it in pledge 
for a small sum of money borrowed in 
Boston. It was afterwards sold to a 
young gentleman of that city. 

Does this interesting relic exist, and 
how did it become the property of the 
town of Manlius ? Petersfield. 



sons in the Louisburg campaign, or be- 
cause of the reputation of the eastern 
colony for shipbuilding, gave orders to 
Admiral Peter Warren to build four 
ships of war in New England, two of 
twenty-four and two of forty-four guns. 
The Admiral consulted with Sir William 
Pepperell, under whose direction the 
vessels were built. One of these vessels 
was loaded with spars and naval stores 
and sent to London under convoy, hav- 
ing only one tier of guns mounted. This 
ship (according to Parsons, Pepperell's 
biographer) was called the America, and 
was esteemed one of the best frigates in 
the British navy. 

What was the fate of the America ? 
and what the names of the other three 
vessels ordered to be built in New- 
England ? Parsons does not state. 

The America was launched on the 4th 
May, 1749, At what port? 

Kittery. 

The bowerie. — Can any of your 
readers give me the origin of this name 
and its true spelling.? It is variously 
claimed to mean a farm, a shaded lane, 
and to be of Dutch and English deriva- 
tion. Saint Marks. 

The salutation inn. — Sewall speaks 
of the death, Sept. 28, 1685, of one Ed- 
ward Grove, who kept the Salutation. 
Where was this inn ? Boston. 



British frigate America. — In the 
spring of 1746 the land commissioners 
of the Admiralty, either as reward to 
New England fo*- the services of her 



The skip America. — Samuel Sewall, 
in his diary, speaks of going aboard 
the America (Aug. 23, 1689) with Mr. 
Walker and Mr. Brattle. What vessel 
was this ? 

Boston. 



REPLIES 



225 



REPLIES. 

Arnold not a freemason. — (III., 
761.) That Benedict Arnold was a Free- 
mason admits of no doubt. In the 
book kept by the Masonic Lodge in 
New York City, just previous to the 
Revolution, for the signatures of brother 
Masons visiting the lodge, there appear 
the names (written in their own hands) 
of Sir John Johnson and Benedict 
Arnold, both, it would appear, having 
visited the lodge the same evening. 
Across the signature of Arnold some 
one has drawn a line — probably to ex- 
press contempt for his treason. The 
book containing these interesting signa- 
tures may yet be seen among the archives 
at the Masonic Temple in New York 
City. At least it was in existence a few 
years since, when I visited the Temple 
for the purpose of verifying, by personal 
observation, that which I had heard of 
by rumor. Sir John Johnson, by the 
way, was the last Colonial Grand Master 
of New York State. Wm. L. S. 

Jersey City Heights. 

Arnold a freemason. — (III., 761,) 
H. E. H., in reply to S. H. Shreve (III., 
578,) is entirely wrong ; Benedict Ar- 
nold was a Freemason. Lossing, in a 
note in his Field Book of the Revolution, 
II., 231, says, *'It is asserted that all of 
the Major-Generals of the Revolution- 
ary Army were Master Masons, except 
one, ' the lost Pleiad ' — Benedict Ar- 
nold. It is a mistake. Arnold was a 
member in good standing in a lodge in 
Connecticut." 

The Hartford (Conn.) Times of Dec. 
i8th, 1841, published the following, 
copied from the New Haven Herald : 



"An old book has accidentally fallen 
into our possession, which proves to be 
the Records of a Masonic Lodge held in 
this city, the first entry in which is the 
following : * A Lodge of Free and Ac- 
cepted Masons, held at the Fountain 
Inn, in New Haven, i8th April, 1765. 

Present: R. W. Nathan Whiting, 
Master. 

George Miles, S. W. 

Andrew Burr, J. W. 

Br. John Hotchkiss, Treasurer. 

Br. Timothy Jones, Secretary. 

Br. Robert Brown. 

Br. Buckminster Brintnall. 

Br. Benedict Arnold, V. B 

Br. Christopher Killey. 

Br. Benedict Arnold is by R. W. pro- 
posed to be made a member of the R. 
W. Lodge of Free and Accepted Ma- 
sons ; accordingly was balloted for and 
accepted, and is accordingly a member. 
Expenses for the evening, ;^i, os, od.'" 

The name of the lodge is not men- 
tioned in this meagre extract, but it is 
supplied in an historical sketch of Hiram 
Lodge, No I, New Haven, by Francois 
Turner, W. M., published in the Freema- 
son's Monthly Magazine, Dec. i, 1850, 
from which the following extract is taken: 

" In 1765, Nathan Whiting was again 
W. M. ; George Mills, S. W. ; Andrew 
Burr, J. W. ; and Timothy Jones, Sec- 
retary. On the 1 6th of April, Brother 
Benedict Arnold, then * a good man and 
true,' as may be inferred from the fact 
that he was proposed for membership 
by the R. W. Master himself, and was 
admitted a member of this Lodge. His 
name appears frequently on the record 
as present at the regular meetings, until 
about 1772." 



226 



REPLIES 



It will be observed that there is a dis- 
crepancy in the extracts as to the date 
on which Arnold was admitted to mem- 
bership in Hiram Lodge : one says i8th, 
and the other the i6th of April, 1765 ; 
this is, no doubt, the result of a typo- 
graphical error. 

During the Anti-Masonic excitement 
which followed the abduction and mur- 
der of William Morgan, by some mem- 
bers of the Masonic fraternity, it was 
charged that Col. Jamison's singular 
conduct in informing Arnold of the cap- 
ture of Andre was in pursuance of his 
Masonic obligation to apprize a brother 
of all approaching danger. I am re- 
minded of this by the publication of 
the Tallmadge-Sparks' correspondence 
(III., 747-756), which seems to corrob- 
orate the charge. I. C. 

Alleghany, Fa. 



— (III., 578-761.) In answer to the 
Reply of H. E. H., expressing the gen- 
eral belief that Arnold was not a Mason, 
I submit the following evidence that he 
was : 

In the '%y-laws of Hiram Lodge, No. 
I, Free and Accepted Masons, New Ha- 
ven, Conn., published by the ledge in 
1876, containing the names of members 
and dates of admission, from its organ- 
ization in 1750 to 1876," I find on page 
19 the following entry: "Arnold, Ben- 
edict .... April 10, 1765." 

Gen'l David Wooster was Master of 
this lodge from 1750 to 1762. 

It is to be presumed that the compiler 
of this volume of 88 pages, published 
by order and under the sanction of the 
lodge, knew from the records who had 
been members thereof and if Arnold 



was a " member " he must have been by 
the members recognized as a Mason. 
But, through the courtesy of Br. John 
R. Hutchinson, Masonic editor of Loo- 
mis' Musical and Masonic Journal, 
published at New Haven, I am furnish- 
ed with the following extract from the 
Lodge records : 

'' At a Lodge of Free and Accepted 
Masons held at the Fountain Tavern in 
New Haven, loth April, 1765, R. W. 
Nathan Whiting, Master [he was the 
successor to Gen. Wooster, the first 
Master, and elected in 1762]. . . . 
Brother Benedict Arnold is by R. W. 
proposed to be made a member of this 
R. W. Lodge of Free and Accepted 
Masons, accordingly he was ballotted 
for and accepted, and is accordingly 
made a member in this lodge." 

The . . . above represents the 
list of officers and members, and among 
i\\Qvci present IS the name of '^Benedict 
Arnold, V. Br.," which means Visiting 
Brother. 

I have been unable to learn when and 
in what lodge he was "made a Mason," 
but he must have been duly " initiated " 
into the mysteries of the Craft, to have 
been 'Snade a member" of so orthodox 
a lodge, presided over by such worthies 
as Gen'l Bros. Wooster and Whiting. 
T. S. Parvin, 
Gd. Sec'y, Gd. Lodge, Iowa. 

Iowa City. 



An affair of honor. — (IV., 53.) 
An error occurred in the setting up of the 
correspondence concerning the letters 
which passed between Mr. Benton and 
Webster. On page 54 the note of Wm. 
Inman is printed as addressed to Charles 



REPLIES 



227 



"Henry Hart. The manner in which the 
paper came into the hands of this gen- 
tleman, who contributed it to the 
Magazine, is explained in his prelim- 
inary note on the preceding page. 

Editor. 

Robinson's home in the highlands. 
— (IV., 109.) There is a slip of the pen 
in the article on Robinson's House, 
whereby the author has made one man 
out of two. John Robinson, the Presi- 
dent of Virginia, held office only for a 
few days, and died in 1749. John 
Robinson, elected Speaker in 1758, was 
one of his sons, who are said to have 
been ten in number, and one of the 
brothers of Col. Beverley Robinson. 
Beverley R. Betts. 

Columbia College^ N. Y, 

Therogerenes. — (IV., 68.) 'Teters- 
field," in the ''Queries" of this Magazine 
for January, 1880, asks for information 
** in regard to a queer sect, known as the 
Rogerenes." In reply I send you the 
following extracts from the '* History of 
New London," by Frances Manwaring 
Caulkins. " New London : published by 
the author, i860." G. W. C. 

Staten Island. 

** A great source of annoyance during 
the ministry of the Rev. Mather Byles 
(ordained Nov. 18, 1757) was the fre- 
quent interruption of the Sabbath ser- 
vice by the Quakers. By this term is 
understood the followers of John Rog- 
ers (sometimes called ' Rogerene Bap- 
tists,' as coinciding in their mode of 
baptism with the Baptist denomination), 
of whom for about thirty years after the 
death of their founder, very little is 



known. * We were not molested as at 
first,' observes one of their writers, and 
the reason is evident, and they had re- 
frained from molesting the worship of 
others. In the year 1764 their former 
spirit revived, and they began to issue 
forth, as of old, on Sundays to testify 
against what they called idolatry. * * 

* This outbreak lasted in its vehe- 
mence only a year and a half. John Rog- 
ers third, grandson of the founder of 
the sect, has left a minute account of it 
in the form of a diary, which was printed 
with the following title : 

* A looking-glass for the Presbyterians 
of New London ; to see their worship 
and worshippers weighed in the balance 
and found wanting. With a true ac- 
count of what the people called Roger- 
enes have suffered in that town, from 
the loth of June, 1764, to the 13th of 
December, 1766.' 

Who suffered for testifying — 

* That it was contrary to Scripture for 
ministers to preach the Gospel for hire. 

' That the first day of the week was 
no Sabbath by God's appointment. 

' That sprinkling infants is no bap- 
tism, and nothing short of blasphemy, 
being contrary to the example set us by 
Christ and his holy apostles. 

* That long public prayers in syna- 
gogues is forbidden by Christ. 

'Also for reproving their church min- 
ister for their great pride, vain-glory 
and friendship of the world which they 
lived in. 

' With a brief discourse in favor of 
Women's prophecying or teaching in 
Church. 

' Written by John Rogers, of New 
London. 



228 



REPLIES 



' Providence, N. E. Printed for the 
author, 1767. 

'Tune loth, 1764. We went to the 
meeting-house, and some of our people 
went in and sat down ; others tarried 
without and sat upon the ground some 
distance from the house. And when 
Mather Byles, their priest, began to say 
his formal synagogue prayer, forbidden 
by Christ, Mat. 6-5, some of our women 
began to knit, others to sew, that it 
might be made manifest they had no 
fellowship with such unfruitful works 
of darkness. But Justice Coit and the 
congregation were much offended at 
this testimony, and fell upon them in 
the very time of their prayer and pre- 
tended divine worship ; also they fell 
upon the rest of our people that were 
sitting quietly in the house, making no 
difference between them that transgres- 
sed this law and them that transgressed 
it not ; for they drove us all out of the 
house in a most furious manner; push- 
ing, striking, kicking, etc., so that the 
meeting was broken up for some time, 
and the house in great confusion. 
Moreover, they fell upon our friends that 
were sitting abroad, striking and kicking 
both men and women, old and young, 
driving us all to prison in a furious and 
tumultuous manner, stoppingour mouths 
when we went to speak, choaking us,' 
etc. 

" Very nearly the same scene was acted 
over ever successive Sunday that Sum- 
mer. 

'' The Quakers were committed to 
prison sometimes twenty or thirty in a 
day ; and if after being released the 
same person was again committed — his 
term of imprisonment was doubled. The 



authorities vainly hoped to weary them 
out. ' But this method,' observes John 
Rogers, * added no peace to them, for 
some of our friends were always coming 
out as well as going in, and so always 
ready to oppose their false worship ev- 
ery first day of the week. 

'* On the 1 2th of August, the term of 
commitment by this doubling process 
had hecomQ /our months ; when those 
within determined to prevent, if they 
could, any further commitments. Find- 
ing that a fresh party of their friends 
were approaching in charge of the offi- 
cers, they barred the doors inside. 

'Also, we blew a shell in the prison, 
in defiance of their idle Sabbath, and to 
mock their false worship, as Elijah 
mocked the worshippers of Baal. The 
authority gave orders to break open the 
prison door, so they went to work and 
labored exceeding hard on their Sab- 
bath, cutting with axes and heaving at 
the door with iron bars for a considera- 
ble time till they were wearied, but 
could not break open the door.' 

An entrance to the prison was finally 
effected from above, and the fresh pris- 
oners let down into the room. * * * 

These disturbances continued, with 
some intervals during the severity of 
winter until October, 1765, when the 
magistrates having proved the inefficacy 
of detentions and imprisonments, came to 
the unfortunate determination of having 
recourse to whippings. October 15th 
five were publicly whipped ten stripes 
each, ' at beat of drum.' October 23d 
nine were whipped 'at beat of drum.' 
November 4th 'nine more.' November 
14th, Thanksgiving day, a Rogerene was 
driven from the meeting-house by some 



REPLIES 



229 



young men, ducked in muddy water, and 
then imprisoned. 

* Some our friends went to town, and 
an old man, aged 73 yrs., cried Repent- 
ence ! through the streets, and as he 
went he siopt at the authorities houses 
and warned them of the danger they 
■were in, if they did not repent of their 
persecuting God's people.* 

" This party was taken up and con- 
fined in the school house until evening, 
when they were taken 'but by the popu- 
lace. They were tarred, men and women, 
but x\o\. feathered — warm tar was poured 
upon the heads and their hats glued on. 
They were otherwise treated with great 
cruelty by an infuriated mob. 

"All the suffering had no influence 
whatever in putting an end to the testi- 
mony, which the next Sunday was re- 
newed with as much spirit as ever, and 
50 continued from week to week. Feb. 
2d, 1766, the disturbance was attended 
by this aggravating circumstance — a 
woman, being turned out of meeting for 
keeping at her needlework during the 
prayer, struck several blows against the 
house to testify in that way against the 
mode of worship. Feb. i6th. Another 
heartrending scene of whipping, tarring 
and throwing into the river of men and 
women took place. The next Sunday 
they came again, and a great uproar was 
the consequence, the service being for a 
considerable time interrupted. 

They were 19 in number, ten men and 
nine women. The women were com- 
mitted to prison, but the men, after be- 
ing kept until evening, were delivered to 
the populace, cruelly scourged and treat- 
ed with every species of indignity and 
abuse that the victims of a street mob 



generally undergo. The women were 
kept in prison till the next June, ' leav- 
ing near 20 small children motherless at 
their homes.' 

" We have now reached the climax of 
offense and punishment. Both sides re- 
lented. The testifiers would come into 
the house of worship, and commit no 
other offense than wearing their hats, and 
this the community at large were disposed 
to endure rather than create a disturb- 
ance by removing them. 

The visits of the Rogerenes to the 
churches gradually became less frequent 
and less notice was taken of them when 
they occurred. If they interrupted the 
worship, or attempted to work in the 
house, they were usually removed and 
kept under ward till the service was 
over and then dismissed, without fine or 
imprisonment. There was nothing stim- 
ulating in this course, and they soon re- 
linquished the itinerant mode of testi- 
fying. But as a sect they retain their 
individuality to the present day. They 
are now to be found in the southeastern 
part of Ledyard,* and though reduced 
to a few families, vary but little in ob- 
servances or doctrine from those incul- 
cated by their founder. In one point of 
practice, however, there is a remarkable 
difference ; they never interfere with 
the worship of their neighbors, and are 
themselves never molested." 

* In 1734 a colony of Rogerenes of New 
London, consisting of John Culver and his wife 
and ten children, with their families, making 
twenty-one in all, removed to New Jersey, and 
settled on the west side of Schooley's Mountain 
in Morris county. It is supposed that the Rog- 
erene principles have become extinct among the 
descendants of this party. See Benedict, vol. 
ii., p. 245. 



230 



LITERARY NOTICES 



(Publishers of Historical Works wishing Notices, will address the Editor, with 
Copies, Box 100, Station D — N. Y. Post office.) 



BIBLIOTECA AMERICANA— HISTOIRE, 

Geographie, Voyages, Archeologie et 

LiNGUISTIQUE DES DeUX AmERIQUES ET DES 

Iles Philippines Redigee. Par Ch. Le- 
clerc. Paris. Maisonneuve et Cie. 1878- 
Bvo, pp XX. 740. 

This is one of the bibliographical catalogues 
that began to appear about twenty years since 
in England and in this country, Henry Stevens 
le_i the way in copyij:ig titles accurately, and his 
notes to some of his sale catalogues make these 
permanently valuable. Harrisse, in his Biblio- 
graphies, goes beyond what is expected, even 
from an expert in such matters, and has left but 
little to be gleaned by others, but his works are 
not what is required from the catalogue maker, 
Leclerc, in his catalogues of 1867 and 1868, 
has, however, completely satisfied the book 
buyers, both the experienced connoisseur and the 
timid collector. His titles are given in full, 
and identify the book or the edition ; his col- 
lection is brief and clear, and his notes are 
descriptive and explanatory without redun- 
dance. 

In the Bibliotheca in.mencana of 1878, now 
before us, containing 2,638 titles, and compiled, 
as were the previous ones, for the house of 
Maisonneuve et Cie., of Paris, Leclerc has ex- 
ceeded himself. The great amount of care, 
labor and knowledge which has been expended 
on this work is incredible, andean only be fully 
appreciated by those who are quite familiar with 
the task of making annotated catalogues. 

The question is whether such costly cata- 
logues can be sufficiently circulated to reach all 
our book buyers, and thus pay for their com- 
pila:ion. It is to be hoped that the answer will 
be a favorable one, and that many others may 
be issued, thus stimulating the American book 
collectors to gather all the Americana that Eu- 
rope can offer to them. 

We might dwell on the merits of certain 
copies of books includedi'i Mons. Leclerc's list, 
and on many of the interesting notes appended, 
sometimes to books of minor value ; but the 
work must be seen to be properly appreciated. 

As hooks that are both scarce and of histori- 
cal value, we may notice No. 359, containing 
three Italian translations from Peter Martyr 
and Oviedo. The Libra Prinio is a summary 
of Martyr's first three Decades of the Ocean, 
and was probably composed by himself before 
his death in 1527. The second is the Samaria, 
by Oviedo, which first appeared in 1526, and 
was composed for the then young emperor, 
Charles V. In it is to be found the earliest 



known mention of the Bermuda Islands, visited 
by the author on his return from the ill-con- 
ditioned settlement of Pedrarias Davila, at 
Darien, in 1515, although they appear in 15JI 
on Martyr's map. Th s Somario appears also 
in Ramusius, and in Spanish in Barcia's Historic 
adores (this catalogue. No. 50). An English 
version is given in Eden's Decades of 1555, fol. 
174, and an unreliable one in Purchas. The 
map of Spagnuola is found again, printed from 
the same block, in the third volume of Ramus- 
ius, who undoubtedly compiled the book. The 
large map is veiy rarely found with the book, 
Ramusius, in his Discourse, fol. v. verso, says 
it was prepared by Giacomo Gartaldi. 

No. 137, four manuscript and one printed 
documents relating to the family of Columbus, 
ought to belong to some great public library. 
Some other printed ones on the same subject 
are described by Harrisse in his Notes on 
Columbus. A complete list of these documents,, 
both printed and manuscript, is still a desider- 
atum. 

No. 184, Dudley's Arcano dei Mare, Firenze, 
1646, 2 vols, in folio, is but little known to 
geographers. This is the last and best edition. 
Edward Everett Hale found the original manu- 
script maps in the Royal Library, Munich, and 
described them in the Proc. of the Ant. Soc, 
for October, 1873. No 278, Herrera, is the 
only edition of this great chronicler that has 
an ample index, and that can be of use to stu- 
dents. 

We should like to point out some excellent 
notes to some of the articles, but our space is 
too limited to do so. We must also commend 
the honesty of the collator, who describes the 
exact state of the book and its position in the. 
series, when there are several editions. 

Under the No. 432, Oviedo, 1547, a valuable- 
book is described, the first edition of which ap- 
peared in 1535, containing only a quarter of the 
whole work. No. 433, at the low price of 100 
francs, contams a reprint of No. 432 and the long 
lost remainder of Oviedo's Historia, an account 
of which is given by Harisse. 

Several editions of Ptolemy's Geography, 
with the early maps of the New World, are of- 
fered at moderate prices. Santarem's atlas of 
facsimile maps is a complete copy, and con- 
tains some of interest to Americans. No. 
589, Valades, is a new title among the Ameri- 
cana, containing many curious notices of Mexi- 
can civilization. 

The original manuscript of one of Champlain's 
works, only recently found, and published by 
the Hakluyt Society, and in Quebec, is here of- 
fered, but at the price of 15,000 francs. A com- 



LITERARY NOTICES 



2^I 



plete set of the four printed narratives of Champ- 
lain is offered under No. 2497, finely bound, 
for C,ooo francs. The first of these is so rare 
that only five or six copies of it are known. The 
others are rarely found perfect, and as they are 
really distinct works, and not new editions of 
the one of 1613, such a set becomes a biblio- 
gra])hical treasure. All of his works have been 
reprinted in quarto form in Quebec. 

No. 976, Palon's Life of the I'adre Fray Juni- 
pero Serra, has been reprinted by the California 
Historical Society. ') he narratives of Joutel, 
Tonti and Hennepin appear on the list, as also 
those of Lescarbot and Creuxius. The Lescar- 
bot is of the first and rare edition of 1609. 

No. 1354, Parra, description of the fish of 
Cuba, is a difficult book to procure. We know 
of only four in the United States. 

Nos. 1454 to 1995 are books more especially 
relating to South America, among which are 
many curious articles, both printed aiid manu- 
script. There are copies of Piedrahita, Simon, 
Zamora, Brito Freyre, Rodriguez, Vasconcellos, 
Brulius, Calancha, Fernandez (a rare book), 
Mendoza, Zarate, 1557, Ovalle, Nodal, with 
map, Seixas y Lovera, with a MS. mnp added, 
and others. No. 1987 relates to North America 
only, and in it may be found the only published 
maps of the North West Coast, as explored by 
Vizcaino. 

Sometimes several editions of books are of- 
fered, and other copies appear in the Supple- 
ment. The collection of books on American 
languages is the largest ever offered for sale, and 
deserv'es special mention. Some of them have 
never been quoted in sale catalogues before. 

The work is prefaced by a clever avant propos 
from the pen of P. Deschamps, and a summary 
of the more interesting titles. The catalogue 
is divided under two heads, Ilistoiir and Liii- 
i:;7iisti(]UL\ The first is again subdivided, but 
the actual presence of a book or of its reprint 
can be mr>re certainly determined by consulting 
the admirable index. 

J. Carson Brevoort 



references according to the best approved method. 
The engraved portraits on steel are extremely 
good, and the typography and press work leave 
nothing to be desired. There are preliminary chap- 
' ters on the family nameand coat of arms, which 
bears, as every reader of Scott remembers, the 
cognizance of " the bloody heart," and on the 
origin and early history of the ancient family of 
Scotland. 

With more than usual frankness, the young 
editor acknowledges that he has been unable to 
discover the link which connects the several 
families of Douglas in America with the noble 
Scotch house. The Americans of this name he 
divides into the New London family (1575-1878), 
the New Fairfield family (1750-1878), David 
Douglas and his descendants (1715-1878), other 
New Jersey families (1710-1878), James Douglas 
and his descendants (1677-1878), and uncon- 
nected families (i 743-1878). 

The New London family, which traces its de- 
scent from the original emigrant, Deacon Wil- 
liam Douglas, who first settled at Gloucester, 
but soon removed to New London, which has 
been ever since the Jionie of the family. He 
was born probably, but not certainly, in Scotland, 
in 1610. His wife was Ann Mattle. 

Among the excellent portraits, nearly all of 
which show a strong New England type, that of 
William Douglas, Colonel of the New Haven 
regiment in the Continental Army, 1776, and 
his wife, by the celebrated Sartain, are noticeable. 
Col. Douglas was in the French war at sixteen. In 
INIay, 1775 he was commissioned captain and sent 
North with provisions to Montgomer}'. In 177^ 
he was commissioned colonel of a New Haven 
regiment, and was engaged in the campaigns 
around New York of that year. Disabled by 
exposure, he withdrew from the service and 
died the next year, at the age of thirty-five. His 
wife was Hannah, daughter of Stephen Mansfield, 
of New Haven. 

Charles Henry James Douglas, the editor, is 
in the sixth generation from James, who emi- 
grated from the north of Ireland in 1729 and 
settled in Voluntown. He was graduated from 
Brown University with honors in June, 1879. 



A COLLECTION OF FAMILY RECORDS. 

With Biographical Sketches and other Memo- 
randa of Various Families and Individuals 
bearing the Name of Douglas, or allied to 
Families of that Name. Compiled and edited 
by Charles Henry James Douglas. 8vo, 
pp. 563. E. L. Freeman & Co. Providence, 
1879. 

No pains or expense have been spared in the 
editing and publication of this handsome volume. 
The arrangement is excellent, with the numerical 



PROCEEDINGS OF THE NEW ENG- 
LAND Historic Genealogical Society, 
at the Annual Meeting, January i, 1S79. 
8vo, pp. 45. The Society's Home, Boston, 
1879. 

The address of the Hon. Marshall P. Wilder, 
the worthy President, opens the proceedings with 
an account of the historj' and present state of the 
Institution, the details of which are related in 
subsequent reports of the Secretaries, which are 
given in formal abstracts. 



232 



LITERARY NOTICES 



THE ROUND TRIP, BY WAY OF PAN- 

AMA, THROUGH CALIFORNIA, OREGON, NE- 
VADA, Utah, Idaho and Colorado. With 
Notes on Railroads, Commerce, Agriculturoij 
Mining, Scenery and People. By John Cod- 
man. i2mo, pp. 351. G. P. Putnam's Sons, 
New York, 1879. 

This book is the result of more than a year of 
experience, the observations during which are set 
down in a continuous form. The intention of 
the author is to point out objects of interest not 
marked down on the usual maps or described in 
the guide books, which are the ordinary compan- 
ions of the trans-continental tourist. In excel- 
lent narrative style the reader is first taken by 
water in a winter trip to California by the Isth- 
mus route, across the Isthmus of Darien, and after 
sundry stoppages at the west coast ports of Puen- 
tas Arenas, Libertad, San Jose, and Acapulco, 
all of which are graphically pictured, is finally 
landed at the Golden Gate of the Pacific. 

The chapters on Californiaj Southern Califor- 
nia, the San Bernardino Valley and Los Angeles 
are full of practical hints and useful information. 
There is a report of a personal interview with 
Flood, the Bonanza King, M^hose career is as 
wonderful as that of the fabled Aladdin, and a 
charming sketch of the paradise of orange trees, 
seventy-five thousand acres in extent, which Riv- 
erside owes to the enterprise of the land company 
on the Santa Ana, presided over by M r. Evans, 
The California coast was visited by stage along the 
beach from Newhall, on the Southern Pacific 
Railroad, to Buenaventura, thence to Santa Bar- 
bara, and through Guadalupe and the hot 
spring of Paso de Robles to Soledad, a distance 
in all of one hundred and sixty miles ; the coun- 
try and inhabitants being minutely sketched. 

Another excursion is made from Santa Cruz to 
San Jose, two hours distant by the railroad from 
San Francisco. Here are the most famous vine- 
yards of California. These were first planted 
in California at St. Gabriel in 1771, but 
the culture has taken an immense leap since the 
advent of the Americans. Two hundred and 
fifty distinct varieties were imported by Colonel 
Haraszthy, of which forty to fifty were selected 
as best adapted for wine and brandy. The ex- 
portation of grapes and raisins has already be- 
come large and p.ofitable. Northern California, 
the giant Mount Chasta, the vast farming lands, 
and mining interests are then noticed, and the 
Chinese problem is solved in a chapter of its own 
in the only reasonable manner. Treat them as 
our own. 

The last half of the book is given to the east- 
Avard trip homeward, through the Grass Valley, 
Carson and Virginia City, and the great Ameri- 
can desert to Salt Lake City. Idaho and the 
soda springs are visited, and after various side 



.journeys and digressions Chicago is reached. 
The volume is brim full of information and yet 
reads easily as a romance ; and what fairy tale 
can compare with the marvellous story of the 
development of the American continent. Not 
the least instructive is the final contrast the 
author draM^s between mining and agriculture, 
and the statistics by which he shows that the lat- 
ter is in the long run more profitable than the 
former. True enough, but the benefits of an 
addition to the world's metallic treasure, which is 
the basis of all paper credit, are out of all pro- 
portion to those which arise from ordinary culture 
of the soil. Before any man goes west he had 
better read this admirable volume. 



SOUVENIRS OF MADAME VIGEE LE 
Brun. With a Steel Portrait from an Original 
Painting by the Author, 8vo, pp. 398. R. 
Worthington. New York, 1879. 

The lovers of personal literature may well 
mark with a white stone the year in which they 
are presented with two such charming summer 
companions as the Life and Letters of Madame 
Bonaparte and this delightful volume, in which a 
princess of art relates in chapters of never end- 
ing graceful variety the story of a life passed 
in palaces and castles, and in the intimacy of 
the titled and gifted, which has, from classic 
days, been accorded to the portrait painter. To 
whom, indeed, is one tempted to appear to the best 
advantage if not to the artist who is to perpetuate 
the form and features and the moral traits as 
well, of the .f*?// which is near and dear to us all. 

Madame Vigee le Brun, who ranks in the very 
first class of portrait painters was born in Paris 
in 1755. She was the daughter of Louis Vigee, 
a painter of distinction. She was married to M. 
Le Brun, a well known picture dealer. Ad- 
mitted to the Academy of Painting in 1783, her 
talent was at once recognized, and she iDCgan 
her career by painting some of the most eminent 
persons in Europe — among them Marie Antoin- 
ette and Madame du Barri. She emigr.-^led in 
1789, and was called to paint nearly all the sove- 
reigns of Europe. She returned to France in 
1801 and remained there till her death, which 
occurred in Paris in 1842. During her life she 
painted six hundred and sixty portraits, fifteen 
pictures, and nearly two hundred landscapes. 
These memoirs are from her own hand. When 
translated, the volume does not give informa- 
tion. That they have been translated by the 
hand of a master a glance reveals. The sim- 
plicity and directness of a pure French style 
has been preserved, and such slight idio- 
matic traces as remain add piquancy to the ren- 
dering, while they show that the thought has not 
been tampered with — which is the art of the 



LlTt:KARV NOTICES 



^?>- 



translator, perhaps one of the most difficult in 
literature. The fascination of the book is in its 
personal descriptions. She handles her pen with 
the grpphic skill of an artist, and the persons 
she describes stand out from her page in clear 
outhne and brilliant coloring, strong as on the 
canvas. The picture she draws of Marie 
Antomette, and her account of her interviews 
with this loveliest and most unfortunate of 
women is exquisite. But where all is excellent 
to select would be injustice. No review can do 
justice to the variety of charm which invests its 
pages. 



LIFE OF PROF. ALBERT HOPKINS. 
By Albert C. Sewall. i6mo, pp. 340. 
Anson D. F. Randolph, New York, 1879. 

This book, the author says, is not a complete 
"biography, yet it is written according to the es- 
tablislied forms of biography proper. The sub- 
ject is the central thought, and the life history is 
taken at the birth, carried through its successive 
stages, and closes with the death. The only 
other form of biography is that of selecting the 
objects to which the life may be devoted, and 
considering the life in its relation to these ob- 
jects. In no kind of literature can the subjective 
and objective forms, so dear in their divisions to 
German thought, be more completely applied. 

Prof. Hopkins was a scientist, a teacher, a 
preacher. He was born in 1S07; he died in 1S72. 
During the greater part of this period he kept a 
journal which recorded his religious impressions, 
and it is chiefly to this phase of his character that 
the book is devoted. He founded the Natural 
History Society of Williams College. He erected, 
almost wholly at his own expense, the first astro- 
nomical observatory in this countr)\ Graduated 
from WiUiams College in 1826, he became a tutor 
in 1827, with the ultimate design of becoming a 
missionary. In 1829 he was chosen Professor of 
Mathematics and Natural History, and later his 
professorship was enlarged to include Astronomy, 
and he filled the chair with honor, dignity and 
usefulness for more than forty years. During 
all this period he was virtually a Minister of the 
Gospel. 

In the account of his early education there is a 
frightful story of his having been whipped into 
submission by his mother, by repeated punish- 
ment, before he was three years of age ; and the 
author condones this crime against common 
sense and the true theory of Christianity by say- 
ing that he was never after disobedient, but 
grew up an affectionate and dutiful son. Such 
experiments are dangerous, and fear is not the 
loadstone to attract affection ; nor is it in accord- 
ance with the Master's teaching. 

Professor Hopkins organized the first Natural 
History Lxpedition in this country i:i 1S35 



The field was Nova Scotia. He carried some cf 
his students with him. An account of it may t.e 
found in the American Traveler, November 13, 
et sc</., of that year. 



PROCEEDINGS OF THE WORCESTER 
Society of Antiquity for the Year 1878, 
and the transactions at the Annual Meeting. 
January, 1879. ^^- ^- ^vo, pp. 160. Pi_b- 
lished by the Society, Worcester, 1879. 

The general reader will find little of interest 
in this number, which is mostly taken up with 
the transactions of the So.iety. There is one 
paper on the lumber business of Worcester ; 
another on the Putnam riot of October 30, 1754, 
when an attempt was made to execu:e the fugi- 
tive slave law in Worcester, In addition the 
most valuable matter will be found in the names 
and inscriptions found in the burial ground on 
Mechanic Street, Worcester. No. IV. of the So- 
ciety's proceedings gave the inscriptions from the 
old burial grounds in this town. 

THE MAINE GENEALOGIST AND Bi- 
ographer. A Quarterly Journal. Wm. B. 
Lapham, Editor. June, 1878. 8vo. Spr/.ove, 
Owen & Nash, Augusta, Maine, 1S78. 

In our notice of this periodical (II., 384) we 
expressed regret at the announcement made by 
the editor that it was to be suspended. We are 
glad to see another number, and trust that with 
the reviving spirit and prosperity cf the country, 
it may be resumed and regularly continued. 
Maine should do its duty in the preservation of 
its records. The number before us contains a 
genealogical sketch of the descendants of Edward 
Chapman, who was a grantee of Ipswich, Mass., 
in 1644. This completes Vol. III. of the 
series. 

THE SECRET OF THE ANDES. A 
Romance. By F. Hassaurek. Svo, pp. 468. 
Robert Clarke & Co., Cincinnati, 1879. 

In six books, entitled respectively Dreams, 
Realities, I he Revolution, I he Reaction, The 
Value of Life, and The Worthlessness of Life, 
the reader is carried through a lengthy fiction, 
which opens at the City of Quito, in the \'ice 
royalty of Peru, in the spring of 1592, with a 
popular uprising against the home government, 
who were meditating a breach of faith against 
the distant province. The story is too intricate 
to allow of even the briefest analysis in the limits 
our space affords to works of other than historical 
value. 



234 



LITERARY NOTICES 



A TRUE REPUBLIC. By Albert Stick- 
NEY. i6mo, pp. 271. PIarper & Brothers. 
New York, 1879. 

This book is written with a purpose. This 
purpose is declared to be the suggestion of apian 
to free our government from the dominion of 
party. Party, Mr. Stickney claims, holds our 
public men in chains. Party controls the selec- 
tion of our public servants ; party controls their 
actions. Mr. Stickney believes that all this can 
be changed ; that there is a remedy, and that if 
found it will be used. He expresses an un- 
bounded faith in the honesty and sound sense of 
the people of the United States. " They made 
this Government," he says, "because they 
thought wise to make it ; they will change the 
Government if ever they think wise to change it " 
— and he suggests the change. 

For his manly expression of belief in the moral 
and political rectitude of the American people 
we thank him. When at a great public dinner 
a public man like the Rev. Dr. Bellows can state 
that an Englishman of influence and rank said 
to him that in his travels through the United 
States he had scarcely met a citizen of property 
and social standing — one of the class which may 
be, even with us, called aristocratic — who did 
not express his distrust of the permanence of 
American institutions, it is high time that one 
who has faith in our Republic should declare it. 
To the honor of Dr. Bellows be it added that he 
only mentioned to condemn, in scathing words, 
this miserable sentiment. 

But Mr. Stickney is in error in the statement 
that the American people made their Govern- 
ment, They inherited sundry governments, 
varying in form if not in nature. They harmo- 
nized and improved those governments, as far 
as was practicable. After the failure of the Con- 
federation as a form of government adequate to 
direct and protect the States, a more perfect 
Union — in other words a nation — was formed. 
Are parties necessary ? The experience of na- 
tions gives an afilirmative answer. Parties have 
their errors, but they have their advantages as 
well. The existence of free parties in a free re- 
public gives assurance of watchfulness. Rivalry 
and ambition, two of the strongest motive powers 
in the human mind, are a consequence of parties. 
That our system is perfect cannot be assumed. 
Nothing human is perfect. Nothing fixed, un- 
changeable can ever be devised to meet the exi- 
gencies of changing circumstances. The Con- 
stitution of the United States affords sufficient 
guarantees against sudden change, but provides 
for change as occasion demands ; but only when 
a certain majority of the people demand such 
change, and under due delay. 

Civil refonn, in the opinion of Mr. Stickney, 
has failed, and against this no cavil can justly be 



made. But so long as the expenses of party are 
to be borne by individuals is true reform possible ? 
How can this be altered ? Hie labor hoc opus e.^t. 
Shall the nation, or State, or city assume the 
necessary election expenditures? and if so, for 
how many parties ? Until this be solved, it can- 
not be expected that those who pay the piper 
shall not lead the dance. 

In his chapter entitled "A True Republic,"^ 
we find no answer to this question, which lies at 
the base of the election system and civil reform. 
There is natural complaint that our ablest men 
have not control of our government. But ex- 
perience has shown that the tendency of ability is 
towards autocracy, and the American people 
have shown strong common sense in preferring 
men whc are not so superior to their fellows as 
to endanger the faithful execution of their will. 
What administrations have been the most com- 
plete failures in our history ? Those of Tyler 
and Johnson, who were both faithless to their 
party. That of Mr. Hayes is not amenable to 
this censure. He brought in and represents a 
new regime, the wish of the majority of his 
own party — the policy of conciliation. That 
policy is on trial, not the principles of the party 
which elected him, which were definitely settled 
in the result of the civil war. 



WHITE AND BLACK : the Outcome of a 
Visit to the United States. By Sir. 
George Campbell, M. P. 8vo, pp. 420. R. 
WORTHINGTON. New York, 1879. 

Sir George Campbell is a keen observer and a 
candid judge. He sees with his own eyes, is 
fair and upright and does his own thinking ; and, 
what is more rare, does not forget while noticing 
some of the disagreeable phases of American life 
and character, that Great Britain is very far from 
perfect. He alludes to the kindly feeling 
which Americans have for the English, and 
ascribes much of the misunderstanding between 
the two countries to the ignorance and prejudice 
of his own countr)-men. In this he is certainly 
right, but we think he is mistaken in the opinion 
that the hospitality shown to the English is ex- 
ceptional. The Americans are an hospitable race, 
but we do not believe they care one jot more for 
an Englishman than they do for a member of any 
of the other Northern nations — perhaps less, 
since the abuse showered upon the country by 
snobs of the Dickens and Trollope order, and 
the pictures of English life and manners which 
Emerson and Hawthorne have held up for our 
examination. The truth is that Americans are 
quite indifferent to British opinions. 

First as to the characteristics of the American 
people. Sir George found us in a marked de- 
gree British and not foreign ; that our language 



LITERARY NOTICES 



^ZS 



is English — a little better than any used in any 
county of England. This is mildly stated, as 
every one who has traveled in England knows. 
He regrets our lack of Scotch cooking — well, 
there is no disputing about tastes. He admires our 
steamboat travel, which is, as he says, " the most 
comfortable institution in the way of traveling " 
in the world. The true greatness of America he 
ascribes to our land system and the provisions of 
the homestead law, and much to the free educa- 
tion which has prevailed in the North for two or 
three generations. He notices the rapid pro- 
gress in our manufactures, and sees a competi- 
tion threatening to British supremacy in the 
markets of the world. He observes the temper- 
ance of the people as compared with his own. 
He might have drawn the contrast stronger, and 
shown the general abstinence of women, and 
noticed that one of the most disgusting sights in 
English towns is the presence of women in the 
ginshops. He was struck by the entire elimina- 
tion of religion from politics, and the absence of 
ill-blood because of difference of opinion, and 
notices, in passing, the happy effect of the dises- 
tablishment of the English Church in Canada 
upon the social relations of the people of the 
Dominion. He acquits us from the charge of 
want of interest in politics, comparing us favor- 
ably with his own people in this regard also. He 
recognizes the superior ability of our much 
abused Congressmen to the Members of Parlia- 
ment, and pays just tribute to the hard work 
they perform in their line of duty. He justly 
condemns the political character of subordinate 
civil appointments. He finds the government 
of our cities about on a par with that in Eng- 
land, and we may say that all nations may look 
to France for a lesson in municipal government. 
Only there is the public good paramount to 
private interests. On the currency question he 
has moderate views. He recognizes that there 
are two sides to the silver question, and is not 
of opinion that a return to silver would be a 
great hardship to creditors. As a country for 
emigrants he wisely says that America is an ex- 
cellent place for those who are willing to work 
with their hands, and work hard, but that the 
educated Englishman stands a poor chance in 
competition with his American cousin in any of 
the professions. The farmer who cultivates 500 to 
looo acres he advises to stay at home. But to 
young laborers he gives the advice to go. This 
" bird's-eye view of the United States," as Sir 
George entitles these chapters, closes with a 
warning to England to "cultivate friendship, 
good-will and amity with the people of the 
United States," that the hour may never strike 
when a hundred Alabamas may avenge the wrong 
done to America by the misconduct of the British 
ministry. 

The second part of this admirable volume 
contains a paper on the management of colored 



races which originally appeared in the Fortni,<:htIy 
Kevie-i'. It was to study the relations of the 
black and white that the author visited this 
country. He obser\'es the rapid improvement of 
the blacks in education and political knowledge, 
notes with some surprise the little strain in the in- 
dustrial relations of the two races, considers the 
blacks to be good laborers and very tolerable culti- 
vators, and that " all that is now M'anted to make 
the negro a fixed and conservative element in 
American society is to give him encouragement, 
and facilities for making himself, by his own exer- 
tions, a small landowner." He severely con- 
demns the unequal distribution of justice ; he 
considers the work of black legislatures as not at 
all below the average of American State legisla- 
tion. He exposes the organized election frauds, 
which are committed in open day, and saw him- 
self irregularities which would have vitiated the 
election before an election judge in England a 
hundred times over. The blacks, as a rule, he 
found to be republican. Finally, he notices the 
caste separation, which is becoming more pro- 
nounced than ever. Looking to India, however, 
his view of the future is extremely sanguine, and 
he firmly believes in a final adjustment of the 
black difficulty and the retention in our popula- 
tion of a settled, industrious and progressive 
population. We cannot share this view, and be- 
lieve that the final settlement of this question 
will be by a general emigration of the black popu- 
lation to the West India islands, when slavery 
shall be wholly abolished and they shall have 
fallen under the protection of the United States. 
The latter half of the book contains some of 
the contents of the writer's journal, and notes his 
observations in all the States and cities which he 
visited. 



HISTORY OF PRINCETON AND ITS 
Institutions. Illustrated with steel and 
wood engravings. By John Frelinghuvsen 
Hegeman. Second edition. 2 vols., 8vo, 
PP- 359 — 449- J- B. LiPPiNCOTT & Co., 
Philadelphia, 1879. 

Princeton is an ancient and historic place. It 
is also a thoroughly American and representa- 
tive town. The very mention of the name is 
.suggestive not only of the infancy of the Nation 
in the smoke of battle which drifted back and 
forth over her fields, but of the best growth of 
its intellectual and moral strength in the famous 
University which still clings to the stern old faith 
which gave initial tone to our national character. 
The origin of the name of Princeton is involved 
in obscurity. The suggestion that it was called 
after one Henry Prince, of Piscataway, an early 
purchaser of land in the neighborhood, has been 
discarded by its originators and is scouted by 



236 



LITERARY NOTICES 



Mr. Hegeman. The general belief of its citizens 
that it \vas given in honor of William, Prince of 
Orange, who was held in special honor in this 
section of the country as the defender of the 
Protestant faith, is treated wjtli more respect, 
but the probabilities seem to be that it is trace- 
able to the general respect for royalty which 
showed itself in the naming of Kingston and 
Queenston — adjoining places. It seems to have 
"been first so designated about 1724. 

The date of the first settlement here is also lost 
in doubt. There is a short description of the 
country in which it is situated while'yet a wilder- 
ness and the home of Indian tribes, written by 
William Edmundson, an English Minister of 
the Friends, in 1675. At this time the only 
Toad laid out by Europeans within the limits of 
New Jersey, was that by which the Dutch at 
New Amsterdam communicated with the settle- 
ments on the Delaware. 

The starting point in what may be properly 
termed the history of the town was the assump- 
tion by William Penn, in 1693, of a large tract of 
land in this neighborhood as his share of the Pro- 
prietary holding. Through his influence a few 
Quaker families, disturbed or persecuted in the 
Eastern and Middle States, settled here. From 
them the town has derived much of its sedate 
character and high moral influence. Among the 
earliest families were those of Clarke, Olden, 
Worth and Homer. Stockton and Clarke were 
the largest land holders. Richard Stockton, the 
first of this distinguished stock in Pi'inceton, 
bought from Penn fifty-five hundred acres of 
land on the north side of Stony Brook. 

The period from 1750 to 1775 was in New 
Jersey as in the other colonies a period of marked 
growtli ; not in wealth, because a period of war 
and political agitation, but of intellectual devel- 
opment. History is full of evidence of the vig- 
orous vitality which finally broke the bonds of 
dependence in 1775. Princeton was the scene of 
the two most important events in that of New 
Jersey. In 1756 the college of New Jersey with 
its President and seventy students took pos- 
session of the college building, which had been 
liberally built at the expense of the citizens of 
the town. The author exclaims with just pride, 
" Happy day for Princeton ! " The other event, 
of not less significance, was the planting here also 
at the same period of the Presbyterian Church. 
Presbyterianism was already in the ascendant, 
and the mutual influence of college and church 
upon one another secured and has since main- 
tained, the controlling influence of the covenanter 
faith in the social and political circles of the 
State, and extended it as from a radiating centre 
to every State, territory and town in the entire 
land. 

The revolutionary history of Princeton is a 
bright page in her annals. Here a Provincial 
Congress was held in 1775, in the College 



Library. The first Legislature of the State met 
in 1776, when Richard Stockton and William 
Livingston divided suffrages for Governor on a 
tie vote, and Livingston was thereupon chosen. 
Here also it held its second session in the follow- 
ing year. The battle of Princeton, or the fighf 
at Stony Brook, at sunrise on the 3d January, 
1777, is known in the annals of the war. In 
1783 the United States Congress, threatened by 
the unpaid, discontented soldiery at Philadelphia, 
withdrew to Princeton, where they were received 
with hearty welcome. A house was provided at 
Rocky Hill, a few miles distant, since famous as 
the spot where Washington wrote his famous 
parting address and farewell orders to the armies. 
Mr. Hegeman closes his first volume with the 
record of the town during the late civil war, and a 
series of short biographical sketches of eminent 
citizens. 

The second volume is principally devoted to 
local history, in which the antiquary will find a 
delightful sketch of the old " town and taverns," 
their hosts and guests, and to a series of chapters 
on the educational and religious institutions of 
the university town. One upon the College gives 
concise accounts of its several administrations, 
illustrated by five portraits, on steel, of its Presi- 
dents. Our readers will remember President 
Maclean's complete History of the College of 
New Jersey, of which a notice was given in this 
Magazine (L, 702). 



A POPULAR TREATISE ON THE CUR- 
RENCY Question. Written from a southern 
point of view. By Robert W. Hughes. 
i2mo, pp. 213. G. P. Putnam's Sons, New 
York, 1879. 

It is a relief in the flood of what we hold to be 
unsound views and obstinate heresies concerning 
the now all important question, of what, for the 
next generation, the circulating mediun of the 
country shall consist, and the proportion of paper 
currency and gold and silver, to have such an 
earnest, well-po sed argument as this from one 
whose office and record give him the authority 
and respect of the southern community. 

We are of those who hold the view that no ex- 
pedients can, for a great length of time, sustain 
the present amount of paper currency at a par 
with coin, and that now is the favorable moment 
to make the conversion of a very considerable 
amount of paper and draw the precious metals 
into circulation. But while we have no sympa- 
thy with those who would compel us to take sil- 
ver at a fraction less than its real value, and con- 
sider that a proper place may be made for it as 
subsidiary coinage by a withdrawal of all notes 
under five dollars, and of all gold pieces under 
two dollars and a half, which would .bring into 



LITERARY NOTICES 



237 



circulation as much silver as could conveniently 
be carried at present, we do not believe that it 
should be made a legal tender for any sums over 
five dollars. The experience of France has 
demonstrated that silver can be used to advan- 
tage in monetary circulation, while the experience 
of Italy, under the Latin convention, shows that 
debasement of the coinage can only result in 
injury and loss. But the warmest advocates 
of a bi-metallic coinage, such as Cernuschi and 
Leon Say, protest against the recent silver legisla- 
tion of the United States. 

In an extremely clear manner Mr. Hughes 
demonstrates the folly of the idea that paper can 
have any intrinsic value, or any other than repre- 
sentative value. He shows with equal clearness 
the danger of a redundant paper currency. Of 
the forms of issuing paper currency he strongly 
prefers the national bank system to the old State 
bank system ; and he opposes a government or 
greenback issue. At the same time he holds 
" that nothing can therefore be more important 
to a country than to make the aggregate amount 
of circulating money as unchanging as possible." 
This is subject to criticism. With abundant 
gold in circulation such danger would hardly 
occur. The best authorities consider that it is to 
her large coin basis that France owes her prosper- 
ity, and that it is her comparatively small gold 
basis that brings the periodic variations in Eng- 
land. 

Let us take in every greenback and permit 
gold and silver on just terms to replace them in 
our circulation. We will then have come to 
the time to decide whether the national bank cir- 
culation shall be permitted to exist, or a new gov- 
ernment issue, limited in extent and not to exceed 
the gold in circulation, shall take its place. But 
we shall be only safe, absolutely secure, when 
the precious metals in circulation shall largely 
exceed the amount of paper currency afloat. 

THE POLITICAL REGISTER AND Con- 
gressional Directory : a Statistical Record 
of the Federal Officials, Legislative, Executive 
and Judicial, of the United States of America, ' 
1 776-1878. Compiled by Ben. Perlky 
PooRE, Clerk of Printing Records, United 
States Senate. Royal 8vo, pp. 716. Hough- 
ton, Osgood & Company. Boston, 1878. 

The general favor accorded to the official "Con- 
gressional Directory," edited by the precise sta- 
tistician whose name gives authority to this 
massive volume, prompted the preparation of 
this complete compendium of information con- 
cerning the persons who have composed the Leg- 
islative, Executive and Judicial branches of the 
Federal Government, from its inception in 1 776 
to the year 1878. It is the result of six years of 



assiduous labor, carefully condensed into a vol- 
ume of reasonable dimensions ; and here testi- 
mony may be properly borne to the advantages 
of a single volume closely printed in double col- 
umns, and as far as possible either chronologic- 
ally or alphabetically arranged, over the cumbrous 
many volume edition. Such as this are invaluable 
for library reference, and indispensable to pub- 
lic institutions. 

The mass of subject matter is divided into four 
parts. I. A series of registers of the different 
sessions of Congress, with a list of Senators, Rep- 
resentatives and Delegates. II. A record of 
the successive administrations, from the organi- 
zation of the Federal Government. III. A 
similar exhibit of the Supreme Court of the 
United States. IV. Statistical sketches of the 
Delegates to the Continental Congress, and of 
the Senators, Representatives and Delegates 
elected or appointed to the forty-five successive 
Congresses under the Federal constitution. These 
sketches are concise and unpretending, and con- 
tain the statistical information required without 
comment or surplusage. The work deserves a 
more extended notice, but it is impossible to 
give an idea of such an amount of material by 
selection. 



THE SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION : 
Documents Relative to its Origin and History. 
Edited by William J. Rhees. Smithsonian 
Miscellaneous Collections, 328. Svo, pp. 
1,013. Published by The Smithsonian In- 
stitution. Washington, 1879. 

The Smithsonian is not a Government institu- 
tion, as is often supposed, but a private foun- 
dation, originating entirely in the bequest of an 
individual. Its management is, however, en- 
trusted to the Congress of the United States, and 
the national collections in natural history being 
under its charge, it is compelled annually to seek 
an appropriation for their preservation and exhi- 
bition, a necessity which it is hoped may be ere 
long avoided by some permanent foundation to 
meet this particular charge. The noble bequest 
of James Smithson found a fortunate administra- 
tor in the late lamented Henry, the first secre- 
tary of the institution, and is not less fortunate 
in its transmission to the care of his distinguished 
successor, Mr. Spencer F. Baird. 

In this collection, which is valuable as a record 
chiefly, are given the will of Smithson and the 
correspondence resulting from it, a reprint from 
the Congressional Globe ; a record of all the 
legislation in Congress relating to it, and numer- 
ous reports, memorials and opinions as to its dis- 
position of the fund. The results of the manage- 
ment will serve as an example to similar institu- 
tions. 



238 



LITERARY NOTICES 



ilBRARY NOTES. By A. P. Russell. New 
edition, revised and enlarged. 8vo, pp. 402. 
(The Riverside Press.) Houghton, Osgood 
.& Co. Boston, 1879. 

Under this modest title the reader will find 
the most charming volume of table-talk which 
has appeared in many years. To the student it 
is fascinating in its reminders of the quaint and 
apposite sayings oi a thousand writers, and 
to the general reader it is a mine of suggestion 
for thought. Take it up at any time 01 at any 
place and it will only be put aside with regret. 
Its arrangement is certainly ingenious, and shows 
rare taste and judgment. Under thirteen sepa- 
rate headings, as many chapters group about all 
that has been written b) men of note that has 
close bearing upon the topics treated. There 
are Insufficiency, Extremes, Disguises, Rewards, 
Limits, Incongruity, Mutations, Paradoxes, Con- 
trasts, Types, Conduct, Religion. The manner 
in which the innumerable quotations are strung 
together, ctirrcnte calai/to, is a marvel of masterly 
word-handling in its infinite variety; and the 
equality which is maintained in the selection 
show a scholarship vast and recondite, and a famili- 
arity with literature in its whole range. It is a 
volume to have for ever at the elbow, and of 
which no one can weary. Not Seldeh nor Haz- 
lett are more learned and graceful; not Boswell 
more chatty and entertaining. 



AMERICAN ALMANAC AND TREASURY 

OK Facts, Statistical, Financial and 
PoLiT.CAL, FOR THE Year 1879. Edited by 
AiNSWORTH R. Spofford, Librarian of Con- 
gress, pp. 420, i2mo. The American 
News Company, New York, 1879. 

The appearance of the first of this excellent 
series, the annual for 1878, was received with 
universal welcome from the large class of persons 
whose daily work requires the use of thorough, 
reliable and fresh statistics. The position which 
the compiler fills in the National library, 
which the copyright laws have made the con- 
verging point of all American publications, gives 
him rare facilities for the making of the best at- 
tainable work of this chara.ter. Of his judg- 
ment in selection and skill in arrangement we 
had ample evidence in the last volume, to which 
we invited the attention of our readers. 

In addition to the usual reference matter there 
are here given some notable papers ; on the cen- 
sus ; the history and principles of taxation ; the 
climates of the United States ; the budgets of 
nations, etc., which well deserve perusal. The 
value of such annuals is in their permanency and 
strict adherency to a well digested method of 



presentation of facts. We sincerely trust that 
this may take a permanent place in our statistical 
literature. 



THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF MDME. 
Bonaparte. By Eugene L. Didier. With 
a Portrait from the Studies by Gilbert Stuart. 
i6mo, pp. 276. Charles Scribner's Sons. 
New York, 1879. 

The career of this remarkable woman, whose 
name was familiar to two continents, and whose 
letters, now published, entitle her to rank among 
the most celebrated of her sex in modern times, 
covered a period of nearly a- century. She was 
born in Baltimore, in 1785, four years before 
the adoption of the Constitution of the United 
States and the first term of Washington as Presi- 
dent. She died in 1879, having completed her 
ninety-fourth year. The entire panoram? of 
modern society, from its initial scene of the 
French Revolution to the definitive establish- 
ment of the French Republic is here displayed. 
During the period of her I'fe Monarchies, em- 
pires and republics rose and fell and crumbled 
to ashes, to rise and fall and crumble again. 
Not only did she witness, but she was an actor in 
some of the most important events of the stormy 
period. The attempt of Napoleon to obtain 
the dissolution of her marriage by the Pope was 
the cause of a quarrel which weighed heavily in 
the balance of Imperial destiny. Thestory of h*^:' 
marriage to Jerome, her desertion by her weak 
and ambitious husband, are familiar ; and there 
are those yet living who remember the peerless 
beauty which captivated the young brother of the 
Regulator of Europe, and for a time tempted him 
to give up " all for love." But not until now has 
the world been enabled to form a true estimate 
of the tenacious vigor of the moral and mental na- 
ture of the American girl who maintained her in 
dependence and controlled her destiny indepen- 
dent of advice or counsel of family or friends. 
This the letters here gathered perfectly present. 
Mr. Didier well sums up her character in the 
closing words of his preface when he describes 
her asthe Baltimore girl, married at eighteen and 
deserted at twenty, "who possessed the savoir 
vivre of Chesterfield, the cold cynicism of Roche- 
foucauld and the practical economy of Franklin." 
To this may be added that, to the beauty, fas- 
cination and virtue of a Recamier she united the 
conversation of a du Deffaud and the intellect of 
a de Stael. 

Her character was not loveable, but as a 
psychological study of extreme interest. The 
tenacity with which she pursued her ambiti us 
schemes to the sacrifice of all personal feeling 
is extraordinary. 



LITERARY NOTICES 



239 



THE COUNT AGENOR DE GASPARIN. 

Translated from the French of Th. Borel. 

i6mo, pp. 156. Anson D. F. Randolph & 

Co., Broadway, New York. 

No American can forget the thrill of excite- 
ment which the appearance of " Uprising of a 
Great People" created in this counyry. To the 
cause of the Union it was worth an army with 
banners and millions of money. Its righteous 
anger, its invincible logic, its firm belief in 
northern charity and northern justice electrified 
two continents ; and so at the close, his "Amer- 
ica before Europe" taught moderation and par- 
don, equality and forgetfulness to both sections. 

Gasparin was born in iSio, at Orange, Vau- 
cluse, and belonged to the Corsican family of that 
name. His father is said to have been one of 
the most distinguished statesmen France has 
•ever produced. He was successively Prefect, 
Peer of France, Minister of the Interior and 
Member of the Academy of Sciences. His 
native city of Orange erected a statue to him in 
1864. 

The son was worthy of the sire. His first 
public service was a confidential mission from 
the Constitutional Government in 1833. His 
first appearance as a publicist was as the author 
of a pamphlet entitled, "Ought France to re- 
tain Algiers ?" In 1836 he was appointed Chief 
of the Cabinet of the Ministers of the Interior, 
and in 1837 entered the Council of State as 
Master of Requests. In 1S42 he was elected 
Deputy for Corsica for the Chamber of Depu- 
ties. In 1846 he espoused liberal principles, 
and was a candidate for the re-election by the 
people of Pans, but was not chosen. In 1848, 
on the overthrow of Louis Philippe, he resigned 
his post and visited Palestine. What he was as 
a writer is well known ; as an orator his biogra- 
pher tells us he was winning, impassioned, mag- 
netic. Of his private character his brother-in- 
law, M. Boissier, said, that in the thirty years 
he had known him, he had never discovered a 
flaw in it. lie died at Valleyres, near Geneva, 
in 1871. Be his name forever honored. 

A HISTORY OF OLD BRAINTREE AND 

QUJNCY, WITH A SKETCH OF RANDOLPH AND 

HoLBRooK. By William S. Pattee. Svo, 
pp. 660. Greer & Prescott. Quincy, 1879. 
The venerable name of Braintree needs no 
other lustre than its own. It recalls the early 
days of Puritan settlement, and was founded by 
emigrants from Devon, Lincolnshire and Essex, 
who brought with them the best manners and 
the purest speech of England. Her religious begin- 
nings also were liberal, in contrast with the closer 
dogmatism of her neighbors. She played an hon- 
orable part in colonial history, and was first to 



establish many branches of industry. Here was 
established an iron manufactory in 1643, and 
her citizens were engaged in the making of 
glass and spermaceti, in salt works and stocking 
weaving. The first and largest merchant ship for 
the East Indies was constructed within her limits, 
the first railroad in the United States was laid 
down within the village, the first stone meeting 
house was constructed here, and of her granite, 
if we mistake not, the famous massive pillars 
of the New York Merchants' Exchange, now 
the New York Custom House, were made. 

All this is honor enough, but to those of Eng- 
lish speech tlie old precinct is better known, un- 
■der its more modern name of Quincy, as the 
home of the historic families of Adams and 
Quincy, who have alike illustrated our literature, 
our politics and our history. 

Tiie volume has been compiled by topics, 
rather than in a chronological order, which the 
author considers as a better arrangement for a 
local town history. It contains a vast amount of 
information on early New England. There is a 
copious and excellent index. 

READINGS FROM ENGLISH HISTORY. 

Selected and edited by John Richard Green. 

Three parts in one volume. i2mo, pp. 152 — 

152 — 140. Harper & Bros. New York, 

1879. 

Few men have secured the ear of the English 
reading public with the rapidity, or held it with 
the security that fell to the lot of the able Ox- 
ford professor, who, in a single work under the 
modest title of a Short History of the English 
People, took the first rank among English his- 
torians and English writers. He is as pic- 
turesque as Macaulay, while a more just observer 
and a safer guide. 

In the admirable selection before us, taken 
from a wide range of authors, in which Bancroft, 
Motley and Kirk well represent the right of 
Ameiica to be considered wherever English his- 
tory is treated of, Mr. Green shows that, while 
he may fairly challenge competition for brilliancy 
and power with any, he has a true estimate of 
the work of all. 

It were tedious to name all the authors from 
whose brightest pages he has culled his narra- 
tive ; in the first part from Gibbon's story of the 
English Conquest of Britain to Miss Songes' pic- 
ture ot the battle of Crecy ; in the second part, 
from his own account of the Peasant Rising to 
Guizot's Chapter on the Death of Cromwell ; in 
the third, from Macaulay 's Restoration to W. 
H. Russell's Balaklava. These very titles show 
the practical and eminently catholic character of 
the selections. In its variety and charm the vol- 
ume reminds one of a well-stored picture gal- 
lery, representing every period of English history 
and every style of descriptive art. 



240 



LITERARY NOTICES 



MEMOIR OF JOHN WINGATE THORN- 
TON. With a list of his publications. By 
Thomas C. Amory. 8vo, pp. 20. Printed 
for private distribution. Boston, 1879. 
In these pages Mr. Amory gives a pleasing 
sketch, full of personal reminiscence cf this 
well-known historical student. His literary life is 
chiefly dwelt upon. His address in 1870, before 
the New England Historic and Genealogic So- 
ciety, on the two hundred and fiftieth anni- 
versary of the signing of the compact, in the 
cabi I of the Mayflower, afterwards expanded 
into one hundred and more pages, Mr. Amory 
considers the ablest, as it was the most elab- 
orate of his productions. A list of his works is 
appended from Allibone's Dictionary of Authors. 

MEMORIALS OF THE DISCOVERY AND 
Settlement of the Bermudas or Somer's 
Island, 1511-1687. Compiled from the Co- 
lonial Records and other original Sources. By 
Lieut.-General Sir J. H. Lefroy. Vol. II., 
1650-16S7, with map and fac-simile of a Ber- 
muda manuscript 8vo, pp. 760. Longman, 
Green & Co. London, 1879. 
In the December number of the Magazine for 
1877 (I-. 77^) we noticed the admirable contri- 
bution to the in-ular history of the Atlantic 
coast by this distinguished gentleman and ac- 
complished scholar, in a first volume of memo- 
rials. The materials supplied by the colony 
for its continuance have been largely supple- 
mented in this volume by documents found in 
the Public Record Office in London. 

The reign of Charles II. was characterized in 
Bermuda by a great social deterioration in mor- 
als, education and public spirit, and there appear 
to have been at t lat period a rudeness, violence 
and disorder in the community, which faith'^ully 
reflects the age of piracy and buccaneering in 
the West Indies, of plots and factions in the 
mother country. 

One of the strangest episodes in the religious 
struggles of the seventeenth century is the at- 
tempt to found a settlement in the island of 
Cigatio in 1646. This name was given to it by 
Columbus, but was changed by the adventurers 
into Elentheria, to signify the pure religious lib- 
erty to be there established, which was to exceed 
that of Massachusetts Bay and New Plymouth. It 
will be remembered that Eleutheria was the Gre- 
cian festival in honor of Jupiter Eleuthenies, 
the asserter of liberty. In the new Eleutheria 
conscience was to be free. 

A large part of the volume is taken up with 
the record of proceedings against the Quakers, 
a sect which has now entirely disappeared from 
Bermuda. The Legislature of the island has 



shown an enlightened liberality in providing for 
the publication of these expensive, but extremely 
valuable volumes, in a style worthy of the editor 
and of themselves. The Major-General of ihe 
last volume appears as Lieut.-General upon this. 
We congratulate him on his new honors. 



INDUSTRIAL HISTORY OF THE UNI- 
TED States, from the earliest settli:- 
MENTS TO THE PRESENT TIME. Being a com- 
plete survey of American Industries, embracing 
Agriculture and Horticulture, etc., etc. ; together 
with a description of Canadian Industries. In 
seven books, copiously illustrated with about 
three hundred engravings by the most eminent 
artists. By Albert S. Bolles. 8vo, pp. 936. 
The Henry Bill Publishing Company. 
Norwich, Conn., 1879. 

The time for the publication of a comprehen- 
sive view of the industrial resources of the 
United States is well chosen. Though not such 
by name, it is in reality a most important addi- 
tion to the Centennial history of the country ; 
and it could not have fallen to more competent 
hands. The materials are gathered from the 
best sources, and presented in a striking manner 
in monographic sub ivisions, the titles to which 
well indicate the scope and purpose of the gen- 
eral inquiry. Of the seven books, the first is 
upon Agriculture and Horticulture ; the second, 
on Manufactures ; the third, Shipping and Rail- 
roads ; the fourth. Mines, Mining and Oil ; the 
fifth. Banking, Insurance and Commerce ; the 
sixth, Trade Unions and Eight Hour Move- 
ment ; the seventh, the Industries of Canada. 

In his introduclion the author pays a hand- 
some and well-deserved tribute to the noble col- 
lections of the Boston Athenaeum, the Boston 
Public Library and the Astor Library in New- 
York, without which, as he justly says, such a 
work as his could not possibly have been exe- 
cuted. 

Each book opens with a general view on the 
subject treated, and takes up in detail the his- 
tory of the development of each iudustry in this 
country from its beginnings, and follows it to its 
latest triumphs ; and each is tliorough. The 
statistical tables are well selected ; the illustra- 
tions adapted to the text. 

In our August number (III., 526) attention was 
called to the admirable paper, by the same au- 
thor, on the Financial Administration of Robert 
Morris, a chapter from a forthcoming " Finan- 
cial History of the United States," the appear- 
ance of which is awaited with interest by all 
who concern themselves in the vital question 
of American finance, now a prominent topic of 
inquiry. 




yj^m 




"U)'<-' 




:nq^( 6y E.B EalL A Smis 13 BarclxUj Sz.F. Y. 



MAGAZINE OF AMERICAN HISTORY 



Vol. IV APRIL 1880 No. 4 

THE PAWNEE INDIANS 

THEIR HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY 

THE Pawnee family, though some of its branches have long 
been known, is perhaps in history and language one of the 
least understood of the important tribes of the West. In 
both respects it seems to constitute a distinct group. During recent 
years its extreme northern and southern branches have evinced a ten- 
dency to blend with surrounding stocks ; but the central branch, consti- 
tuting the Pawnee proper, maintains still in its advanced decadence a 
bold line of demarcation between itself and all adjacent tribes. 

§2. The members of the family are: the Pawnees, the Arikaras, the 
Caddos, the Huecos or Wacos, the Keechies, the Tawaconies, and the 
Pawnee Picts or Wichitas. The last five may be designated as the 
Southern or Red River branches. 

At the date of the Louisiana purchase the Caddos were living about 
forty miles northwest of where Shreveport now stands. Five years 
earlier their residence was upon Clear Lake, in what is now Caddo 
Parish. This spot they claimed was the place of their nativity, and 
their residence from time immemorial. There they had long been 
known to the French traders who had a factory among them. Soon 
after the annexation of Texas they settled upon a reserve provided for 
them by the Government on the Brazos River, just below Fort Belknap. 
It would seem that their migration from Louisiana, for whatever cause 
undertaken, must have been slowly accomplished, for they are reported 
to have tarried upon one of the tributaries of the Sabine River suffi- 
ciently long to leave it the name of Caddo Fork. They have a tradition 
that they are the parent stock, from which all the southern branches 
have sprung, and to some extent this claim has been recognized. 

The earliest ascertainable home of the Huecos seems to have been 
upon the upper Brazos River. The land just mentioned as a reserve 



242 THE PAWNEE INDIANS 

was part of their territory. From kinship and proximity, they were 
always specially intimate with the Wichitas. About 1830 a large por- 
tion of the band took up their residence with the Wichitas north of the 
Red River, and continued there for more than twenty years. From 
this long continued intimacy they contracted much of the roving char- 
acter of the Wichitas. Of the early history of the Keechies and Tawa- 
conies very little is known. The home of the latter, prior to their 
settling upon the Fort Belknap reserve, was upon the upper Leon 
River. The earliest known residence of the Keechies was upon the 
Trinity and upper Sabine Rivers. So far as I have been able to learn, 
they were never induced to settle upon the reserve with the foremen- 
tioned bands, but preferred an irresponsible life, and gradually wan- 
dered away across the Red River, and as early as 1850 were living upon 
the Canadian River, near Choteau's Landing. 

The remaining band, the Wichitas, after their return from the north, 
occupied territory upon both sides of the Red River. Their first set- 
tlement was near the eastern extremity of the Wichita Mountains ; Long. 
99^ 20/, Lat. 34° 50^ Before 1805 they had for some reason moved 
southeast to the Red River. In 1850 they were upon the headwaters 
of Rush Creek, a tributary of the False Washita. During much of 
the time they are reputed to have lived in close intimacy with the 
Comanches. At all events they seem to have imbibed a marked fond- 
ness for the unsettled, roaming life of the latter. It is only very recently 
that they have been induced to adopt a more regular life, and then prob- 
ably only because compelled by destitution. In personal appearance 
they are inferior. They are excellent horsemen, and have long been 
noted as inveterate marauders, especially given to horse-stealing. 

In 1804 the relative numbers of these bands were estimated to be: 
The Caddos, 100 warriors; the Huecos, 80; the Keechies, 60; the Ta- 
waconies, 200; the Wichitas, 400. Just before that date the Caddos, 
and probably some of the others, had suffered severely from the small- 
pox. In 1820 they were estimated as follows: the Caddos, 300 war- 
riors; the Huecos, 300; the Keechies, 200; the Tawaconies, 150; the 
Wichitas, 300. They were then living in a sort of tribal confederacy. 
At the head of this confederacy were the Caddos, whose first chief held 
a commission as colonel in the Spanish army.' During the continuance 
of this alliance, which was probably brief, the Wichitas are said to have 
removed to the vicinity of the Brazos River, and lived with or near the 
Huecos. It was no doubt on the return of the Wichitas to their old 
home beyond the Red River that the part of the Huecos already 



THE PAWNEE INDIANS 243 

mentioned withdrew from their own band and accompanied them. 
While living upon the Brazos Reserve the Caddos, Huecos and 
Tawaconies are said to have been intelligent, peaceable, quiet, indus- 
trious and disposed to adopt many of the usages of civilized life. 
Unfortunately, however, a feud was engendered between them and cer- 
tain of the more lawless white settlers of the vicinity, which resulted 
toward the close of 1858 in the murder of several unoffending Indians 
by the latter. The mutual distrust and uneasiness resulting frvmi this 
wanton act caused the Indians to begin to move in straggling parties 
across the Red River into the Choctaw country, where a remnant of 
the Caddos was already residing. The five bands are now all gathered 
upon a reserve secured for them in the Indian Territory by the Gov- 
ernment. Their numbers by the census of 1876 were: the Caddos 
(including about 100 incorporated Delawares and lowas), 580; the 
Huecos, 70; the Keechies, 85; the Tawaconies, 100; the Wichitas, 215. 
In many respects, their method of building lodges, their equestrianism 
and certain social and tribal usages they quite closely resemble 
the Pawnees. Their connection however with the Pawnee family, not 
till recently if ever mentioned, is mainly a matter of vague con- 
jecture. I find one record of the Caddos early in this century speaking 
of the Pawnees as friends (if indeed this does not refer to the Wichitas, 
i. e.^ Pawnee Picts), but no allusion is made to any kinship. Gallatin in 
his Essay (1835) classes them as entirely distinct. Catlin, who visited 
the Wichitas in 1833, is very emphatic in denying any relationship 
between them and the Pawnees, claiming that in stock, language and 
customs they are altogether different. Gallatin mentions them as pre- 
sumed, from similarity of name* (Pawnee Picts), to be related to the 
Pawnees. On the other hand, the Wichitas and Pawnees, ever since 
the acquisition of their territory by the United States, have uniformly 
asserted their kinship, and maintained constant intercourse. Professor 
Turner, in volume III. of the Pacific Railroad Explorations (1853), gives 
brief vocabularies of the Hueco and Keechie as probably of Pawnee 
stock. Of the Caddo he gives only a few words, noting some close 
resemblances to. the Pawnee, but expressing no opinion as to any rela- 
tionship. In the Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs for 
1876 the fact of any kinship between any of the five bands and the Paw- 
nees is utterly ignored, and the assertion is even hazarded that the 
Southern branches themselves belong to three distinct stocks — the 
Caddos speaking one language, the Huecos, the Tawaconies and 
the Wichitas another, and the Keechies a third. This is certainly a 



244 THE PAWNEE INDIANS 

late and unwarranted contradiction of a fact that has been recognized 
for nearly a century. 

§ 3. Of the one northern branch, the Arikaras, our information is 
much more satisfying. The reason of their separation from the Paw- 
nees is not certainly known. There has, however, been an old tradition 
among the Pawnees that they drove them from the once common settle- 
ment on the Platte River. The exact date of the movement of the Arikaras 
northward from this region is also unknown ; but we may safely conclude 
it to have been quite ancient from the fact that their migration up the 
Missouri River must have been before the occupying of the country along 
that stream by the powerful Dakota tribe one hundred and fifty years ago. 
This view is sustained by the remains of various villages built by them at 
different stages of their progress. The lower of these present the appear- 
ance of considerable antiquity. Lewis and Clarke, in 1804, found the Ari, 
karas about Lat. 450 above the mouth of the Cheyenne River. Twenty 
years before they were reported to have been living below the Cheyenne 
on the Missouri. From this latter place they had moved up to the Man- 
dans, with whom for a time they lived in alliance ; but later had with- 
drawn to where Lewis and Clarke found them. At that time they were 
very favorably disposed towards the United States, and remained so for 
some years. In 1820 they had become bitterly hostile. This radical 
change has usually been attributed to the intrigues of the Northwest 
Fur Company, which through its factors was making strenuous effort to 
divert the. traffic of this region from the Missouri Fur Company. In 
1823 the Arikaras made an attack upon some boats of the latter com- 
pany, killed thirteen men and wounded others. In consequence of this 
act an expedition under Colonel Leavenworth, aided by the company and 
by 600 friendly Dakotas, was sent from Council Bluffs, Iowa, against them. 
In August of that year, after a desultory action at their lower village, 
they were induced to sue for peace. Nine years after Catlin, while 
ascending the Missouri, found them living at the mouth of the Cannonball 
River, still so hostile that individual intercourse could not safely be had 
with them. In 1833 they made a visit in a body to the Pawnees on the 
Platte, and continued there with the Ski'-di band two years. To all 
appearance their intention was to take up their permanent abode with 
their old-time associates, at least so it was generally understood. But 
some of their usages and traits, especially their hostility to the whites, 
proved so undesirable to their kinsmen that they were finally sent away. 
On receiving this dismission they returned to their northern home, where 
they have since remained. They are now upon a reserve with the 



THE PAWNEE INDIANS 241; 

Mandans and Minnetarees near Fort Berthold, Dakota. Their present 
number is about 700. 

Like the Pawnees they regard the Dakotas as their natural foes, and 
wars with them have been ceaseless. Scarcely any other evidence can 
be needed of their valor than the fact of their having sustained the 
unequal struggle for so many generations. Their visit to the Pawnees, 
already noticed, is explamed by some on the ground that they were dis- 
possessed and expelled by the Dakotas ; but this is incorrect. The real 
cause of their attempted migration was. in some degree the cessation of 
traffic with them in consequence of repeated aggressions by them upon 
the traders. But to this should be added their alleged reason : The 
partial or entire failure of their crops for several years. To a tribe as 
agricultural as they seem to have always been this was no trifling 
casualty. In the late troubles with the Dakotas they furnished the 
Government with a considerable number of scouts, who are reported to 
have done excellent service. 

Of all the branches thus far mentioned the Arikaras most nearly 
resemble the Pawnees. In personal appearance, in tribal organization 
and government, in many of their social usages, and in language they 
are unmistakably Pawnees. The latter claim that since their separation 
the Arikaras have degenerated, and with some reason, for in many par- 
ticulars they are decidedly inferior. Lewis and Clarke state that their 
women w^ere remarkably handsome. This fact was also noted by one 
who was with them during their last sojourn with the Pawnees; and in 
this excellence the tribe took great pride. Dr. Hayden, however, in his 
Ethnography and Philolog}^ of the Indian Tribes of the Missouri Valley, 
asserts that the Arikara women now show no traces of such superiority. 

§4. Of the central branch, the Pawnee proper, the special subject of 
this monogram, our sketch will be more extended. The name Pawnee 
is most probably derived from pa'-rik-i, a horn ; and seems to have 
been once used by the Pawnees themselves to designate their peculiar 
scalp-lock. From the fact that this was the most noticeable feature in 
their costume, the name came naturally to be the denominative term of 
the tribe. The word in this use once probably embraced the Wichitas 
(/. e., Pawnee Picts) and. the Arikaras. The latter is evidenced by the 
name Pa^da'-ni, applied by the Dakotas to the Arikaras. Pa-da' -ni is 
not a Dakota word, but simply their pronunciation of Pa'-ni (it will 
be observed that throughout this paper I use the common, but evidently 
incorrect form. Pawnee), and would scarcely have been applied by them 
to the Arikaras had not the latter, when they first met them, been 



246 THE PAWNEE INDIANS 

known as Pa!-ni, The name Arikara is derived, I am inclined to think^ 
not from the Mandan, as is sometimes claimed, but from the Pawnee 
ur'4k4, a horn ; with a verbal or plural suffix, being thus simply a 
later and exact equivalent of Pa'-ni itself. 

§5. The following- list embraces in chronological order most of the 
works from which data of value concerning the Pawnees may be 
derived: 

History of the Expedition under command of Captains Lewis and 
Clarke to the Sources of the Missouri, etc., Philadelphia, 181 5. This 
work is invaluable as containing the earliest information (1804) that we 
have of the Pawnees after the accession of their territory to the United 
States. In connection with the final work the Preliminary Report of 
Captain Lewis from Fort Mandan (1805) to President Jefferson, and 
also the Gass Journal should be read. 

Exploratory Travels through the Western Territories of North 
America, by Maj. Z. M. Pike, Philadelphia, 18 10. Maj. Pike visited 
(1806) one band, the Kit' -ke-hak-i, then living upon the Republican Fork 
of the Kansas River. The three other bands upon the Platte River he 
did not see. He gives some valuable details. 

Expedition to the Rocky Mountains, by Maj. S. H. Long, Phila- 
delphia, 1823. This work contains considerable information (18 19) con- 
cerning the tribe ; but, unfortunately, a large portion of the account was 
derived from mere report, and is manifestly somewhat colored by the 
source through which it was acquired. 

Sketches taken during an Expedition to the Pawnee Tribes, by J. 
T. Irving, Philadelphia, 1835. Mr. Irving accompanied a Commissioner 
who visited the Pawnee villages in 1833, for the purpose of negotiating 
a treaty between them and the United States. Though his personal 
intercourse with the Pawnees was quite limited, his narrative is unusu- 
ally correct and valuable, containing the results of careful inquiry and 
observation. 

Travels in North America, including a Summer Residence with the 
Pawnee Tribe of Indians, by Hon. C. A. Murray, London, 1841. The 
writer of this work had an excellent opportunity to learn of the char- 
acter and usages of the Pawnees. During his stay of a little over a month 
(1835) with them he gained a great deal of very accurate information in 
relation to them from a gentleman then living with the band with which he 
traveled. Mr. Murray's independent statements are, in many instances, 
obviously incorrect. One important fact, not recorded in the work,, 
should be borne in mind while reading it : certain of Mr. Murray's deal- 



THE PAWNEE INDIANS 247 

ings with the Indians were such as to draw upon himself the hearty re- 
sentment of a large number of the band and to call forth the severe cen- 
sure of the gentleman already mentioned. The feeling against him soon 
became so strong on the part of the Indians as to induce him to take a 
hurried departure before his visit, as originally intended, was half ex- 
pired. His undisturbed withdrawal was in no small degree due to the 
persistent exertions of this gentleman, for already one or two plans for 
summarily ridding themselves of his presence had been mooted by some 
of the offended Indians. Mr. Murray afterward repaid this service in a 
somewhat questionable manner. 

Contributions to the Ethnology and Philology of the Indian tribes 
of the Missouri Valley, by F. V. Hay den, Philadelphia, 1862. The por- 
tion of this work relating to the Pawnees is brief, but is valuable as con- 
taining the largest vocabulary of the language hitherto published. 

Reports of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs. These deserve men- 
tion, as they contain a yearly resume of the condition of the tribe 
since 1858. 

Lawyrawkillarits Pdny Kirta. Boston. 1836. This pamphlet is 
worthy of note as the only attempt that has thus far been made to pre- 
sent the Pawnee language in written form. 

§ 6. Earlier Notices. Prior to the beginning of the present century 
our knowledge of the Pawnees is confined almost exclusively to occa- 
sional notices found in French writers. The following comprise the 
more important of them : 

Bernard de la Harpe, Journal Historique de TEtablissement des 
Frangais a la Louisiane, p. 168 et seq. " M. de Bienville received, Dec. 29, a 
letter Irom Mr. Dutisne dated Kaskaskia, Nov. 22^ ^719^ with an account 
of his journey from that place by the river and by land to the villages 
of the Osages and Panionassas on the Missouri River." Apparently on 
a second journey, '' he crossed the Mississippi and went to the Sabine 
twelve leagues from Kaskaskia and thirty from the Missouri. From 
the Sabine he passed on one hundred and twenty leagues to the Osages 
on a river of the same name; then forty leagues northwest from the 
Osages through a prairie country, crossing four streams, three branches 
of the Osages and one of the Arkansas. This branch of the Arkansas is 
twelve leagues east of the Panionassa village, which is situated on a hill 
surrounded by prairie and not far from a considerable stream. South- 
west of the village is a wood which is of great utility to the Indians. 
The village contains 130 lodges and about 300 warriors. One league 
northwest on the same stream is another village of the same nation 



248 THE PAWNEE INDIANS 

about as large. Together they have about 300 (?) horses which they 
esteem very highly and do not wish to part with. This nation is not 
civilized, but it would be easy to render it less savage by making it 
some presents. Mr. Dutisne planted the King's standard at the village, 
Sept. 27, 1719; but was near being tomahawked by the Panionassas at 
the instigation of the Osages who represented that he was there for the 
purpose of making war and taking slaves." The narrative adds that 
"there are several Panis villages west and northwest of the Panionassas, 
but they are little known. From them the Osages steal horses." The 
geographical data in this account are apparently somewhat confused ; ' 
but the Panionassas visited were in all probability the Kit' -ke-hak-i 
or Republican Pawnees of the Republican Fork of the Kansas 
River. 

Le Page du Pratz, Histoire de la Louisiane, vol. 2, p. 251. "The 
principal nations that live on or near the Missouri are the Missouris, the 
Canchez (Kansas), the Othonez (Otoes), the Panis blancs, the Panis noirs, 
the Panimahas, the Padoucas(Comanches), and the Aiouez(Iowas). The 
smallest are the Aiouez and Othonez ; the others are quite large." 
The Panis noirs were probably the Wichitas, here from similarity of 
name placed erroneously with the Pawnees. The Panimahas were the 
Ski'-di, or Loup band. In vol. 3, p. 180, it is stated that Bourgmont 
while on his way to the Padoucas (from Kaskaskia?) in October, 1724, 
was visited by some Panimahas. 

Charlevoix in his Journal (vol. 3, p. 212) says: " It is to the Panis, a 
nation settled on the bank of the Missouri and extending far away 
towards New Mexico, that it is pretended the calumet was given by the 
sun (of Nuttall, Travels into Arkansas Territory, p. 276) ; but these 
Indians have done as many others had done. They have wished to ex- 
alt by the marvelous a usage of which they were themselves the 
authors ; and all that we can conclude from this tradition is that the 
Panis render to the sun a more ancient, or more marked w^orship than 
the other Indians of this part of the American continent, and were the 
first who conceived the idea of making the calumet a symbol of peace." 
In another place (vol. 3, p. 410), speaking of the Arkansas River, he 
says : " The river comes, it is said, from the country of certain Indians 
who are called Panis noir ; and I believe they are the same who are 
better known under the name of Panis Ricaras. I have a slave of this 
nation with me." In this passage the writer manifestly confounds the 
Arikaras of the northern Missouri with the Wichitas, or Pawnee Picts. 

In a pamphlet. Notice sur 1 etat actuelle de la mission de la Louisiane, 



THE PAWNEE INDIANS 



249 



Ihcre is the following: "a trustworthy merchant, who has recently 
ascended the Missouri to its source, told one of the missionaries that he 
found several tribes on that stream that had never seen a white man. 
He remarked not without astonishment that these Indians acknowledge 
only one God, to whom they offer daily the first mouthful of smoke 
from the pipe, and the first morsel of each meal. There are others, 
however, who adore the beautiful Star (Belle Etoile). Even lately these 
latter were going to sacrifice to it a Spanish boy nine years old, whom 
they had captured ; but he escaped ^and took refuge with Bishop Du- 
bourg. The poor boy had been fattened for some time with the greatest 
care, to merit the signal honor of being immolated to their ferocious 
divinity." Though no name is given here every statement made is 
specially applicable to the Pawnees. 

The foregoing extracts are all valuable, containing, as they do, 
several statements which will hereafter be seen to be prominent marks 
of Pawnee life and character. They serve also to aid in locating the ter 
ritory of the tribe." 

§7. Territory. De Lisle in Carte du Mexique, 1703, has Panis and 
Panionassas on two streams entering the Arkansas from the south. In 
Carte du Canada, 1703, he has River des Panis entering the Missouri 
from the south and Pani villages on it ; and further to the south Lac 
des Panis and Pani villages near it. The Pawnee region as given in 
these maps was evidently largely a matter of hearsay. In the first it 
would be natural to suppose that the Wichitas on the north Red River 
were meant. In the second the river entering the Missouri from the 
south is evidently the Platte. Possibly the villages on the lake were in- 
tended to represent the Kit' -kc-hak-i band on the. Republican. In Carte 
de la Louisiane, 1718, he has Paniassas at the mouths of two streams 
entering the Arkansas ; north on the Causes (Kansas) River twelve vil- 
lages of the Panis ; north of these on the Missouri twelve villager, of the 
Fanimahas; still further north, beyond the Aiouez and Aricara, the 
Panis with forty villages. On this map the Paniassas would seem to be 
the same as the Panionassas of the first map, the Panis on the Causes, 
the lake villages of the second ; and the Panimahas, the Pawnees of the 
Platte. The Panis north of the Aricara must be the Arikaras them- 
selves, extravagantly overestimated. [Unless, possibly this is a con- 
fusion such as is also found in Jeffrey's map, where Cris Panis Blancs 
(Crees ?) are represented as being located west of Lake Winnipeg]. The 
Pawnees themselves have no tradition of ever having occupied or 
claimed territory north of the Niobrara, though they sometimes hunted 



250 THE PAWNEE INDIANS 

there. That region before the westward movement of the Dakotas, 
was held by the Cheyennes, Arapahos, and Kiowas.' 

The true Pawnee territor}' till as late as 1833 may be described as 
extending from the Niobrara south to the Arkansas. They frequentl}^ 
hunted considerably beyond the Arkansas ; tradition sa\'s as far as the 
Canadian ; and sometimes made considerable stays in that region. 
Irving (Tour on the Prairies) mentions seeing in 1832 the remains of a 
recent Pawnee village on the Cimarron. On the east they claimed to 
the Missouri, though in eastern Nebraska by a sort of tacit permit the 
Otoes, Poncas and Omahas along that stream occupied lands extending 
as far west as the Elkhorn. In Kansas also east of the Big Blue they 
had ceased to exercise any direct control, as several remnants of tribes, 
the Wyandots, Delawares, Kickapoos, and lowas had been settled there 
and were living under the guardianship of the United States. In 1S33 
the Pawnees by treaty finally relinquished their right to the lands thus 
occupied. (^In 1848 the remains of a considerable village were plainly 
discernible near where Wolf River empties into the Missouri in 
northeastern Kansas. The lowas, then occupying the region, assigned 
these remains, no doubt correctly, to the Pawnees. This fact would 
sufficiently indicate that their control of this locality was once real). 
On the west their sfrounds were marked bv no natural boundarv, but 
ma}^ perhaps be described by a line drawn from the mouth of Snake 
River on the Niobrara southwest to the North Platte, thence south to 
the Arkansas. The boundaries here named are not imaginarv. In des- 
ignating them I have consulted Pawnee historv. Messrs. Dunbar, 
Allis and Satterlee, who were laboring as missionaries with the Pawnees, 
accompanied the different bands on their several semi-annual hunts in 
1835-6-7, and on those hunts the tribe roamed at will over a large part 
of the territory within these limits. This territory, comprising a large 
portion of the present States of Nebraska and Kansas, formed a tract 
which for their purposes was as fine as could be found west of the Mis- 
sissippi. The region of the Platte and Upper Kansas, with their numer- 
ous tributaries, was a favorable mean between the extreme north and 
warmer south ; the climate was healthful, the soil of great fertility, and 
game, such as buffalo, elk, deer, and antelope in abundance to more 
than supply their utmost need. 

It is not to be supposed, however, that they held altogether undis- 
turbed possession of this territory. On the north they were incessantly 
harassed by various bands of the Dakotas, while upon the south the 
Osages, CcMiianches, Chevennes, Arapahos and Kiowas (the last three 
originally northern tribes) were equally relentless in their hostility. In 



THE PAWNEE INDIANS 2$l 

fact the history of the Pawnees, as far back as we can acquire any 
knowledge of it, has been a ceaseless, uncompromising warfare against 
the sev^eral tribes that begirt them, and no more convincing evidence of 
their inherent energy and indomitable spirit could be furnished than 
their having up to that date (1833) maintained their right over this 
garden of the hunting grounds essentially intact. Their enemies were, 
it is true, making constant forays upon it and in some instances inflict- 
ing severe loss upon them ; but in no case had they succeeded in wrest- 
ing from the Pawnees and retaining any portion of their territory. On 
the contrary within the limits named the Pawnee remained the proud 
master of the land. In 1833 the Pawnees surrendered to the United 
States their claim upon all the above described territory lying south of 
the Platte. In 1858 all their remaining territory was ceded, except a re- 
serve thirty miles long and fifteen wide upon the Loup Fork of the Platte, 
its eastern limit beginning at Beaver Creek. In 1874 they sold this tract 
and removed to a reserve secured for them by the Government in the 
Indian Territory, between the Arkansas and Cimarron at their junction. 
§ 8. Origm. The traditions of three of the bands, the Xait'-i, Kit-ke- 
hak-i and Pit-a-haii'-e-rat, coincide in stating that the Pawnees migrated 
to the Platte River region from the south, and secured possession of it 
by conquest. The period of this migration is so remote that they have 
failed to retain any of its details, except in a very confused form. The 
language affords some evidence that their residence in the Valley of the 
Platte has been of some duration. O-kuMtt and oku-kdt signify strictly 
above and below (of a stream) respectively. Now their villages have 
usually been situated upon the banks of the Platte, the general course of 
which is from west to east. Hence each of these words has acquired a 
new meaning, /. e., west and east. So, also Kir' 4-kii-rtiks' -tu, toward or with 
the Wichitas, has come to mean south. Such developments are perfectly 
natural in the history of a language, but require time. The Wichitas 
I am told, have a tradition that the primitive home of themselves, and 
the Pawnees was upon the Red River below the mouth of the Washita. 
This would place them in close proximity with the Caddos {cf p. i) 
The Wichitas also attempt to explain their own southern position by 
alleging that having had reason to be dissatisfied with the migration, or 
its results, they attempted to return to their old home. The Pawnees 
also state that the Wichitas accompanied them on the migration, but 
left them long ago and wandered away to the south, though silent as to 
the reason. This much may be safely claimed that the separation must 
have occurred long since, as is indicated particularly by the marked 
divergence of the Wichita dialect. 



252 THE PAWNEE INDIANS 

There are certain facts which may be referred to here as affording 
something of vraisemblance to the tradition of this migratory move- 
ment from the south; i. The Pawnee has always been remarked among 
the northern tribes for his fondness for and skill in the use of horses. 
It was a great ambition with each of them to be the owner of a drove of 
them. His wealth, and to some extent his social standing, were deter- 
mined by the number he possessed. For the increasing of his stock he 
made frequent predatory incursions upon neighboring tribes, especially 
upon those towards the south ; and sometimes these expeditions were 
extended to a great distance. Personal names were often derived from 
successful exploits of this kind. 2. The Pawnee warrior always pre- 
ferred a bow of bois d'arc, and besides the bow in actual use he would 
often have in his lodge a stick of the same material, which at his leisure 
he would be working into shape as a provision against possible exi- 
gency. Bows of this wood were rarely traded away. Bois d'arc, how- 
ever, was to be obtained only in the south, and for the purpose of pro- 
curing it a sort of commerce was kept up with certain tribes living 
there. Now in both these respects — his fondness for horses and his prefer- 
ences for the bois d'arc — the Pawnee is remarkably at one with the tribes 
of the southern plains ; and though they may not be cited as proof of his 
southern origin, they are at least indications.^ The Pawnee usually locates 
the Mississippi to the southeast, and the sea to the south. This is per- 
fectly natural, if his present indistinct knowledge of them is the remnant 
of a more intimate acquaintance that he once possessed in the south. 

§ 9. The original inhabitants of the conquered territory, the three 
bands already named claim to have been the Otoes, Poncas, Omahas, and 
Ski'-di, It is in the subjugating of these tribes that the Pawnee finds his 
heroic age. The tradition is that the Otoes and Omahas were entirely 
expelled from the country, but, after a long absence to the northward, 
returned, or rather were driven back by the Dakotas, and were allowed 
by sufferance to occupy lands adjacent to the Missouri, as the Poncas 
had continued to do since the first conquest. From that time they have 
remained wards of the Pawnees. This much at least is true ; the 
Pawnee always spoke of the Otoes, Poncas and Omahas as subjugated 
tribes; and when together in council, on war or hunting expeditions, 
though generally acknowledging their prowess — especially that of the 
two former — he still treated them as dependents ; and in times of 
impending danger from the common foe, the Dakotas, they uniformly 
looked to him for succor. 

There is an interesting document that may be mentioned in this 
connection. The Pawnee has a song, constituting the finest satirical 



THE PAWNEE INDIANS 253 

production in the language, relating to an attempt that the Poncas are 
said to have once made to recover their independence. Their warriors 
in a body, so the account states, made a pretended visit of peace to the 
village of Xau'-iy at that time the head band of the Pawnees. After lull- 
ing to rest, as they supposed, the suspicions of the Xau'-i, according to a 
preconcerted plan, they made an attack upon them, but were signally 
discomfited. In commemoration of the victory then achieved, the 
Pawnees composed this song, and the presumption is that such a 
remarkable production would not have originated and maintained its 
position permanently in their minds without a good historic basis/ 

As regards the Ski'-di, the traditions of the other three bands are 
very positive in affirming that they are the remnant of a once separate 
tribe, that has been subdued and incorporated into the Pawnee family. 
The only statement they give as to the time of this conquest is that it 
was long ago. Of the exact spot where the event transpired they say 
nothing. They further claim that once the 5X'/'-^/ attempted to reassert 
their independence, and to this end surprised and badly defeated the 
Pit-d-hau' -e-rat band while it was out on a buffalo hunt. But the two 
other bands immediately rallied about the survivors of the rout, and 
having entrapped the Ski'-di, inflicted upon them a severe retribution ; and 
since then they have been content to remain quietly in their place as one 
of the four bands. All this the Ski'-di deny. They, however, agree with 
the other bands in saying that there have been hostilities between the two 
parties. In 1835 old men were still living who had borne part in a strug- 
gle of this kind, probably during the closing quarter of the last century. 

The historic basis of this may be somewhat as follows: In the mi- 
gration of the Pawnees from the south, the Ski'-di preceded the other 
bands, perhaps by nearly a century. With them were the Arikaras. 
These two bands together possessed themselves of the region of the 
Loup. When the other bands arrived they were regarded as intruders, 
and hence arose open hostilities. The result of the struggle was that 
the two bands were forced to admit the new comers and aid in reducing 
the surrounding territory. Subsequently the Arikaras seem to have 
wandered, or more probably to have been driven from the confederacy, 
and to have passed up the Missouri. Later the Ski'-di, in consequence 
of some real or fancied provocation, attempted to retrieve their losses, 
but were sorely punished, and henceforth obliged to content themselves 
with a subordinate position in the tribe. 

The known facts upon which this interpretation is based are these : 
I. The remains of the old Ski'-di villages in the valley of the Loup are 



254 THE PAWNEE INDIANS 

more numerous, and many of them much more ancient than those 
of the other bands. 2. The names of several of the Ski'-di sub-bands are 
local and still retain their meaning ; a fact that would seem to indicate 
that they were first bestowed in this locality. 3. Since the tribe has 
been known to the United States the Ski'-di have always acknowledged 
the precedence of the other bands. Though they have been frequently 
remarked as more intelligent, as wariors they are inferior. 4. They 
claim to be more nearly related to the Arikaras than to the Pawnees 
proper. They also do not speak pure Pawnee. Their speech, while 
Pawnee, is dialectic, and forms an intermediate link between the pure 
Pawnee and the Ankara. 

§ 10. Population, This is a matter of the greatest uncertainty till 
1834. I find an estimate of tKem in 17 19 (attributed to Mr. 
Dutisne already mentioned), at about 25,000, probably of no special value. 
Lewis and Clarke, in 1805, estimated three bands, Xau'-i^ Kit-ke-hak-i 
•and Ski'-di^ at 4,000. They speak, of the'tribe as formerly very numerous, 
but at that time broken and reduced. Major Pike, in 1806, estimated 
the entire tribe at 6,223. Major Long, in 1820 gives their number as 
6,500. Thus far only three bands seem to have been known. The author- 
ities in either case were only hearsay, and the estimates are not above 
suspicion. In 1834 Major Dougherty, the Pawnee agent, and well 
versed in the affairs of the tribe, estimated them at 12,500. Messrs. 
Dunbar and Allis, while traveling with the tribe during the three years 
following, thought this too high, and placed them at 10,000. In 1838 the 
tribe suffered very severely from the small-pox, communicated to them 
by some Dakota women captured by the Ski'-di early that year. During 
the prevalence of the epidemic great numbers of children perished. 
The mortality among the adults, though great, was not so excessive. 
About a year and a half after this scourge Messrs. Dunbar and Allis 
made a careful census of the tribe as circumstances would permit, and 
found them to be 6,787, exclusive of some detachments then absent. 
These would have probably raised the total to about 7,500. The con- 
clusion at which they arrived was that their previous estimate may 
have been quite near the true number. In 1847 the number was not far 
from 8,400. In 1856 they diminished to 4,686; in 1861, to 3,416; in 
1879, to 1^440- 

The causes of this continual decrease are several. . The most con- 
stantly acting influence has been the deadly warfare with surrounding 
tribes. Probably not a year in this century has been Avithout losses 
from this source, though only occasionally have they been marked 



THE PAWNEE INDIANS 255 

with considerable disasters. In 1832 the Ski'-di band suffered a severe 
defeat on the Arkansas from the Comanches. In 1847 ^ Dakota war 
party, numbering over 700, attacked a village occupied by 216 Paw- 
nees and succeeded in killing 83. In 1854 a party of 113 were cut off 
by an overwhelming body of Cheyennes and Kiowas and killed almost 
to a man. In 1873 a hunting party of about 400, 213 of whom were 
men, on the Republican, while in the act of killing a herd of buffalo, 
were attacked by nearly 600 Dakota warriors, and 86 were 
killed. But the usual policy of their enemies has been to cut off 
individuals, or small scattered parties, while engaged in the chase or 
in tilling isolated corn patches. Losses of this kind, trifling when 
taken singly, have in the aggregate borne heavily on the tribe. It 
would seem that such losses, annually recurring, should have taught 
them to be more on their guard. But let it be remembered that the 
struggle has not been in one direction against one enemy. The 
Dakotas, Crows, Kiowas, Cheyennes, Arapahos, Comanches, Osages 
and Kansas, have faithfully aided each other, though undesignedly 
in the main, in this crusade of extermination against the Pawnee. It 
has been, in the most emphatic sense, a struggle of the one against the 
many. With the possible exception of the Dakotas, there is much of 
reason to believe that the animosity of these tribes has been exacerbated 
by the galling tradition of disastrous defeats which Pawnee prowess had 
inflicted upon themselves in past generations. To them the last seventy 
3'ears have been a carnival of revenge. 

One important fact should be noted in this connection. The treaty 
of 1833 contains no direct provision that the United States should pro. 
tect the Pawnees from the Dakotas on the north, and the Comanches 
and other tribes on the south. But unfortunately the Pawnees distinctly 
understood that this was the case, i. e., that so long as they did not 
molest other tribes, such tribes should not be allowed to trouble them. 
Accordingly for several years they scrupulously refrained from any 
aggressive hostilities, though meantime suffering severely from their 
various enemies. It was only after a final declaration from the Govern- 
ment in 1848 that it had no intention to protect them that they at last 
attempted to reassert their prestige. Thus, during this period, while 
they stood in need of the utmost vigilance, the general influence of the 
Government was to lull them into fancied security and center upon 
them the intensified efforts of their hereditary foes. 

Another cause has been the locality of the Pawnees, directly in the 
pathway of trans-continental travel during the last half century. This 



V.t.. ...t^~- 



^£1. 



1 ii^T"-^ 2ll~-r ItriSI. -I^^. 

— 3 TiKkr 



X 1 



.^cf-ia xdLi32r^ 



"ram re ^i. 3jr 



258 THE PAWNEE INDIANS 

was upon the Elkhorn, some distance east. The KU'-ke-hak-i, as already 
shown, from their first discovery till Pike's visit, were settled on the 
Republican. This has given rise to the theory that in the northward 
movement of the tribe they stopped here, while the rest continued on. 
But there is reason for believing that before occupying this region they 
resided with the rest of the tribe on the Platte. They have the same 
tradition as the Xau'-i and Pit-d-hau'-e-rat, concerning the conquest of that 
country. There has been a tradition also that after the conquest they 
moved south for the strategic purpose of keeping the Kansas and 
Osages from the hunting grounds of the upper Kansas river. Their 
associations with the other bands during the time of the separation were 
always intimate ; their interests and motives were one and their speech 
identical. The exact date of their return to the Platte is not known ; 
but in 1835 ni^n of the band, apparently not more than thirty-five years 
of age, stated that it occurred while they were children ; probably 
about 1812. 

One of the most important events of later Pawnee history was the 
missionary work among them during the years 1834-47. In the first of 
these years Messrs. Dunbar and AUis, already mentioned, visited the 
tribe with the intention of establishing a mission in it. Finding the im- 
mediate realization of their plan impracticable because of the absence 
of the Pawnees from their permanent villages, for a large part of the 
3^ear, on their semi-annual hunts, they deemed it best, rather than alto- 
gether abandon the enterprise, to accompany them for a time on their 
various wanderings, with the double purpose of acquiring the language 
and familiarizing themselves thoroughly with Pawnee usages and char- 
acter, and also of exerting whatever influence they might to induce the 
tribe to adopt a more settled manner of life. Mr. Dunbar traveled with 
the Xau'-i band, Mr. Allis with the Ski'-di. Dr. Satterlee, who joined 
them some time later, traveled with the Kit'-ke-hak4, In February, 1837, 
he made a visit to the Cheyennes on the upper Arkansas, hoping to be 
able to bring about a treaty of peace between them and the Pawnees, 
and on his return in March was killed by a lawless trapper. After two 
and a half years spent with the tribe in this way, they were finally in- 
duced to accept the encouragements offered by the Government and 
missionaries, and seemed to evince a sincere desire to enter upon a more 
regular and fixed mode of living. A spot on Plum Creek, a small trib- 
utary of the Lpup, was accordingly chosen in 1838 as the site of the 
mission and government establishment. Disturbances intervened im- 
mediately after, and prevented the execution of the design till 1844. In 



THE PAWNEE INDIANS 



259 



that year the government establishment and mission were begun at the 
place chosen ; a large farm was opened, mission buildings erected, and 
a considerable number of the Xau'-i and some of the other bands induced 
to fix their residence in the vicinity. The tribe all displayed a very 
friendly disposition, and so far as they were concerned the effort to ad- 
vance their condition toward civilization was progressing most favorably. 
But unfortunately the entire enterprise had awakened the jealous sus- 
picions and in the end roused the most persistent hostility on the part 
of the Oglala and Brule Dakotas. Each year they invaded the region 
in full force, usuall}^ taking advantage of the absence of most of the 
Pawnees on their hunts, killing where they could, and destroying corn 
patches and all other property that they might discover. These con- 
tinued depredations finally compelled the abandonment of the mission 
and farm in 1847, ^i^d the Pawnees forthwith reverted to their former 
life. 

§ 12. Tribal organization. The tribal mark of the Pawnees in their 
pictographic or historic painting was the scalp-lock dressed to stand 
nearly erect, or curving slightly backwards, somewhat like a horn. 
This, in order that it should retain its position, was filled with vermilion 
or other pigment, and sometimes lengthened by means of a tuft of horse 
hair skillfully appended so as to form a trail back over the shoulders. 
This usage was undoubted the origin of the name Pawnee {cf, § 4). In 
the sign language of the tribe and other Indians of the plains the Paw- 
nee is designated by holding up the two forefingers of the right hand, 
the symbol of the ears of the prairie wolf. The precise origin of this 
practice is a matter of some uncertainty. They claimed that the wolf was 
adopted of choice as the tribal emblem, because of its intelligence, vigi- 
lance and well known powers of endurance. Their enemies, on the other 
hand, interpreted it as a stigma upon the tribe because of their alleged 
prowling cowardice. The emblem probably originated from the name 
of the Ski'-di band. They being in advance of the other bands in the 
northern migration {cf, % 9), became known to the tribes about them as 
the wolves ; and as the other bands arrived the sign was naturally made 
to include them also, and in this enlarged use was at length accepted by 
the Pawnees themselves. The Ski-diy however, insist that their name 
has no etymological connection whatever with Ski'-rik-i, a wolf. Their 
explanation is that the Loup, i. e., Wolf River, was long ago so desig- 
nated from the great abundance of wolves in its vicinity. (Wolf River 
is not an infrequent designation of streams with Indians ; as Wolf River 
in Kansas, also in Wisconsin.) From the fact of their location upon it 



260 THE PAWNEE INDIANS 

they became known as Wolf (River) Indians. Finally to most of the 
Pawnees themselves the real distinction between Ski'-di, i. e. Ski'-riy and 
Ski'-rik-i was lost. This is unusually close Indian reasoning, but not 
altogether conclusive. 

The tribe, as already indicated, consisted of four bands : %au'-i^ or 
Grand ; Kit-ke-hak-i^ or Republican ; Pit-d-hau'-e-rat^ or Tapage ; Ski'-di, 
or Loup. The English names given are all of French origination. The 
first was applied to the Xau'-i as being the head band, and also the most 
numerous. The exact origin of Republican, as applied to the second 
band, I never learned. There has been a tradition that it was first sug- 
gested by the semi-republican system of government observed among 
them when first known; but this feature was no more marked with 
them than among the other bands. It is also said to have been applied 
to them because of their having formerly resided upon the Republican 
River ; but vice versa the stream was in all probability so named from the 
band {cf. the Kansas River from the Kansas Indians, the Osage from the 
Osage?, etc.) Tapage (also Tappage and Tappahs) is of unknown origin. 
In the treaty of 1819 they were designated as the Noisy Pawnees, which 
I presume was then the- supposed meaning of the name PiUd-hau'-e-rat. 
In the treaty it is spelled Pit-av-i-rate. Tapage is the French substitute 
for Noisy. Forty-five years ago they were known as the Smoky Hill 
Pawnees, from having once resided on that stream in western Kansas. 
In the summer hunt of 1836 they pointed out to Mr. Dunbar some of 
their old villages. The name Loup is already sufficiently explained. 

These bands were all further divided into sub-bands and families, 
each of which had its appropriate mark or token. This was usually an 
animal, as the bear, the eagle, the hawk, the beaver, etc. ; though some- 
times other objects, as the sun, the pipe, etc., were adopted. The 
separate lodges, and even articles of individual apparel, were usually 
marked with the token of the family to which the owner belonged. 
These subdivisions have now entirely disappeared, except as partially 
retained among the Ski'-di. 

The government of each band was vested nominally in its chiefs, 
these ranking as head chief, second chief, and so on. In ordinary mat- 
ters the head chief consulted his own pleasure in directing the affairs of 
tne band. At other times he was assisted by a council called for special 
deliberation. In the exercise of this authority they were generally 
mild, but when occasion required, if persons of energy, they could be 
rigorously severe. Instances have been known where life was taken to 
secure obedience. A person persisting in willful insubordination was 



THE PAWNEE INDIANS 26l 

pretty sure of at least a sound beating. Many of the chiefs used their 
influence steadfastly for promoting- the welfare of their people, often 
making great personal sacrifice to that end, and proving themselves in 
reality the fathers of their people. Such chiefs exerted great power 
over their bands. On the other hand a chief was sometimes only such 
in name, being surpassed in actual influence by those of no recognized 
rank. The office itself was hereditary, but authority could be gained 
only by acknowledged personal accomplishments. Among some of the 
best examples of Pawnee chiefs may be mentioned Pit'-d-le-shar-u, father 
and son (1841 and 1874), Sa'-re-cher-ish (1838), and Tcr'-7cr-it-ick-ils {i2,6g), of 
t\iQXau'-i; Le-kit-kat-it (1848), Le-shar' -u-cher-uks {\Z6j), of the Ski'-di ; Ti- 
ra' -wa-kiit-le-shar-u (1873), of the Pit-d-hait'-e-rat. (The dates given are the 
years of their several deaths.) During their chieftaincy the will of these 
men was law, and in many respects their characters were far superior to 
their surroundings. 

Chiefs, when able, gave presents to their people freely, but were not 
accustomed to receive any in return. They were also, so far as possible, 
-expected to provide food for the destitute in their bands. Hence a 
chief frequently had about him a considerable number of persons whom 
he fed, and in compensation used very nearly as servants. These para- 
sites were usually among the most worthless of the tribe. While under 
the chief's eye they were tolerable, but in his absence their true nature 
instantly reappeared. Any stranger who had occasion to visit the tribe 
was sure on his departure to be waylaid by them, and, if not too strongly 
guarded, to be under some specious plea subjected to heavy tribute ; and 
in case of refusal grossly insulted and perhaps injured. In such doings 
their dependence on the chief was used by them as a cloak for most arrant 
villainies. It is no doubt to this class of persons almost entirely due that 
the Pawnees have acquired so generally among the whites who have 
been in casual contact with them an unenviable notoriety as a tribe of 
vagrants and thieves. 

Beside their usual functions, chiefs were often called upon to arbi- 
trate in personal differences between members of their respective bands. 
Their decision in such cases was accepted as final. The government of 
the tribe was exercised by the concerted action of the chiefs alone, or 
assisted by tribal council. Until recently the Xau'-i have held the pre- 
cedence, their head chief outranking those of the other bands. 

Councils of a band or tribe could be called by the head chief on his 
own motion, or at the prompting of another. If the matter to be 
brought under deliberation was of great consequence, or involved 



262 THE PAWNEE INDIANS 

anything ot secrecy, the council was appointed in a lodge, or at a place 
removed from immediate observation, and no one not personally entitled 
was admitted. In other cases any convenient place, indoors or out, that 
might be named, and those not strictly privileged to sit in the council 
could, if disposed, attend as spectators. The right to participate in. 
tribal or band councils was a much coveted dignity. The call and time 
of assembling were duly published by the herald or crier of the chief. 
This functionary was one of the most conspicuous in a village. Quite 
often his voice was heard first in the morning ..oroclaiming the order of 
the day. If during the day the chief wished to communicate to the band 
any inportant news or special order, it was made known 'through this 
dignitary, who for hours perhaps would promenade the village, or stand 
upon the top of some convenient lodge, announcing in set tone and 
phrase the intelligence. While making a proclamation he frequently 
took occasion to intersperse or append numerous advices and monitory 
appeals of his own, some of which he addressed to the young men, 
others to the old men, etc. He naturally, therefore, came to be regarded 
as a sort of preceptor in general duties. Each chief had his own herald. 
The council on assembling, after the usual prehminary of smoking, was 
opened by the head chief, or by some one designated by him. After 
his will had thus been made known, the discussion was thrown open to 
all present as members ; but great scrupulousness was observed that 
there should be no infraction of their rules of precedence and decorum. 
Rank, seniority and personal prestige were all carefully considered in 
determining the order in which each one should speak. The speaker 
addressed the council as a-ti'-us (fathers), the word being repeated at the 
beginning of nearly every sentence. The members of the audience, on 
the other hand, felt perfectly free to accompany any speaker's remarks 
with expressions of approval, laii ! or dissent, ugh I though the latter 
was more usually indicated by silence. After the discussion of the 
matter in question was closed, the opinion of the council was gath- 
ered, not by any formal vote, but from the general tenor of the 
addresses that had been delivered in the course of the debate. The 
result was then made public through the herald. 

§ 13. Physical Characteristics. — The men were generally of excellent 
physique, of good stature and robust muscular development. The upper 
part of the body was frequently large in proportion to the lower ex- 
tremities, but not so much so as to occasion deformity. The feet, as also 
the hands, were small, and in walking they were intoed. Obesity was not 
usual unless in advanced life. Congenital malformations were rarely 



THE PAWNEE INDIANS 203' 

seen. This might in part be due to the fact that sickly childre.i, who 
would be most likely to present such peculiarities, did not survive 
infancy. The hair was dark, coarse and straight ; the eyes rather small, 
black and inclining to the lack-lustre type. The features, ordinarily 
well proportioned, were frequently of a very marked character and 
power. The mouth was a little large perhaps, and the lips thin. These, 
with the eyes, are the expressive features of the Pawnee face. Hence 
their proverb: '' If you wish to know whether a man is brave, watch 
his eye ; if you wish to learn whether he speaks the truth, watch his 
lips." The teeth were usually regular and remarkably good. 1 have 
seen old men, the crown of whose teeth was worn quite away, andjyet 
they had not lost one. Toothache was scarcely known. 

Their endurance was astonishing. Cases were numerous of sustained 
effort, which must seem incredible to those not personally conversant 
with the facts. Runners have been known repeatedly to travel over 
one hundred miles in twenty-four hours or less, without stopping on the 
way for sleep or nourishment. Their gait at such times was a swinging 
trot. Their power of abstinence Avas equally marked. Mr. Dunbar, 
while traveling wath them, has known them in many instances to go 
without food three days, and utter no complaint, nor remit perceptibly 
anything of their wonted activity. On such occasions, to still the 
gnawings of hunger, they were accustomed to wrap a thong several 
times tightly about the waist. It should be added, however, that all 
such seasons of special exertion or denial were invariably succeeded by 
periods of recuperation, in which full compensation was made. 

The women were considerably smaller than the men, those who 
would be remarked as large (by our standard) being extremely few. 
This was due no doubt in some degree to early marriage and child- 
bearing. Their life was one of constant toil. From early dawn till late 
at night they were incessantly at work. A Pawnee woman with nothing 
to do would be a strange anomaly. They cut and adjusted the wood used 
in constructing lodges and building horsepens ; built the stationary 
lodges; pitched and took down the portable lodges; tanned the skins 
used in covering the latter (a work both tedious and painful), sewed 
them together and fitted them to the lodge ; dressed the robes, which 
were many, both for home use and for trade ; bridled, saddled, packed 
and led the horses on the march, and unpacked them on going into camp 
at night; made and kept in repair all articles of clothing, mats, bags, 
bowls, mortars, etc. ; cut and brought all the wood for fires, much of it 
from a distance, on their own backs ; made fires, did the cooking, dried 



264 THE PAWNEE INDIANS 

the meat, dug the ground, planted, hoed, gathered, dried and stored the 
corn. In short, whatever was done, other than grazing, watering and 
bringing in the horses (which were generally done by smaller boys), and 
going to war, killing game, smoking, holding councils and giving feasts 
(which belonged to the men) they did. When with the men in the 
lodges they occupied the most inconvenient part ; in the winter the 
men enjoyed the fire, while they sat back in the cold. In girlhood many 
of them were quite good looking, active and bright, and when together 
in their work they were very loquacious and facetious ; but their toil- 
some life and harsh treatment frequently rendered them ill-favored and 
morose. 

The average duration of life was much less than with the whites ; de- 
crepitude began much earlier, and decline was more rapid. Probably few 
were to be found in the tribe who were really over sixty years old, 
though many had the appearance of it. Rheumatic complaints with the 
aged were frequent and very severe. 

§ 14. Social Usages. — Children of both sexes associated indiscrim- 
inately till about seven years of age. Most of their time was spent in 
various childish sports; the girls made dolls, the boys rode sticks ; both 
amused themselves fashioning all sorts of objects from mud, and aping 
the different phases of maturer years. After that age their occupations 
diverged. The boys began watching horses, learning to use the bow, 
hunting the smaller kinds of game, etc. At the age of sixteen or eight- 
een they aspired to appear as men, and as soon thereafter as their 
means warranted married. The girls were also busily engaged, under 
the tutelage of their mothers, learning the manifold details of their 
future life of drudgery. They rarely appeared abroad unless under 
her immediate care, or with some elderly female in charge of them. They 
attained puberty at about thirteen, and were usually married soon after. 
The qualities most desired in a young woman by a suitor were that she 
should be of good family, and that she should be well versed in house- 
hold offices and in the manifold other duties of woman's life. Personal 
beauty, though it had its place and value, was of less consequence. 
The considerations most dwelt upon by the woman were the personal 
prowess, rising influence, skill in hunting and fine form of her lover. 

When a young brave had decided to enter the married state, he put 
on his robe with the hair side out, drew it over his head so as to almost 
entirely conceal his visage, and in this guise walked to the lodge of the 
intended fair one, entered and sat down. No one addressed him, nor 
did he utter a word ; but his object was sufficiently understood by all 



THE PAWNEE INDIANS 265 

concerned. Having sat thus in silence awhile, he arose and passed out. 
After the lapse of a few days he ventured to repeat his visit, wearing 
his robe as before. If on entering the bear-skin or other seat of honor 
was made ready for his reception, he was at liberty to disclose his face 
and be seated, for such a welcome indicated that his addresses were 
not unacceptable ; but if he met with no such preparations, he might 
retire, as his attentions were not regarded favorably. If he was 
received, the young woman soon appeared and took her seat beside 
him. Her father also made it convenient to be at home. Between him 
and the suitor a conversation ensued, in the course of which the latter 
found occasion to ask his mind in regard to the proposed connection. 
The father replied guardedly that neither he nor his family had any 
objection to his becoming a son-in-law. He moreover advised the 
young man to go home, make a feast, invite in all his relatives, and con- 
sult them concerning the desirableness of the proposed alliance, adding 
that he would call in and deliberate in like manner with his daughter's 
kindred. It sometimes happened that the young woman was herself 
disinclined to the match, either because of a previous attachment, or 
from personal aversion to the wooer. If he was a man acceptable to her 
relatives, they usually made endeavor to overcome her repugnance by 
persuasion, in some cases even resorting to violence, cruelly beating her 
with their fists or sticks till consent was extorted. On the other hand, 
opposition might originate with the kin on either side. The personal 
and family history of each was sought out and fully canvassed by the 
relatives of the other. Those of the suitor might fail to find her family 
of sufficient position, or conclude her qualifications inferior; while her 
relatives were equally free to decide that he was not of desirable family, 
that he was not wealthy, or that some personal stigma was attached 
to him. In either case the matter was dropped, or further proceeding 
suspended till the objection was obviated. Sometimes in such cases, if 
the two young people were really lovers, they ventured to take matters 
into their own hands, and eloped, going to another band or to some 
friend, with whom their stay had been before arranged, and there 
remaining till a reconciliation was effected. If, however, after due 
inquiry, no cause of objection was raised on either side, the two families 
then proceeded to settle upon the price that the young man should pay. 
This custom of paying is almost universal among Indian tribes. The 
question has been raised as to whether the property that passes from 
the wooer to the father of the woman is really a price paid, or rather of 
the nature of a free gift. I wish I might assert the latter. But so far 



266 THE PAWNEE INDIANS 

as I have been able to learn, the facts all mark the transfer as purely 
commercial. The transaction is spoken of among the Indians them- 
selves as buying, and the amount of property is always carefully deter- 
mined beforehand — from one to six horses. The union then followed 
without further ceremony, other than a final feast given by the wife's 
father. The husband went to the lodge of the father-in-law, and lived 
there with his wife. A particular part of the lodge was allotted to him, 
and henceforth he was a member of that family. Such was the case 
with the eldest daughter. The others were given by the father to the 
son-in-law as they became marriageable, the father receiving a horse or 
two in return for each successive one. Hence the son-in-law usually spoke 
of his wife's sisters as wives, though they might yet be small children. 
The eldest sister was the principal wife, and ruled the younger, who 
seemed to be little better than domestic slaves, as it was a general rule 
among the Pawnees that, rank being equal, the younger should obey 
the elder. A younger wife, however, if a favorite with the husband, 
escaped most annoyance from this source. 

Such was the ordinary course ; but a man needed not necessarily 
confine himself to one family in taking wives. If his wife had no 
younger sisters, or from choice, he might look elsewhere. The only pos- 
itive restriction as to where a man should marry was kinship. The rule 
was that relatives by blood could not marry ; still ties of consanguinity 
were so intricate and confused oftentimes that the regulation became 
practically inoperative. In case a man did take an additional wife 
from a new family, the wooing was conducted the same as in the 
first instance, and at its consummation she went to her husband's home. 
Marriages of this kind, however, were not so favorably regarded, and 
in fact did not usually conduce to domestic quiet. Discord and quar- 
rels between wives were frequent enough under the best circumstances, 
and experience seemed to indicate that sisters were more likely to live 
peaceably together than strangers. When quarrels did occur between 
wives, they might end with mere wrangling, or proceed to blows and 
tearing hair, unless the husband was disposed to interfere and restore 
quiet. A man rarely had four wives ; three were not uncommon ; many 
had two, but by far the larger number had only one. Long mentions 
one Pawnee with eleven wives, and a friend of mine knew a Ski-di with 
eight; but such cases were exceedingly rare. From the fact that they 
were obtained by purchase, the number of a man's wives was in a cer- 
tain sense an index of his wealth, i. e., of the number of horses he 
owned, and with some men this was a provocative to take a new wife as 



THE PAWNEE INDIANS 267 

often as opportunity presented. Still there were frequent exceptions ; 
men of rank and in good circumstances, who seemed to be living per- 
fectly contented with only one wife. In such instances husbands have 
been known to evince a real affection for their wives, not deeming it 
too much to be found assisting them in their various labors. And this 
for an Indian is a great deal. 

Separation of man and wife did not often occur. Infidelity on the 
part of the latter was almost the only cause that produced final divorce- 
ment. Usually, through principle or fear, wives were faithful. If a 
case of unfaithfulness was discovered, the punishment remained in the 
hands of the husband. The most common penalty was that the 
offending wife should be unmercifully beaten, and relegated back to her 
father's family. I never knew of a guilty woman being mutilated or 
killed, as is frequent among some of the southern tribes. The husband 
might retain the children or not, as he saw fit. Between him and the 
offending man, unless through the mediation of friends the offence was 
condoned, a life-long feud generally ensued. Sometimes a man, without 
assigning any specific reason, cast off a wife, but such conduct was not 
ordinarily sanctioned. On the other hand, a wife sometimes left her hus- 
band. In most of this kind of instances, if she had not eloped with another 
man, an understanding was before long effected, and they again lived to- 
gether. The whole matter of the relation of the sexes must be judged with 
large allowances, for certain ways of thinking, to which they were edu- 
cated, tended directly to cut away all idea of mutual obligation in it. 

If a man died, leaving a wife and no children, or only small children, 
his relatives stepped immediately in and took possession of all his prop- 
erty. The destitute widow returned to her father's lodge, to be sold 
away anew. If too old, she was sometimes cared for, but too often was 
left to struggle through the remainder of life as best she might. If 
there were man-grown sons, they took the property and the mother 
with them, who, if not sold away again, remained as in her own lodge. 

The offspring of a family was generally quite limited in number. 
Four children in a family was perhaps a full average. A family of eight 
children, seven sons and one daughter, was so unusual as to become 
famous as the seveji brothers. This low rate of increase was no doubt in 
part due to the long lactation of children, three, and even four years,, 
but largely also to the life of incessant hardship that the women under- 
went. I never knew of means being used to prevent child-bearing, and 
do not think that any such practices were generally known among them. 
On the contrary children were desired. 



268 • THE PAWNEE INDIANS 

Accouchment was generally very easy. No special preparation 
seemed to be made, the woman continuing about her ordinary duties 
till the moment actually arrived. In traveling she simply fell out of 
the line, near water if possible, and in the course of two or three hours 
resumed her place, carrying the infant on her back. If in the village, 
she retired to some secluded spot near a stream alone, as before. Some- 
times, at the birth of the first child, the mother was attended by a 
woman acting as midwife, j/^zZ-r^-^/ but the principal part of her ser- 
vice consisted in busily shaking a rattle, a gourd containing a handful 
of shot. After birth the infant was immediately washed, bandaged and 
fastened to the baby-board, luts-if-u *v7\iQrQ it remained most of the time 
for the first twelve or fifteen months of life. As soon thereafter as they 
could begin to walk, they were loosened from the board and allowed 
more freedom. 

§ 15. Dress. — Boys were allowed to go without any dress, other than 
such bits of clothing as they might pick up, till about six years old. 
Girls, after three years, were covered with a skirt. The dress of both 
sexes was quite simple. That of the men consisted of a girdle about 
the loins, to which was attached the breech-cloth, and from which 
depended the buckskin leggins covering the thighs and legs. On the 
feet were moccasins. In winter the body was wrapped in a buffalo 
robe or blanket ; in summer a light blanket, or a thinly dressed skin 
was worn. But in warm weather they often went without either of 
these. Moccasins and breech-cloth alone were considered indispen- 
sible ; the former, because without them traveling on the prairie was 
impossible, the latter from considerations of modesty. The dress of 
the women consisted of moccasins, leggins, tightly laced above the knee, 
and reaching to the ankles, a skirt covering from the waist to below the 
knee, and a loose waist or jacket suspended from the shoulders by 
straps. The arms were bare, except when covered by the robe or 
blanket. The garments of the women, other than the moccasins, were 
made, if the wearer could afford it, of cloth, otherwise of some kind of 
skin, dressed thin and soft. The making and keeping in repair of moc- 
casins was a ceaseless task. The last thing each day for the women was 
to look over the moccasins, and see that each member of the family 
was supplied for the ensuing day. 

The head of the men was close shaven except the scalp-lock. This 
was dressed as before described {cf. § 12). The beard and eyebrows were 
kept carefully pulled out. The instrument used for this purpose was 
a spiral coil of wire, about an inch in diameter and two inches long. It 



THE PAWNEE INDIANS 269 

was held closely against the face, and by pressing the coils together the 
hairs were caught and pulled out. Much time was spent in this work, 
and great pains taken to prevent the beard or eyebrows from showing 
at all. The hair of the women was allowed to grow long, and usually 
hung in two braids at the back. The part in the hair was kept smeared 
with vermilion, especially with girls and young women. Men and 
women also sometimes wore a handkerchief or other cloth tied about 
the head like a turban. 

Paint was an important part of the toilet, particularly with men. 
Young women sometimes used vermilion quite freely on the face, but 
with men in full costume paint was indispensable. There was no spe- 
cial guide other than individual fancy in its use for personal ornamenta- 
tion. Sometimes the entire person was bedaubed, but more usually 
only certain parts, especially the face and breast. When painting the 
whole body, frequently the nails, or the notched edge of a sort of 
scraper, was drawn over the body, producing a peculiar barred appear- 
ance. Sometimes the figure of certain animals, as the totem of the 
family to which the person belonged, was conspicuously painted upon 
the body. In the religious and ceremonial dances various kinds of fan- 
tastic and grotesque designs were exhibited. After killing an enemy 
the lower part of the face might be painted black. The paints used 
were vermilion, or, if this was not procurable, a kind of clay was 
burned till it assumed a bright red hue, and then pulverized. Red 
ochre was also obtained in certain localities on their hunting grounds. 
Sometimes a white clay was also used. A yellow paint was gathered 
from the flowers of a species of Solidago, All paints, when used on the 
person, were prepared with buffalo tallow ; when for ornamenting robes, 
they were mixed with water. 

The full-dress toilet of a young brave was a matter of serious and pro- 
tracted study. His habiliments might be few, but the decoration of his 
person was a slow and apparently not unpleasing process. With his paints 
mixed in a dish before him, and the fragment of a mirror in his left hand, 
he would sit for hours trying the effect of various shadings and combina- 
tions on his face and person, wiping off and reapplying the pigment with 
seemingly inexhaustible patience when the effect was not satisfactory. 
No devotee of fashion ever labored more assiduously to produce striking 
results in dress than some of these Pawnee braves. Quite a common 
recreation, after a self-satisfying adornment had once been secured, was 
to ride leisurely about the village or camp, and complacently permit 
those of the common throng to lose themselves in admiration.' 



270 THE PAWNEE INDIANS 

§ i6. Personal Names. — Children were named by their parents soon 
after birth. In the selection of names they did not seem to be particu- 
larly solicitous, usually taking such as most readily suggested them- 
selves, as F-cus (Turtle), Ki'-wuk (Fox), Kit'-uks (Beaver), etc. ; or from 
some peculiarity early noticed, as Ka'-tit (Blackey), /"^^/^-^(Whitey), etc. ; 
or after some distinguished person. A great many names were orig- 
inally mere nicknames, suggested by some physical mark or deformity, 
as Cos-kuts (Bignose), Puks'-pd-hut (Redhead), Tat' -pd-huts (Humpback), 
etc. Many of these names were so appropriate that they lasted through 
life, though the person might have another name familiar to all. 

After performing any special exploit, a man had a right to change 
his name, if he preferred. Names were sometimes thus changed several 
times during life. The first such occasion was a great event with a 
brave. The new name might be chosen as commemorative of the 
exploit performed, but not necessarily. For instance, a chief succeeded 
in stealing a number of horses from the Dakotas. As it happened sev- 
eral of the horses were spotted, accordingly he took the name Us'-d- 
ivzik-t (Spotted Horse). Another man, having brought back several 
horses from a like foray, took the name A' -rus-d-ter-us-pi (Horse Hunter) 
Sometimes the name was derived from an individual characteristic, as 
La -ri-kuts-ka' -tit (Black Warrior), Sa-ri-xer'-tsh (Angry Chief), etc. But 
quite usually the new name was selected from mere caprice, or with an 
idea of its special personal fitness, as Ter-ur-ii-uk-iis (Shooting Fire), Le- 
kits'-kats (Grey Eagle), Pit' -a-le-shar-u (Chief of Men), etc. When the 
name was finally decided upon, in order to have it, as it were, officially 
sanctioned, a crier was hired, by the bestowal of a horse or other ade- 
quate compensation, to proclaim throughout the band that the person in 
qustion (giving his old name) should henceforth be known as (giving the 
new name). The formula used in making the announcement was quite 
prolix, and but few of the criers were able to go through it correctly. 

§ 17. Relationship. — The family organization and degrees of kinship 
were not so fully developed by distinct terminology as in some Indian 
tribes. The only attempt hitherto made to exhibit the Pawnee system 
of relationship is to be found in Morgan's Systems of Consanguinity 
and Affinity. The following will perhaps serve to illustrate their usage 
in this respect : 

A'ti'-uSy my father ; as^ your father ; i'-as-ti, his or her father. 

A-ti'-rd, my mother ; Hs'-iiSy your mother ; ish'-as-ti^ his or her mother. 

A'-tip-dt, grandfather, also i'-pak-tu 

A'-tik-d, grandmother. 



THE PAWNEE INDIANS 271 

Great-grandfather was the same as uncle; great-grandmother the 
same as grandmother. 

Ti'-wat-xir-iks, uncle, but only on the mother's side ; on the father's 
side they were fathers. Aunts were mothers. 

Taic'-tcr-i, husband, or wife. This word is now almost entirely obso- 
lete. The terms now used are : (wife speaking) ti-kuk'-tiik-u, he is mar- 
ried to me; or li-kuk' -tuk-u, who is married to me ; i. e.y he is married to 
me, or I am his wife. (Husband speaking), tut' -i-lfik-tuk' -u, I am married 
to her; or hit' -i-liik' -tiik-u^ to whom I am married; i, e., she is my wife, or 
I am her husband. The general expression would be liik'-tiik-u, he or 

she is married to (naming the person to whom) ; i. e., he is 's husband, 

or she is 's wife. There is a loose usage sometimes heard, which makes 

pit' -a, man, and Xap'-at, woman, with the appropriate possessive pronouns, 
stand for husband and wife; but this locution holds about the same place 
in Pawnee that my man or my woman would in good English. 

Kus'-tau-i-xu, brother-in-law, or the same as father-in-law. 

Sko'-rtis, sister-in-law, but wife's sisters were wives. 

Father-in-law was the same as brother-in-law, or (man speaking) liif- 
tit-kak-u, I to him am son-in-law, or father-in-law ; or li-kut'-kak-u^ he to 
me is son-in-law, or father-in-law. (Woman speaking), ti'-kut-sko'-rus, he 
to whom I am daughter-in-law, or sister-in-law ; i. e., my father-in-law, or 
brother-in-law. Mother-m-law (spoken of man), Xus-tit-ut'-kak-u, the old 
woman he has in his lodge, i. e.y his mother-in-law ; (spoken by daugh- 
ter-in-law), same as father-in-law. Son-in-law was the same as brother- 
in-law, or (man speaking) same as father-in-law. Daughter-in-law, 
sko'-rtis, or (daughter-in-law speaking) same as father-in-law. 

\ , \ pt-rau, child. 

Xu'-ict4, daughter. ) 

I'-ra-ri (man speaking), brother ; (woman speaking), i'-rdts-H, 

I'-ta-ri (man speaking), sister ; (woman speaking), i'-ra-ri. 

Ldk-ti'-ki, grand-son, grand-daughter, grand-child. 

Ti'-wdt, nephew, niece, but only on sister's side ; otherwise they were 
same as children. 

Cousins they had no distinctive term for. Cousins by a father's 
brother were the same as brothers and sisters ; by aunts (on father's 
side), they were same as fathers and mothers ; by mother's brother, they 
were same as children. 

Tcr-a'-ki, twins. 

From this exhibit it will be observed that even in designating the 
simpler degrees of relationship, the terminology becomes in certain 



272 THE PAWNEE INDIANS 

cases indeterminate. Some of the terms given are not names at all, but 
descriptive phrases, seeming to indicate that even in some of the most 
usual relations there is an almost entire lack of reflective generalization. 
Much more will this be the case when they attempt to trace out the 
remoter degrees. The answers made by the most intelligent Pawnees, 
when questioned concerning degrees, direct or collateral, remoter than 
those given, are conflicting and altogether unsatisfying. Hence it is 
self-evident that a considerable number of the terms given by Morgan 
are of no special value. 

§ 1 8. Lodges. — These were of two patterns, so utterly unlike in 
appearance and construction that it would scarcely seem possible that 
they should both be the work of the same tribe. There was the 
ordinary skin lodge used while on their hunts. The frame consisted 
of from twelve to twenty smoothly dressed poles, sixteen feet long. 
After a good set of these poles had once been secured, they were car- 
ried on all their travels, just as any other necessary furniture. When a 
lodge was to be pitched, three of these poles were tied together near the 
top, and set up like a tripod. The cord with which these three poles 
were tied was sufficiently long for the ends to hang to the ground. 
The other poles, save one, were successively set up, the top of each 
resting against the first three, while the lower ends formed a circle, 
from twelve to seventeen feet in diameter. The tops were then bound 
together securely by means of the pendant cord. One edge of the 
covering was now made fast to the remaining pole, by means of which 
it was raised up and carried round the framework so as to envelop it 
completely. The two edges of the cover were closed together by 
wooden pins or keys, except three feet at the extreme top, left open for 
a smoke-hole, and an equal space at the bottom for an entrance. The 
spare pole was attached to one edge of the cover at the top, so that 
the smoke-hole might be closed or opened at will. The skin of a bear 
or some other animal was fixed to the outside of the lodge, imme- 
diately above the entrance, so as to hang down over the latter as a 
sort of door. Inside the fireplace occupied the centre of the lodge. 
About it were spread mats, which served as seats by day and couches 
by night. All furniture not in actual use was packed on the outside 
next to the lodge walls. The covering of the lodge was one con- 
tinuous piece, made up of buffalo skins nicely fitted together. In tan- 
ning, these skins were dressed so thin that sufficient light was trans- 
mitted into the interior even when the lodge was tightly closed. 
When new they were quite white, and a village of them presented an 



THE PAWNEE INDIANS 



273 



attractive appearance. Sometimes they were variously painted, accord- 
ing to the requirements of Pawnee fancy. 

The other was the large stationary lodge found only in their per- 
manent villages. The construction was as follows : The sod was care- 
fully removed from the area to be occupied by the lodge. In the 
centre an excavation, three feet in diameter and five inches deep, was 
made for a fireplace. Lieutenant Pike states that the entire area was 
excavated to a depth of four feet. This is a mistake. The accumula- 
tion of loose soil immediately about the lodge, during the process of 
construction and subsequently, did, however, sometimes produce an 
apparent depression inside. The soil taken from the fireplace was care- 
fully placed in a small ridge immediately about its edge. The entire 




area as thus prepared was then repeatedly beaten with mallets, or bil- 
lets of wood prepared for the purpose, in order to render it compact 
and smooth. About the fireplace, at a distance of eight feet from the 
centre, a circle of six or eight strong posts, forked and rising twelve 
feet above the surface, was set firmly in the ground. Outside of this 
circle, at a distance of nine feet, was set another circle of posts similar, 
but standing only seven feet high, and the same distance from each 
other. In the forks of the posts of the inner circle strong poles were 
laid, reaching from one to another. Similar poles were likewise laid on 
the posts of the outer circle. Two feet outside of this circle a small ditch, 
two inches deep and three wide, was now dug. In this ditch, at inter- 
vals of four inches, were set poles, two or three inches in diameter, and of 
sufficient length to just reach the poles on the posts of the outer circle. 
These inclined poles formed the framework of the walls of the lodge. 



2/4 



THE PAWNEE INDIANS 



Poles, of like size and at equal intervals, were now laid from the loAver 
cross poles to the upper, but reaching so far beyond the latter that be- 
tween the upper extremities of these poles a circular orifice, about two 
feet in diameter, was left as a skylight and smoke-hole. These poles 
formed the support of the roof. Willow withes were then bound trans- 
versely with bark to these poles at intervals of about an inch. At this 
stage the lodge had some resemblance to an immense basket inverted. 
A layer of hay was now placed upon the framework, and the whole 
built over with sods, the interstices in the sodwork being carefully filled 
with loose soil. The thickness of the earth upon the roof was about 
nine inches, on the walls considerably more. The external appearance 
of a lodge as thus finished was not unlike a large charcoal pit. The 
entrance was through a passage twelve feet long and seven wide. The 




sides of this passage, which always faced the east (as did also the 
entrance of a skin lodge), were constructed exactly as the walls of the 
lodge; the top was flat and heavily covered with turf. Over its inner 
extremity, where it opened into the lodge, was hung a skin as a sort 
of closure. The lower part of this was free, so that it might be easily 
thrown up by those passing in and out. Inside, till a person became 
accustomed to the dim light, all seemed obscure. Near the fireplace 
was a forked stake, set in an inclining position, to answer as a crane in 
cooking. The ground about the fire was overspread with mats, upon 
which the occupants might sit. Next to the wall was a row of beds, 



THE PAWNEE INDIANS 2/5 

extending entirely around the lodge (except at the entrance), each bed 
occupying the interval between two posts of the outer circle. The 
beds were raised a few inches from the ground upon a platform of rods, 
over which a mat was spread, and upon this the bedding of buffalo 
robes and other skins. Partitions made of willow withes, bound closely 
together with bark, were set up between the ends of adjacent beds ; 
and immediately in front of each bed a mat or skin was sometimes sus- 
pended to the poles of the roof as a sort of curtain, to be rolled up or 
let down at pleasure. Furniture, as arms, clothing, provisions, saddles, 
etc., not in use, was hung upon different parts of the framework, or 
variously bestowed about the interior. 

Several families usually lived in one of these lodges. Though each 
family had its particular part of the dwelling and the furniture of 
each was kept separate, anything like privacy in conversation or life was 
impossible. What one did, all knew. Whenever a member of any 
one of the families cooked, a portion of the food was given to each occu- 
pant without distinction of family. They were also very accommodating, 
borrowing and lending freely almost any article they had. 

The dimensions given in the preceding description are those of an 
average lodge. The actual proportions of one taken as of ordinary size 
were : Diameter, 39 feet ; wall, 7>^ feet high ; extreme height of roof, 
I5>^ feet; length of entrance, 13 feet; width, 7 feet. Some of these fig- 
ures might be considerably larger or smaller. One lodge measured was 
only 23 feet in diameter ; another was 56 feet. Among the remains of 
an old Ski'-di village on the Loup one of the lodges seems to have been 
200 feet in diameter. The tradition is that it was a medicine lodge. 

As may be readily inferred, the building of one of these fixed lodges 
was an undertaking involving much labor. The timber quite frequently 
was procurable only at a distance, and with their facilities its adjustment 
was a tedious process. And yet, after all the outlay necessary in its 
construction, it was occupied a comparatively small part of the year, 
probably not over four months. The remaining eight months they were 
absent on their semi-annual hunts. Still these fixed residences were of 
great benefit to them. They preserved alive the idea of home, and were 
undoubtedly one cause of the tribe's retaining a sort of fixity and regu- 
larity in their yearly life which otherwise might have been relinquished 
long ago. On sanitary grounds their brief yearly continuance in these 
dwellings was no doubt fortunate. The ventilation in them was very 
defective, and continuous occupation would in all probability have been 
a fertile source of wasting disease. 



276 THE PAWNEE INDIANS 

This large lodge was also used among the other branches of the 
Pawnee family, though in the south its construction was somewhat 
modified. Catlin represents the Arikara lodges as conical, with no pro- 
jecting entrance. This is a mistake. Their lodges were essentially the 
same as those of the Pawnees. Among the southern branches the frame- 
work was similar, but instead of a covering of turf they were heavily 
thatched with straw or grass. Marcy, in his Exploration of the Red 
River, gives a cut of a Wichita village in which the lodges are repre- 
sented as conical. This pattern was in use, but the other was the more 
common. 

§ 19. Agriculture. Gallatin is quoted as asserting that the Pawnees 
did not raise sufficient corn to whiten their broth. What his authority 
was I do not know, but the whole statement is incorrect. The Pawnees 
have often been remarked as cultivating corn much more extensively 
than any of the adjacent tribes. The same is also true of their kinsmen, 
the Arikaras, though they, unlike the Pawnees, made it an article of 
barter to neighboring Indians. Each family among the Pawnees had its 
own corn patch, containing from one to (in some cases) three acres. One 
of the most noticeable features about their permanent villages was these 
scattered corn patches, usually along the contiguous water courses, 
though sometimes as much as four or five miles distant. Where not pro- 
tected by the bank of a stream or other natural defense, they were en- 
closed by a sort of fence formed of bushes and branches of trees skill- 
fully woven together. Many of the patches were provided with look- 
outs, or small platforms elevated on a framework of poles, upon which 
one or more persons were stationed much of the time to prevent birds 
or animals from injuring the growing grain. In the spring, as soon as 
the frost was out of the ground, these patches were cleared up and 
planted. The corn was hoed twice, the last time about the middle of 
June. Immediately thereafter they started on the summer hunt and re- 
mained away till about the first of September, when the young corn had 
attained sufficient maturity for drying. This (roasting-ear time) was a 
specially busy season. After providing a good supply of fuel, fires were 
built about the patches, and the squaws and children were occupied 
from early morning till nightfall in gathering, roasting, shelling and 
drying the corn. The corn after picking was thrown in armfuls into 
the fire and roasted, still in the husk. The husks were then removed, 
the kernels cut from the cob with the sharpened edge of a clam shell 
and spread upon outstretched blankets or skins till dried by the rays of 
the sun. It was then stored away in skin bags for future use. The 



THE PAWNEE INDIANS 277 

work of drying usually continued as long- as any corn was to be found 
in fit condition. Whatever corn was not dried was allowed to ripen till 
October, when it was gathered and cached. 

The corn patches at the drying season present a very picturesque 
surrounding. In one direction squaws are coming in staggering under 
immense burdens of wood and leading lines of ponies equally heavily 
loaded. In another the store of wood is already provided, the fires 
brightly burning, in them corn roasting, and near by other corn drying, 
while children passing busily to and fro are bringing loads of ears from 
the patch. The atmosphere is saturated with the pleasant odor of the 
roasting and drying corn. When roasted in this way the corn seems to 
retain a fineness of flavor which is quite lost when cooked after our 
method. 

Besides corn they also cultivated pumpkins and squashes in consider- 
able quantities. When drying the corn these were collected, cut in long, 
thin strips, hung upon poles till dried and then stored away with the 
corn. 

§20. Manufactures. — The manufactures of the Pawnees were com- 
paratively limited, and in the main did not extend beyond the sup- 
plying of the ordinary wants of daily life. Stone implements, as axes 
arrowheads, hammers and scrapers, are found about the older village 
sites, and indicate that they once made use of such tools. After inter- 
course with the whites was established they soon supplied themselves 
with these articles of a more useful make. Some of their later 
productions deserve mention. The constructive industry of the men 
was confined principally to the making of arms, bows, arrows, shields 
and spears. These were all objects in which they took great pride. 
The favorite material for bows was bois d'arc {Madura Aurantiacd), 
When these could not be obtained hickory or coffee bean [Gyinno- 
dadus Canadensis) was used. The name ti-rak-is, bow, seem to indicate 
that bows were once made of bone, the ribs of the buffalo or other large 
animal, skillfully fitted and wrapped throughout with sinew. Forty 
years ago boAvs of this kind, and also of elkhorn were occasionally found 
in use. Choice bows were sometimes made of red cedar, and if carefully 
used answered well, but were extremely liable to be shattered by any 
rough handling. The making of a good bow was a task involving long 
and painstaking labor. It was wrought into shape only a little at a time, 
being repeatedly oiled meanwhile, and constantly handled to keep the 
wood pliable. When finished the bow was sometimes wrapped with 
sinew and its strength thereby greatly increased. The string was 01 



278 THE PAWNEE INDIANS 

sinew from the back of the buffalo. As soon as the sinew was taken 
from the animal the particles of flesh adhering were scraped off and the 
minute fibers carefully separated. The best of these were selected and 
twisted into a string of uniform size and elasticity. One end of this 
string was fastened securely in place upon the bow, and the other fur- 
nished with a loop so adjusted that in an instant, as occasion required, 
the bow might be strung or unstrung. Much labor was also expended 
in the construction of arrows. The shafts were made from sprouts of 
dogwood {Comics Stoloniferd) of a year's growth. After cutting the bark 
was removed and the rods were rubbed between two grooved stones, 
held firmly together in one hand, till reduced to a proper size and 
smoothness. The head made of hoop iron was then inserted in one end 
of the shaft and bound in position with sinew. The back end of the 
shaft was now furnished with a triple row of feathers attached by 
means of glue and sinew, and the end notched to fit the bow-string. 
With a small chisel-like instrument three slight grooves or channels were 
cut along the shaft between the head and the feathers and the arrow 
was complete. Various reasons were assigned for this channeling. 
Some claimed that it caused the arrow to adhere more firmly in the 
wound ; others that it was simply designed to facilitate the flow of blood. 
The manufacture of arrows, as of bows, was a slow and irksome process. 
Three or four were probably the limit of a day's work, even after the 
rough material was already at hand. So exact were they in making 
them that not only were the arrows of different tribes readily distin- 
guishable, but even individuals could recognize their own arrows when 
thrown together with those of others of the same band. Disputes some- 
times arose after the slaughter of a herd of buffalo as to whose some 
particular carcass rightfully was. If the arrow still remained in the 
body the question was easily decided by drawing it out and examining 
the make of it. Some Indians made two kinds of arrows, one for hunt- 
ting and another for war. In the latter the head was so fastened that 
when an attempt was made to draw the shaft from a wound, the head 
was detached and remained in the body of the victim. The Pawnees 
never used such. When once he had possessed himself of a good 
bow and a supply of arrows, the Pawnee was as solicitous in the care 
of them as a hunter would be of a choice rifle. The bow, if not in 
actual service, was kept close in its case, and the arrows in the 
quiver. Great pains were taken that they should not become, by any 
chance, wet, and much time was spent in handhng them that the bow 
should not lose its spring and the arrows should not warp. The average 



THE PAWNEE INDIANS 379 

length of the former was four feet, of the latter twenty- six inches The 
bowcase and quiver were made of skin, dressed to be as impervious as 
possible to moisture. The usual material was elk skin. Indians who 
could afford it sometimes made a quiver and case of the skin of an 
otter or panther. In removing a skin which was to be used for this 
purpose from the carcass, care was exercised that every particle of the 
skin, that of the head, tail, and even the claws, should be retained, and 
appear in the case when finally made up. Cases of this make with their 
heavy coating of fur were virtually waterproof, and were very highly 
prized. 

The manufacture of all other articles of use was left entirely to the 
women. They made rude pottery of sand and a certain kind of clay, 
which after being properly burned was quite serviceable. They wove 
mats of rushes, and baskets of osier and bark. With the aid of fire they 
shaped mortars and bowls from blocks of wood. They also made dip- 
pers and spoons of the same material, though the latter were more 
usually made of buffalo horn. Combs, or rather hair brushes, were 
made from the awns and stiff fibers of a species of coarse grass (Stipa 
Junced), From a species of sweet scented grass necklaces, some of 
them very beautiful, were braided. The fragrance of these was very 
pleasant, and seemed to last for a long time. Canoes were rarely made 
or used by the Pawnees. One of the processes in which the women 
of this tribe especially excelled was the dressing of buffalo hides. 
Robes as prepared by them were ordinarily very superior to those of 
other tribes. Frequently the robes were quite curiously painted with 
various decorations. Such robes were made from the skins taken in the 
winter hunt when the hair was long and closely set. The skins of the 
summer hunt were tanned and used for covering the traveling lodges, 
for articles of clothing, and for bags, thongs and lariats. Ropes were 
also braided from the mane of the buffalo taken from robes in tanning, 
and were considered very valuable. In making moccasins and clothing 
generally Pawnee women did not produce as fine work as was to be 
found with some other tribes. 

Toys for the diversion of children were simple in construction and 
limited in variety. Popguns, similar to those used by white children, 
and whistles of wood or bone were usual playthings. With girls dolls 
of different patterns were common. It might naturally be surmised 
that such articles were originally borrowed, at least in idea, from the 
whites, but this was certainly not the case. 

JOHN B. DUNBAR 



28o THE PAWNEE INDIANS 

- The colonelcy in the Spanish army (of Mexico) indicates a close relation between the Caddos 
and the Mexican authorities. In February, 1822, a delegation of two chiefs visited the city of 
Mexico to congratulate the government and Gen. Iturbida upon^he establishment of the national 
independence. Both these facts tend to show that for some reason the Spanish had maintained 
an intimate intercourse with the tribe. Considering the small number of the Caddos since known 
to the United States, it would be quite reasonable to conclude that their motive was to control the 
influence of the Caddos among the adjacent tribes. 

2 Geronimo de Zarate Salmeron, in his " Relation of All Things which Have Been Seen and 
Known in New Mexico, as well by Sea as by Land, from the Year 1538 to 1626," says (§108 ad 
Jin) : The Ercansaques (Arkansas) inhabit that section of the country which, at 46° North Lat. 
and i62'2 of Long., extends obliquely to the shelter formed by certain mountain sides and to a 
river (the Platte) which flows northeast (?), southeast and incorporates with another (the Missouri) 
which discharges into the Mississippi. They form part of the Pananas, and are subject to the 
French of Louisiana. 

Some writers claim that De Soto and Coronado on their famous expeditions both penetrated 
to the Pawnees. Col. Simpson in his paper on Coronado's march (recently published in the Am 
Rept. of the Smithsonian Institution) concludes that it may have extended as far as (what is now) 
eastern Kansas. Still I have not been able to learn that there are any indisputable data for this 
conclusion, nor any statements in the original narratives that refer necessarily to the Pawnees. 
De Soto, also, after crossing the Mississippi may have reached the Pawnees ; but the mere names 
that a Spaniard would give in a rapid march are feeble data to identify a tribe without other 
corroborative notice. The remotest point in De Soto's trans-Mississippi journey was the people 
of TuUa, who by some for a certain reason are supposed to have been a branch of the Dakotas. 
Turning south from there, after crossing the Cayas (Kansas or Arkansas) he came upon the Qui- 
panas, who are described as occupying a town in a rough, hilly region, (possibly the Quapaws of 
the Ozark mts.) This name Quipanas (the regular Spanish term for Pawnees was Pananas) is not 
far from Panis, Paniassa and Panimaha ; but the thread of itself is too slight to warrant any posi- 
tive assertions. 

Tonty, Voyage au Nord, seems to have visited the Pawnees, but gives no new particulars. 
Hennepin, Voyageen un Pays plus grand que I'Europe, speaks of them as known and extrava- 
gantly magnifies their number. He represents them as living in twenty-two villages, the least of 
which contained 200 cabins, or lodges. 

2 Rev. S. L. Riggs informed me that the error of this map of De Lisle's was frequent in the 
French maps of 150 years ago. In them the Pawnees were commonly placed too far north, beyond 
the Cheyenne River and about the head waters of the Yellowstone. Marquette's map locates the 
Pawnees too far south, unless it refers only to the Wichitas (Pawnee Picts). The map in Le 
Clerq's Gaspesie (i6gi), Hennepin's, De Lisle's (1700), Joutel's (1713), and De la Potherie's (1721) 
omit the Pawnees altogether. 

^A*Lihitt Kus' -ke-har-u. Kiir-us-u-ras id-i tus-ku-ra-wusk~u? Lau-i-luk-n-ru-tus. 

*' Aha, you Ponca ! It was (pretended) peace. Did you find what you was laughing at me 
about ? You meant fight ! " 

The keen satire of the interrogation is exquisite. It conceives of the Poncas as quietly 
laughing in their sleeves, during their ostensibly amicable visit, in anticipation of the summary 
retribution that they expected to inflict upon their oppressors. 

^ The garments described in the text are those of ordinary wear. Indians who were able 
often had beside a partial or full suit for special occasions. In the preparation of some of these 
a great outlay was made, and a vast amount of labor expended. A jacket, made like a shirt, or 



THE PAWNEE INDIANS 28 1 

beaver or otter skins, and ornamented with beads, was highly coveted, and was beyond the com- 
mand of any but the privileged few. The finest article of Indian apparel I ever saw was one of 
these jackets made from four otter skins. The body was formed of two pelts, and each arm of 
one. The skin of the head, tail, feet and even the claws of all the animals were preserved intact 
in the garment, and the whole richly trimmed with beads. Similar garments were also made of 
fine cloth, fringed with swan's down, and heavily beaded. 

An article of dress in great request was a circle or chaplet of eagles' feathers worn on the 
head. The feathers were set in a band of dressed skin, which fitted closely about the head, and 
supported them in an upright position. The feathers were usually variously tinted, and consti- 
tuted a most prominent part in a Pawnee costume. If the owner could afford it, a trail, with a 
single or double row of feathers, was appended to the head band, and passed down the back quite to 
the ground. An excellent illustration of such a head-dress may be seen on page 266 of Mrs. Car- 
rington's Absarako. (The same cut is also given in Colonel Dodge's Plains of the Great West.) 

Besides all the articles mentioned, the person might be decorated with manifold ornaments, 
according to the ability and caprice of the wearer. An illustration of the more ordinary Pawnee 
dress may be found on page 264 of the first volume named above. 



RETURN JONATHAN MEIGS 

COLONEL OF THE CONNECTICUT LINE OF THE CONTINENTAL ARMY 

This meritorious officer of the Revolution — a sketch of whom appears 
to be called for to relieve his memory from a lately published libel- 
descended in the fifth generation from Vincent Meigs, of Devonshire, 
England, who, migrating to America, became one of the founders oi the 
town of East Guilford, Connecticut, in 1637-8. After the early settler 
came three John Meigs's, father, son and grandson, then Junna Meigs, 
first magistrate of East Guilford, and finally Return Meigs, father of the 
Revolutionary Colonel. The descendants of Vincent to-day are numer- 
ous and scattered throughout the States. 

In his journal of the Quebec expedition. Colonel Meigs gives Decem- 
ber 28, 1740, as the date of his birth ; and in noting the return of the 
anniversary, he makes the comment that his brief career of prosperity 
and adversity called only for the " warmest gratitude." We hear of 
him before the war at Middletown, Connecticut — his birthplace — as a 
respected tradesman, citizen and militia officer. His first commissions 
in the latter capacity are still preserved — that of October 11, 1772, mak- 
ing him Lieutenant, being signed by Governor Trumbull as ^' Captain- 
General and Commander-in-Chief of His Majesty's Colony of Connecti- 
cut in New England." On the i8th of October, 1774, the Governor 
commissioned him Captain of '' a military company or trainband in the 
town of Middletown, to be known by the name of the Company of Light 
Infantry in the 6th Regiment of the Colony." It was this company that 
Captain Meigs led to Boston immediately upon the Lexington alarm of 
April 19th, 1775. The great stir throughout the eastern colonies on the 
following days must have been a movement after his own heart, if we 
may judge from his prompt action in marching out. 

In the organization of regiments for service, after the alarm. Captain 
Meigs was made Second Major of Colonel Joseph Spencer's Second 
Connecticut State Regiment,^ which was posted on the right wing at 
Roxbury. For a few months the troops there had little to do beyond 
drilling and watching. In September and after. Major Meigs saw service 
of a more active and trying sort, as he was detached in that month 
to take part in the famous expedition against Quebec, through the 
Maine wilderness. Good officers were needed for the enterprise, and 



RETURN JONATHAN MEIGS 283 

the brilliant record most of them subsequently made for themselves 
is evidence of the care with which they were originally selected. 
Judge Henry, of Pennsylvania, one of the detachment, describing some 
of the leaders, says : '' Majors Meigs, Febiger and Bigelovv were excellent 
characters." The expedition, consisting of eleven hundred men, was 
divided into four divisions, one of which was placed under Meigs's charge, 
and what experiences it met with from day to day we have from the 
Major's own pen. Among the good services he rendered the historian 
at least, throughout the march, was the keeping of his well known 
journal of its incidents, which may be regarded also as quite a model 
for exactness, clearness and brevity, although the writer made no 
pretensions to literary ability.^ 

The details of the Quebec enterprise, the hardships encountered 
and its final misfortune, are familiar. Fort Western on the Kennebeck 
river, fifty miles from its mouth, was the last rendezvous before the 
command struck into the forest, where on the evening after the start 
the Major makes this brief note in his journal : " At three o'clock P. M. 
[Sept. 27, 1775] I embarked on board my battoe with the third division 
of the army, consisting of 4 companies musketmen, with 45 days 
provision, and proceeded up the river, hoping for the protection of a 
kind providence." The four companies were Captain Dearborn's, of 
New Hampshire; Ward's, of Rhode Island; Goodrich's, of Massachu- 
setts, and Hanchett's, of Connecticut. The journey was trying in the 
extreme, and none but resolute and cheerful spirits could have pushed 
on to the end. Meigs throughout was active and full of hope ; some- 
times reconnoitering, sometimes clearing the rough portages, now build- 
ing a block house, and again distributing provisions and money to the 
entire detachment. By November ist they were not yet out of the 
wilderness, and the men were suffering. " This day," writes the Major, 
" I passed a number of soldiers who had no provisions, and some that 
were sick, and not in my power to help or relieve them except to en- 
courage them. One or two dogs were killed, which the distressed 
soldiers eat with a good appetite, even the feet and skins." Arriving 
finally, opposite Quebec and joined by Montgomery, the command pre- 
pared for the storming of the town. Preliminary attempts to compel its 
surrender were of no avail. On the 9th of December a battery was 
erected before the St. John's gate, and a party of one hundred men, which 
Meigs accompanied, covered the artillerymen while they bombarded the 
place. On the nth, the Major continues: ** I had the command of the 
working party at the battery this night. The weather extreme cold. I 



284 RETURN JONATHAN MEIGS 

froze my feet." But the Quebec garrison only laughed at the pop-gun 
cannonade. Montgomery and all his officers saw that if the place was 
to be taken at all, it must be by surprise and storm. How Meigs re- 
garded the attempt he tells us in a few lines : '' It is now in agitation to 
storm the town, which, if resolved, I hope will be undertaken with 
proper sense of the nature and importance of such an attack, and 
vigorously executed." When decided upon, he adds: "The blessing 
of heaven attend the enterprise." 

The assault on the morning of December 31st, the failure, the fall of 
the brave Montgomery and the capture of nearly the entire expeditionary 
party that marched by way of the Kennebeck — all matters of common 
history — are mentioned with some particularity by Meigs, as well as by 
other officers engaged. The Major brought up the rear of the attacking 
column led by Arnold, Greene and Morgan, and was with them in the 
thick of the fighting as long as it lasted. They began the real work 
about five o'clock A. M., and at ten were compelled to surrender, as 
Meigs observes, " with much reluctance." The death of Montgomery 
seems to have deeply affected the Major, who but two days before had 
dmed with the General, and spent an agreeable afternoon and evening 
at his quarters. What he says of him in his journal is historically inter- 
esting, and also reflects the sincerity of a friend's tribute. The extract, 
not often quoted, will have its freshness for some readers : 

" His honour Brigadier-General Montgomery was shot through both his thighs 
and through his head. His body was taken up the next day. An elegant coffin 
was prepared, and he was decently interred the next Thursday after. I am in- 
formed that when his body was taken up, his ieatures were not the least distorted, 
but his countenance appeared regular, serene and placid, like the soul that late 
had animated it. The General was tall and slender, well limbed, of genteel, easy, 
graceful, manly address. He had the voluntary love, esteem, and confidence of 
the whole army. His death, though honorable, is lamented, not only as the death 
of an amiable, worthy friend, but as an experienced brave general, whose country 
suffers greatly by such a loss at this time. His sentiments, which appeared on every 
occasion, were fraught with that unaffected goodness, which plainly discovered 
the goodness of the heart from whence they flowed." 

It would seem that after the surrender. Major Meigs, although con- 
fined in the Seminiry at Quebec with his fellow prisoners, was specially 
favored by the British commander, General Carleton. He was selected 
two days after to return to the American camp for the officers' baggage, 
was again permitted to go out on a similar errand, and in May following 



RETURN JONATHAN MEIGS 28$ 

he was released on parole and returned to Connecticut. On this point 
Captain Thayer states in his journal, under date of the 15th, that Carle- 
ton himself called on Meigs, and promised that he should start " in a few 
days to Halifax on his way home." ' It is probable that the reason why 
such indulgence was granted the Major is that hinted at by Washington 
in a letter of August 8, 1776, to the effect that the Major, as he had been 
informed, was paroled *' in consequence of his saving the life of a Brit- 
ish officer either nearly connected with or much esteemed by General 
Carleton."* Although Meigs says nothing about this act of protection, 
he does state in his journal, that on the day of his capture at Quebec 
he dined with Captain Law, the British Chief Engineer, whom he 
(Meigs) had taken prisoner early in the assault, but who was released 
when the American party in turn was compelled to surrender. As 
Law also treated him with marked *' politeness " and consideration, 
the inference seems legitimate that he felt himself under some special 
obhgation to Meigs, and that it was he to whom Washington refers 
as the officer saved by the Major. However this may be. Major 
Meigs was paroled on May i6th, and started for home on the follow- 
ing day in company with Captain Dearborn, who had received the 
same favor in consequence of continued illness. The manner of their 
departure is thus told in Dearborn's manuscript journal:^ 

^^May 10, 1776. — Majr Meigs has obtained Liberty of the Genl to go home to 
New Engd on his parole. 

''''May 16. — At one o'clock P: M: Mr. Levens came to see me & to my great 
Joy, informed me that the Genl had given his consent for me to go home on Parole 
and that we should sail this afternoon. — at 5 : of the clock the Town Major came for 
Major Meigs & myself, to go to the Lieut-Governor to give our Parole, — the verbal 
agreement we made was that if ever there was an exchange of Prisoners, we were 
to have the benefit of it, and until then we were not to take up arms against the 
King. — after giving our paroles from under our hands, we were carried before the 
Genl. who appeared to be a very humane, tender-hearted man. After wishing us a 
good voyage & saying he hoped to give the remainder of our officers the same 
Liberty, he desir'd the Town Major to conduct us on Board. — We desired leave 
to visit our men in prison but could not obtain it — after getting our baggage & 
taking leave of our fellow prisoners we went on board a schooner, which we are to 
go to Halifax in, but as she did not sail to-day, we were invited on Board the 
Admirals ship, where we were very genteely used, and Tarried all night." 

Two months later, July i6th, they arrived at Portsmouth, and at 
sunset Dearborn reached his family at Nottingham. It was six days 



286 RETURN JONATHAN MEIGS 

later, July 22d, before Meigs arrived at his home at Middletown.* In 
September following, their Quebec comrades also returned on parole 
and on or about January ist, 1777, the greater part of them, including 
Meigs, Lamb, Morgan, Febiger, Potterfield, Thayer and others, were 
regularly exchanged, the exchange being announced in the papers of 
the day by order of General Washington. 

Into the particulars of Meigs' subsequent career it is hardly necessary 
to eiiter ; being generally well known to readers of revolutionary his- 
tory, an outline will suffice. Upon his exchange Governor Trumbull 
and" his council appointed him Major of Colonel Samuel Wyllys's 
continental regiment, then forming under the new establishment in 
Connecticut.'' But on February loth, 1777, Washington approved his 
appointment as Lieutenant-Colonel of one of the additional sixteen 
regiments to be raised at large, of which Henry Sherburne, of Rhode 
Island, was to be Colonel.^ The chiefs endorsement was satisfactory, 
Meigs' character *'as a Soldier and an Officer,"" he writes, " being good 
and such as deserves notice." The new Lieutenant-Colonel repaired 
to Providence and then to Connecticut again, where half his regiment 
was to be recruited. 

It was while at New Haven temporarily in General Parsons* com- 
mand that Colonel Mteigs soon after was detailed to undertake the Sag 
Harbor expedition, which though of minor proportions, was executed 
with such despatch and success as to bring him the thanks of Congress 
and draw attention to liis military capacity. For rapid work few similar 
enterprises can rank with it. Taking two hundred and twenty picked 
men and officers from Parsons' regiments, and embarking them in 
thirteen whale-boats, Meigs left New Haven on the 21st of May and 
proceeded to Guilford, some ten miles to the eastward. There he made 
his final preparations, reduced his command to one hundred and seventy 
men, and at one o'clock P. M. on Friday, the 23d, he started across the 
Sound under convoy of two armed sloops. Arriving near Southold, 
L. I., at six in the evening, fifteen miles from Sag Harbor on the other 
side of Long Island, the party, still further reduced by guard details to 
one hundred and thirty, carried eleven of the whale-boats across the 
neck of land to the bay beyond, rowed to within a short distance of their 
destination, landed at 2 A. M., formed and marched " in the greatest 
order and silence," rushed with fixed bayonets on the guards in the 
village, burned twelve sloops and brigs and an armed vessel at the 
docks, with a large quantity of hay, and securing ninety prisoners, 
immediately returned by the same route — Meigs having thus, as General 



RETURN JONATHAN MEIGS 28/ 

Parsons reports, " in 25 hours, by land and water, transported his men 
full ninety miles, and succeeded in his attempts beyond my most 
sanguine expectations, without losing a single man, either killed or 
wounded." ° 

In appreciation of this quite brilliant exploit. Congress passed a 
resolution highly complimentary to the Colonel and his command, and 
voted the former an elegant sword "to be provided by the commissary 
general of military stores." Through the failure either of the com- 
missary or the stores, no sword was provided until nine years later, 
when it was forwarded to Colonel Meigs, at Middletown, accom- 
panied with the following letter, as transcribed from the original: 

" War Office of the United States, 
New York, June 2d, 1786. 
Sir, 

The United States in Congress Assembled were pleased by their resolve of 
the 7th of July, 1777, to express their just sense of your merit and of the officers 
and soldiers under your command, for the distinguished prudence, activity, enter- 
prise, and valour, in an expedition to Long Island, and to direct that an elegant 
sword should be presented to you for your conduct on the occasion. 

I have the honor, Sir, to transmit the sword to you, as a perpetual evidence of 
the enterprize in the direction of which, you have displayed such military talents, 
and of the approbation of the highest authority of the United States. 
I am. Sir, with great respect, 

Your most obedient and very humble servant, 
Colonel Return Jonathan Meigs. H. Knox." 

Promotion naturally followed, and on the 24th of September, 1777, 
after being stationed on the Hudson during the summer, part of the 
time in Fort Montgomery, Meigs was appointed by Trumbull full 
Colonel of the sixth continental regiment from Connecticut, whose first 
Colonel, William Douglas, of Northford, another excellent officer, had 
died in May previous.'" The regiment was raised largely from New 
Haven County. During the two years following Colonel Meigs and 
his men formed a part of the force which guarded the Hudson high- 
lands and the Connecticut border, and also assisted in building the 
permanent works at West Point. In the summer of 1779 the regiment 
took part in all the marching and countermarching coincident with the 
enemy's movements up the Hudson and their raid along the Connecti- 
cut coast. The Colonel, himself, however, was selected by Washington 
to command one of the lighi infantry regiments for the campaign, and the 



288 RETURN JONATHAN MEIGS 

next we hear of him is in connection with the famous storming of Stony 
Point on the night of July 15th, 1779. Meigs on that occasion, it will be 
remembered, commanded the Third regiment, composed of the eight 
Connecticut light infantry companies, which formed the centre of the 
main attacking column under Wayne — the leading regiment, composed 
of Virginians and Pennsylvanians, being under the command of Meigs' 
old Quebec companion, Colonel Febiger. Massachusetts light infantry, 
under Major Hull, followed Meigs, while the left column was headed 
by such choice officers as Colonel Richard Butler, of Pennsylvania, and 
Major "Jack" Steward, of Maryland, with Major Murfree, of North 
Carolina, making a diversion in front. Wayne's little army of some 
thirteen hundred men was made up of the very elite of Washington's 
camp, and the dashing manner in which it captured Stony Point covered 
it with as much glory as soldiers could desire. Meigs, like all the rest, 
did his part well, following Febiger, according to orders, close up to the 
works, when he filed off rapidly to the right, and formed in the rear of 
the enemy to prevent any attempt to escape by the river." In his 
official report of the affair Wayne says : ** Colonels Butler, Meigs and 
Febiger conducted themselves with that coolness, bravery and perse- 
verance that will ever insure success." 

Upon the disbandment of the Light Infantry in December following, 
Colonel Meigs, whose reputation was now a most enviable one, returned 
to his regiment, and in the spring of 1780 had temporary command of the 
brigade to which he was attached. While acting in this capacity, a 
portion of the Connecticut line gave practical expression to the general 
discontent in camp respecting the quality and quantity of rations, pay 
and clothing, by refusing to do duty until their^grievances were attended 
to. Colonel Meigs no sooner heard of the attempted insubordination 
than he took prompt measures to suppress it and restore order and dis- 
cipline in the line. When Washington was informed of what had hap-^ 
pened he reported the matter to Congress, mentioning Meigs* timely 
action, and also wrote the following commendatory note to the Colonel 
himself, the original of which is in the possession of one of his descend- 
ants :" 

"Head Quarters, 26th May, 1780. 
Sir, 

I am exceedingly happy to hear that matters are again reduced to a state of 
tranquility in the Brigade under your command. I am very much obliged to you 
for your exertions upon the first appearance of a proceeding of so dangerous a 
nature and for your conduct throughout the whole of it. Mutiny, as you very 



RETURN JONATHAN MEIGS 289 

properly observe, cannot in any case be justified, but still, if the Commissaries, by 
a partiality of Issues, have in any degree given ground of complaint, they shall be 
called to account and made to answer for it. 

I am, with great esteem, Sir, 

Yr most obt Servt, 
Colo Meigs. Go. Washington." 

[Addressed — "Colo. Meiggs, Commd. ist Connct Brigade. — Go. Washington."] 

On the discovery of Arnold's treason, Meigs' regiment was one of 
several that were hurried off with all speed from the camp below to the 
protection of West Point. 

The year however closed Avithout any important occurrence along 
the Hudson, and the new year of 1781 began with the reorganization of 
the army by the reduction of the number of regiments required from 
the several States. Connecticut's eight were consolidated into five, and 
many changes were made in the assignment of line and field officers to 
command them. Four colonels retired honorably on January i, 1781, 
and among them was the subject of this sketch — Colonel Meigs — who 
had been continuously in the service of the country for nearly six years. ^ 
During that time he had exhibited all the qualities of a good soldier — 
patience, tact, skill, enterprise, and personal courage in an eminent de- 
gree — and had fought, as he expressed it, only for "a common cause." 

The career of Colonel Meigs, after the close of the war, is sketched 
quite fully by Hildreth, in his '' Lives of the Early Settlers of Ohio." 
Going west with the pioneers of the Ohio Company as a surveyor, he 
assisted in opening up the country, held judicial offices at times, and, in 
1801, was appointed by President Jefferson agent for Indian affairs in the 
Cherokee Nation, and agent of the War Department in the State o^ 
Tennessee, and retained these appointments until January 28, 1823, the 
day of his death. An interesting scrap of history as well as a deserved 
tribute to his memory appears in the obituary notice of the *' Veteran " 
(printed at the time in broadside form), a part of which is as follows : 

.... *'Hewas one of the first settlers of the wilderness which has since 
become the State of Ohio, having landed at the confluence of the Ohio and 
Muskingam rivers with the earliest emigrants. A government for the North 
Western Territory had been prepared by an ordinance of the Congress of 1787. 
Governor St. Clair and the Judges of the Territory had not arrived. The emi- 
grants were without civil laws or civil authority. Col. Meigs drew up a concise 
system of regulations, which were agreed to by the emigrants, as the rule of con- 
duct and preservation, until the proper authorities should arrive. To give these 



290 RETURN JONATHAN MEIGS 

regulations publicity, a large oak, standing near the confluence of the rivers, was 
selected, from which the bark was cut off, of sufficient space to attach the sheet 
on which the regulations were written ; and they were beneficially adhered to until 
the civil authorities arrived. This venerable oak was, to the emigrants, more 
useful, and as frequently consulted, as the oracle of ancient Delphi by its 
votaries. 

" During a long life of activity and usefulness, no man ever sustained a char- 
acter more irreproachable than Col. Meigs. He was a pattern of excellence as a 
Patriot, a Philanthropist, and a Christian. In all vicissitudes of fortune, the duties 
of religion were strictly observed, and its precepts strikingly exemplified. The 
latter part of his life was devoted to the amelioration of the condition of the 
aborigines of the country, for which purpose he accepted the Agency of the 
Cherokee Station ; and in the discharge of his duties he inspired the highest degree 
of confidence in that nation, by whom he was emphatically denominated * The 
White Path.' In all cases they revered him as their father, and obeyed his 
counsel as an unerring guide. 

" His death is a loss to the country, and especially to that Station. His 
remains were interred with the honors of war, amidst a concourse of sincere 
friends, and in the anguish of undissembled sorrow. His death was serenely happy 
in the assurance of Christian hope." 

Unfortunately, and, we may say, inexcusably, the honorable name of 
Meigs is attacked in Judge Thomas Jones' contemporary account of the 
Revolution, recently published under the auspices of the New York 
Historical Society." The aspersions, in the nature of the case, can be 
easily refuted, and indeed would hardly call for refutation, but for the 
respectable source of the work in question. Judge Jones — to put the 
case briefly — having been a devoted loyalist during the revolution, 
endeavors to bring that movement into disrepute by exposing, as he 
imagines he does, the true character and inner history of certain men 
and transactions upon the American side. Thus General Washington, 
Colonel Meigs and Colonel Lamb, of the artillery, are severally accused 
of having broken their military paroles and proved themselves generally 
as men without any sense of honor. Of course in each case the 
charge fails completely. Colonel Meigs, for instance, we are told 
undertook the Sag Harbor expedition before he had been exchanged as 
a Quebec prisoner. But as Colonel Samuel B. Webb, one of Washing- 
ton's aids, sent an official notice to one or more newspapers,' under date 
of January loth, 1777 — four months before the expedition — that Meigs 
had within a few days been regularly exchanged, Judge Jones must, 
posthumously, be compelled to retract. Meigs, in fact, refrained from 



RETURN JONATHAN MEIGS 2gi 

visiting Washington in camp, lest that act itself might be cc?istrued into 
an infraction of his parole ; much less would he resume camp duties. 
The point is set at rest by the letter referred to, which runs as follows :'" 

"Head Quarters in Morristown, Jan. lo, 1776 [1777]. 
I have it in command from his Excellency, General Washington, to request 
you will publish the following list of gentlemen, officers and volunteers, who are 
released from their paroles, which they gave General Carleton, by an exchange of 
others of the same rank and number belonging to the British Army. 

I am, &c., 

Samuel B. Webb, A. D. C. 

Majors M^iggs, Bigelow ; Captains Lamb, Tobham, Thayer, Morgan, Good- 
rich, Hanchett ; Lieutenants McDougall, Compton, Clark, Webb, Feger [Febiger], 
Heth, Savage, Brown, Nicholls, Bruin, Steel ; Ensign Tisdal ; Volunteers Os- 
wald, Duncan, Lockwood, McGuire, Potterfield, Henry." 

Another charge made by the Judge is more offensive and equally false, 
the charge, namely, that Meigs, before the war, was a hardened charac- 
ter, having once been tried and convicted in New York as a counter- 
feiter and sentenced to be hanged, but subsequently pardoned by Gov- 
ernor Tryon, on the petition of Governor Trumbull and the entire 
Legislature of Connecticut. On its very face this charge is impossible 
and monstrous. Can it be assumed that such a character would have 
been permitted to hold positions of responsibility and trust soon after 
his pardon, either by Trumbull or Washington ? Judge Jones probable 
recollected the circumstance that while he was Recorder of New York, 
in 1772, a man by the name of Meigs was tried, convicted and pardoned, 
as stated above, and then, when writing his account a few years later, 
concluded that the revolutionary colonel was none other than the felon 
of 1772. But had he taken the trouble (as he was in justice and honor, 
as a Judge and narrator, bound to do) to consult the records and 
make sure of his identity, he would have found that the criminal in 
question was one Fe/ix Meigs, described in the Colonial records of this 
State as a '' boatman " of New York and native of Connecticut." It is 
fortunate, as well as somewhat singular, that all the important docu- 
ments in the case, including affidavits of the prisoner's friends, and the 
official correspondence between Tryon, Trumbull and Lord Dartmouth 
are preserved in manuscript in the archives of New York and the papers 
of the Connecticut Governor. The case may be called one of " mis- 
taken identity ; " but when made by a judge who in his official career 



292 RETURN JONATHAN MEIGS 

must have had occasion to remind juries or parties at law that personal 
characters are not to be recklessly assailed, the mistake appears unpar- 
donable The fair reputation of Colonel Meigs thus survives all the 
libellous imputations which Judge Jones hands down as facts of history. 
Many other of his pretended fucts could be disposed of as effectually. 
The subordinate officers of the Revolution, those below the grade of 
Brigadier, merit a more particular notice and appreciation than, as a 
body, they usually receive. So few general officers were killed or died 
during the contest, that really capable colonels were without the oppor- 
tunity of advancement. In a larger army there could have been little 
doubt of their rapid promotion. Colonels Butler, Stewart, Putnam, 
Scammell, Laurens, Hamilton, Webb, Cilley, Meigs, Ogden, Olney, Van 
Courtlandt, WilUam Washington, Lee, Febiger, Tallmadge, Horry, Ram- 
say and others, for instance, could not have failed to figure far more 
conspicuously in a struggle of such proportions as the late civil war. 
The misfortune of the individual, however, proved a great advantage to 
the cause. Washington found himself in time supported by a superior 
corps of officers down to the lowest grade. Among regimental com- 
manders he had men fit to be generals, and among captains not a few Avho 
could handle regiments with skill. About many of them little is known. 

HENRY P. JOHNSTON 

References. — I. Hinman's Connecticut, p. 166 — 2. Meigs' journal was first published in the 
Mass. Historical Collections, second series, vol. II, and more recently in separate form, with notes 
by Mr. Chas. I. Bushnell, of New York — 3. Thayer's journal in R. I. Hist. Collections — 4. Force, 
5th series, vol. I., p. 853 — 5. Dearborn's journal in possession of the Boston Public Libraiy — 
6. Sparks' Correspondence of the Revolution, vol. I., p. 265 — 7. Hinman, p. 407 — 8. Magazine of 
American History for Feb., 1879, p. 121 ; also Trumbull MS. papers, Mass. Hist. Soc, vol. 10, p. 
38 — 9. Parsons to Washington in Hildreth's "Lives of the Early Settlers of Ohio," p. 532 — 
10. Hinman, p. 489 — 11. Col. Febiger's MS. — 12. This letter and the preceding one from Gen. 
Knox in possession of Col. Meigs' grandson, Hon. R, J. Meigs, Washington, D. C, to whom the 
writer extends his thanks for favor of copies — 13. MS. Note Book, Inspector of the Conn. Division 
— 14. Jones' "History of New York During the Revolutionary War," vol. I., p. 180-182 — 15. Conn. 
Gazette, New London, Jan. 31, 1777 — 16. Documents Colonial Hist, of New York, vol. VIII., 
p. 338. 

Note. — Colonel Meigs had three brothers — Hon. Josiah Meigs, graduate of Yale College, first 
President of Georgia University, and Surveyor General of the United States ; John Meigs, Captain 
Continental Line ; and Giles Meigs. Among his children was Gov. R. J. Meigs, of Ohio, after- 
wards Postmaster-General. Major-Gen. Montgomery C. Meigs, the present Quartermaster-General 
of the Army, is grandson of the Colonel's brother, Josiah Meigs. The painting from which the 
accompanying portrait of the Colonel was taken, represents him in his 79th year, and is in posses- 
sion of his great grandson, Mr. Meigs Whaples, of Hartford. Another original picture or copy is 
in Washington, 



TRANSLATION 



293 



DIARY 
OF A FRENCH OFFICER 

1781 

(Presumed to be that of Baron Cromot du Bou.g, 

Aid to Rochambeau.) 
From an unpublished Manuscript in the posses- 
sion of C. Fiske Harris, of 
Providence, i?. /. 
Translated for the Magazine of American History 
II 
FROM PROVIDENCE TO KING's FERRY. 
JUNE 

fung 14 — I left (Boston) in the even- 
ing for Providence, and slept at Dhe- 
dem (Dedham), where I found the re- 
inforcement of seven hundred men which 
came by the convoy, and were on their 
way to join the army ; for want of abed 
T settled myself on a chair. 

June 15 — I left at four o'clock in the 
morning for Providence, where I ar- 
rived at eleven. There I found the army 
encamped, as I have stated, since the 
eleventh. Providence is a pretty enough 
little town, quite a business place before 
the war ; there is nothing of interest 
in it except an extremely beautiful hos- 
pital. Two rivers meet there and flow 
together to the sea. 

June 16 — 17 — 18 — I remained there. 
The first division, or rather the first regi- 
ment, that of Bourbonnais, with M. de 
Rochambeau and M. de Chatelus, en- 
camped in the evening at Waterman's 
tavern ; we found the roads very bad, 
and our artillery had great difficulty in 
following us. The troops marched very 
badly this day. 

Side Note. — The 18 the Bourbonnais marched 
(M. de Rochambeau) ; the 19 Deux Fonts (M. de 



Viomenil, Baron) ; the 20, Soissonois (Count de 
Viomenil) ; the 21, Saintonge (M. de Custine). 
March of 15 miles. 

Jn7ie 19 — We continued our route, 
and came to Plahifield, the roads still 
quite bad, many stragglers ; the baggage 
and artillery arrived ; there is at Plain- 
field a superb position for twelve or fif- 
teen thousand men ; it is beyond the vil- 
lage about a mile and a half on the road 
from Providence. 

Side Note. — March of 15 miles. 

June 20 — We came to Windham. The 
village is very pretty, and there is also a 
very fine position this side of Wind- 
ham, about a mile distant. The troops 
marched much better. The baggage 
arrived very late because of the bad 
roads. A very fine river flows by here. 

Side Note. — Nine men deserted from the regi- 
ment of Soissonnois and one from Royal Deux- 
Ponts. 

March of 15 miles. 

June 21 — We came to Bolton with the 
greatest difficulty imaginable, so frightful 
were the roads. The country all the 
way from Providence is covered with 
woods. At Bolton the view is very 
pleasing. 

Side Note. — The host of M. de Rochambeau 
was a minister at least six feet three inches in 
height. This man, whose name was Cotton, of- 
fered the wife of a grenadier to adopt her child, 
to secure his fortune and to give her for herself 
thirty Louis in money. She repeatedly refused. 

June 22 — We reached Hartford easily 
enough ; the road although heavy, was 
even. 

Side Note. — We received news which in- 
formed us that the Stanislas was the only vessel 
of the convoy which had not arrived. 

June 23 — 24 — We halted there to rest 
the troops and to make the necessary re- 



JK*^eW tma^u'Sei-C .cchuMMduJt-ioi^ 







TRANSLATION 



295 



pairs to the artillery and baggage. Hart- 
ford is quite a considerable place, di- 
vided by the River of the same name, 
large enough for vessels of some size. 
One of the banks is called East Hart- 
ford. 

June 24 — In the afternoon I went to 
Fee a charming spot called Weathers- 
field, four miles from East Hartford. It 
would be impossible to find prettier 
houses and a more beautiful view. I 
went up into the steeple of the church 
and saw the richest country I had yet 
seen in America. From this spot you 
can see for fifty miles around. 

Side Note. — March of 12 miles. 

June 25 — In the morning the army 
resumed its march to reach Farmington. 
The country is more open than that 
we had passed over since our de- 
parture, and the road fine enough. The 
village is considerable, and the position 
of the camp, which is a mile and a half 
from it, was one of the most fortunate 
we had as yet occupied. 

Side Note. — March of 13 miles. 

June 26 — In the morning we went to 
Baron's Tavern ; the day's march was 
not fatiguing ; the roads were very fine. 

June 27 — We left in the morning for 
Breakneck, which we had the greatest 
difficulty in reaching. The roads being 
difficult because of the mountains, our 
artillery was greatly delayed, and only 
arrived at nightfall. 

Side iVd?/^.— Breakneck is the English for 
Casse-cou ; it well deserves the name from its 
difficult approach. The village is frightful and 
without resources. I noticed some mills, by 
means of which several planks are sawed at the 
same time. 

March of 13 miles. 



June 28 — We went to Newtown, the 
first four miles which we marched were 
like those of the evening before, but the 
rest were fine enough. We arrived in 
good season, our baggage also. 

Side Note. — We saw on the road several trees 
not known in France ; the tulip tree, the bunch 
cherry, etc. 

In the evening an Aid-de-Camp of General 
Washington arrived at Head-quarters, who told 
us that the American Army opened the cam- 
paign on the 26th. 

June 29 — 30 — We halted at Newtown, 
and should not have left it until the 2d 
of July but for the orders which M. 
de Rochambeau received from General 
Washington to hasten his march. 

Side Note.-"'^ Qwtown is a place of small im- 
portance ; all its inhabitants are poor. Our 
camp was very well placed there. 

Five men of Bourbonnois deserted. 

March of 15 miles. 

JULY 

July I — We left very early in the 
morning in order to reach Bridgebury, 
but instead of marching by regiments 
we were formed into brigades and 
marched in this order. In the evening 
news arrived from the American general, 
which again changed our plans, for, in- 
stead of marching to Crampon (Crom- 
pond) as we had proposed, 

July 2 — In the morning we left for 
Bedfort (Bedford). The Legion of Lau- 
zun, which up to that point had marched 
to the left of us, joined us there ; we 
took a position from which it was im- 
possible to drive us. Our camp th's 
side of Betford (Bedford). The grena- 
diers and chasseurs beyond the vi.ia^e, 
and the legion of Lauzun in advance, 
and we had still further in front of us 
one hundred and sixty American drag- 



296 



TRANSLATION 



oons. Washington arrived and en- 
camped his army a few miles to the right 
of us ; From this moment we may con- 
sider our campaign as opened ; we are 
distant at the furthest fifteen leagues 
from New York. We learned on arriv- 
ing at Betford (Bedford) that the even- 
ing before a party of English dragoons 
burned some houses at a short distance 
from the village, which had itself been 
badly used some little time before. 
This is a very small place, and it was 
with difficulty that we could find room 
for the small headquarters of our first 
division. Our generals only found lodg- 
ings, and those horrible. In the evening 
the Legion of Lauzun left for Morris- 
ania with orders to surprise Delancy's 
Corps if possible. 

Side Note. — The second division left the same 
day to march from Newtown to Richbury. 
(Ridgebury.) 

We had trouble enough to bring up all our 
baggage, there being some mountains, and the 
day's march very long. 

March of 19 miles. 

July 3 — The army marched to North 
Castle, where it encamped in an excel- 
lent position, although less military 
than that of yesterday. Our Second 
Brigade joined us in the afternoon ; it 
made twenty miles in this day's march, 
and has not had one day's rest since 
leaving Providence. It is impossible to 
march better than it has done the entire 
distance, or to show greater willingness ; 
It is true that Messieurs de Custine and 
the Vicomte de Noailles set the example 
by marching the entire distance on foot 
at the head of their regiments. 

Side Note. — A fine march of 5 miles. 

J:ily 4_5_We halted the 4 and 5 at 



North Castle, to which place Messieurs de 
Fersen and de Vauban, to whom M. de 
Rochambeau had given permission to 
follow the Legion, returned ; they told 
us that Delancy's Corps, which they had 
expected to surprise at Morrisania, was 
at Williamsbridge, and informed of our 
approach, for at the moment they ap- 
peared they saw about three thousand 
English debouch in several columns, 
which compelled them to recross a 
stream, and fall into line of battle be- 
hind General Lincoln, who was in charge 
of another expedition, which was not 
successful, losing four men killed and 
fifteen or sixteen wounded. The Le- 
gion fired a few shots, but there was no 
one killed or wounded. 

July 5 — General Washington came to 
see M. de Rochambeau. Notified of 
his approach, we mounted our horses 
and went out to meet him. He received 
us with the affability which is natural to 
him and depicted on his countenance. 
He is a very fine looking man, but did 
not surprise me as much as I expected 
from the descriptions I had heard of him. 
His physiognomy is noble in the highest 
degree, and his manners are those of one 
perfectly accustomed to society, quite a 
rare thing certainly in America. He 
paid a visit to our camp, dined with us, 
and later we escorted him several miles 
on his return and took leave of him. 

July 6 — We left very early in the 
morning to make a junction with the 
American Army, and encamped on the 
White Plains at Philipsburg ; we had al- 
ready suffered terribly on our journey 
from the excessive heat of this coun- 
try, but it is impossible to be more trou- 
bled by it than we were this List day. 



TRANSLATION 



297 



§3 

O ^ 
tJ to 

O C 



S 
g 



a 

a 

o 
U 

o 

H 
O 

CO 

< 



" CD 

-5 (u 



o 



> o 







Col. Durkee 
Lt.-Col. Grosvenor 
Major Clift 



Lt.-Col. Comd'g Shearman 
Major Smith 
Major Throop 



Col. Webb 
Lt.-Col. Huntington 
Major Willis 



Col. Swift 
Lt.-Col. Johnson 
Major Woodbridge 



Col. Butler 
Lt.-Col. Gray 
Major Prior 



Lt.-Col. Comm'd'g Olney 
Major Olney 
Major Dexter 



^ I Col. Vo 
^ » ^ < Lt.-Col. 
< O -^ \ Major I 



Col. Vose 

Vose 
Pettengill 



O 
55 

1-1 

H 

Q 
o 



O 

o 
C 

O 



O rt 
erf ^ 



Lt.-Col. Comm'd'g Brooks 
Major Darby 
Major Bill Porter 



Col. Sheppard 
Lt.-Col. Mellon 
Major Rice 



Lt.-Col. Comm'd'g Sprout 
Major Maxwell 
Major Gibbs 



^ J Col. Michael Jackson 

g ^ ^ Lt.-Col. Badlam 

C rS Major Keith 

a> CO (^ 



o '^ f 
•^ rt Col. Putnam 

^ '^ i Lt.-Col. Newhall 

■n •£ Major Ashley 
Ph to I, 



o 
w 

C/2 







s 


' 




u 




Col. Scammel 


t/J 


erf 

53 


Lt.-Col. Dearborn 


C4 


^ 
S 


12; 


Major Scott 


^ 


< 


a. 




r-H 


^ 


6 










Lt.-Col. Comm'd'g Read 




•*• . 


Maj. Wait 





P 




Maj. Morell 


»-• 





M 


'- 





s 




■ 


•J? 


pq 


w 




^ 







Col. Tupper 






Lt.-Col. Fernald 






Major Knapp 



X 
o 



o 



o 

a; < 

o g 

c 
<u 

o 

I 



The Park 

of 
Artillery 



Engineers 

Sappers 

Miners 



Col. Greaton 
Lt.-Col. Hull 
Major Oliver 



Col. Henry Jackson 

^ -{ Lt.-Col. Cobb 






Major Prescott 



Lt.-Col. Comm'd'g amith 
Major John Porter 
Major Spurr 



TRANSLATION 



299 



More than four hundred soldiers dropped 
down, unable to march further, but by 
halts and care all reached their haven at 
last, and we went into camp, our right 
resting on the left of the American 
Army in a perfectly good position, where 
we would be extremely glad to have M. 
Clinton come to seek us. 

Side Note. — March of 17 miles ; quite fine 
road, except some high hill sides as we arrived. 

The baggage and artillery arrived very late. 

Three men of Deux- Fonts deserted. 

July 7 — 8 — The mornings were passed 
in an exchange of friendly visits. In the 
afternoon of the 8th General Washington 
reviewed the two"armies ; we went first 
to the American army, which may have 
amounted to four thousand and some 
hundred men at the most. It seemed to 
me to be in as good order as possible for 
an army composed of men without uni- 
forms and with narrow resources. The 
Rhode Island regiment, among others, 
is extremely fine. We went thence to 
the French army, which, though unpre- 
tending, has quite another style. The 
Americans admit it ; they all seemed to 
be delighted as well as their General. 

Side Note. — There are a great number of ne- 
groes in the army, and some very young men. 

July 10 — In evening the Romulus 
and three frigates, which left New- 
port under the command of M. de Vil- 
lebrune, came down the Sound as far as 
Huntington bay. The guard ship, which 
is supposed to carry 44 guns, withdrew 
on their approach, and the other small 
vessels fled up the bay. The Pilots, who 
little understood their business, did not 
dare to go in at night, which prevented 
M. Dangely, who had two hundred and 
fifty men under his command on board, 



from making a night landing at Oyster 
Bay point, where the fort of Lhoyd's 
(Lloyd's) Neck is, and caused him to 
postpone his operations until the morn- 
ing of the next day. He executed the plan 
but found the fort more strongly held 
than he expected, and its defences quite 
different from what he had been in- 
formed ; he was obliged to withdraw 
after a sharp cannonade and a severe 
musketry fire ; he had four men wound- 
ed, and reembarked, having totally failed 
in his movement. 

July II — We visited the Legion of 
Lauzun, which is encamped at Chater- 
ton (Chatterton) Hill, two miles distant 
on our left. The Americans were quite 
as much pleased with it as with the rest 
of the army. 

July 12 — M. de Rochambeau went to 
Dobbs' Ferry, three miles from head- 
quarters, directly on the right of the 
American army. I accompanied him, 
and at last had a sight of this famous 
North River. It is about two miles wide 
at this point. The shore opposite to 
that upon which we were is covered 
with steep rocks and woods. The 
Americans were at this very moment 
busy in the construction at Dobbs' Fer- 
ry of a Redoubt and two batteries be- 
neath it, I do not know of how many 
pieces ; we afterwards made the rounds 
of the parks of the two armies, and found 
them all in the best possible order. 

Side Note. — We received news that the Stan- 
islas, the only vessel of the convoy which did 
not arrive, had been captured. 

July 14 — The weather was frightful, 
that is it rained very hard ; I went with 
M. de Rochambeau to dine with Gen- 
eral Lincoln, where also were General 



3O0 



TRANSLATION 



Washington, Messrs. de Viosmenil, de 
Chatelux and de Lauzun. There were 
conferences enough to give me the im 
pression that within a very short time 
some movement will be made; in fact 
at five o'clock in the afternoon M. de 
Rochambeau made his preparations for 
a march. The first brigade, the heavy- 
Artillery and the Legion received or- 
ders to hold themselves in readiness 
to leave ; the Retraite was to serve 
for the signal to move, but a quarter of 
an hour before the moment of leaving, 
the order was countermanded by Gen- 
eral Washington, who it seems thought 
the weather too bad. I do not know 
whether this was the real reason, nor do 
I know what was the purpose of the 
march, but it is certain that the rain 
had fallen so heavily all the afternoon 
that it would have been difficult to 
march the troops. 

July 15 — Caused us in one way more 
regret than the preceding day — from 
the countermanding order of the day 
before we were expecting to march from 
one moment to another; at nine o'clock 
in the evening we had heard several 
cannon shots in the direction of Tarry- 
town, followed immediately after by a 
musketry fire. The Marquis de Laval 
caused the alarm to be beaten in the 
camp; two signal guns were fired by the 
artillery. As I was certain that the Gen- 
eral had sent no order, I did not doubt 
for an instant that it was a signal agreed 
upon, or that the camp was attacked, 
but the mountain brought forth a 
mouse ; it was a false alarm. M. de 
Rochambeau mounted his horse and 
rode to the camp to call in the troops. 
We were all in on our side, but hardly 



arrived when an aid-de-camp of Gen- 
eral Washington came to ask of M. de 
Rochambeau two hundred men, six 
twelve pounders and six howitzers to go 
to Tarrytown, to which point two English 
frigates had come up. General How 
(Howe) marched from his side with the 
Americans, but hardly were our troops 
and artillery ready to leave when I was 
myself sent with counter orders, and 
all returned to camp; For what reason 
I do not know, General Howe continued 
his march. 

July 16 — At five o'clock in the morn- 
ing a fire from the frigates at Tarrytown 
caused a repetition of the error of the 
night before. It was supposed that the 
two cannon shot were fired by the Amer- 
ican army, but this error was soon re- 
paired. At half past five an aid-de- 
camp of General Washington arrived 
and asked for two twelve pounders and 
two howitzers to march to Tarrytown; as 
I was on duty I awakened M. de 
Rochambeau, who directed me to carry 
the order to M. Daboville, and told me 
at the same time to take this artillery to 
Tarrytown. I confess that I was en- 
chanted ; it was the first occasion upon 
which I could hope to hear the sound 
of cannon. I carried the order imme- 
diately. At seven o'clock the artillery 
was ready and left. We arrived at 
Tarrytown at eleven o'clock, and found 
the two frigates and a galley still there. 
During the night they had captured a 
small vessel, laden with flour and cloth- 
ing for Sheldon's Dragoons, and they 
had put nearly all their crews into their 
boats to attempt a descent and carry off 
the rest of the supplies which were at 
Tarrytown; but a sergeant of the Regi- 



TRANSLATION 



30 r 



ment of Soissonnois who was there with 
twelve men kept up so brisk and direct 
a fire that he prevented the landing ; a 
half hour later the Americans arrived, 
who lost a sergeant and had one of their 
officers severely wounded. On our ar- 
rival the Americans placed two eighteen 
pounders on the right of Tarrytown, and 
we placed ours on the left. We fired a 
hundred cannon balls, which must have 
done them some injury, as we saw sev- 
eral of them strike on board. In fact we 
compelled them to withdraw; they only 
replied to us by some balls, which passed 
extremely near our ears, near enough to 
cause several persons to dodge, but 
which did no harm. One ball struck a 
half foot beneath one of our pieces in 
the barbette of the battery, and threw 
the dirt about our heads ; I was en- 
abled to judge from what I saw that these 
gentlemen are brutal enough, but less 
dangerous than they appear. Tarry- 
town is four miles above Dobbs' Ferry, 
and the river is a little wider there. 
Near Tarrytown begins the Tapan Sea 
or the Sea of Tapan (Tappaan). It is 
so called because at this place the river 
widens considerably. 

Jul^ 17 — In the afternoon I was be- 
tween Tarry-town and Dobbs-Ferry 
where I again found the two frigates 
which I had left the evening before ; 
they had just fired some cannon shot 
again and received some, but there was 
no danger in it ; they went up in the 
evening above Tarrytown. 

Side Note. — On the morning of the 17 the 
Legion left its camp to march to Bed-house 
(Bedford). 

The night of the 17 to 18 M. 
Norteman an officer of Lauzun's Legion 



while on a patrol with six hussars was 
killed by some of Delancey's Dragoons ; 
several pistol shots were exchanged. The 
infantry advanced to support the hus- 
sars but the enemy disappeared under 
cover of the woods and of the night. 
Side Note. — At the moment when the officer 
was killed his horse returned at full gallop to 
the Legion. The hussars on vidette cried out 
to him three times qui vive, and for very good 
reasons receiving no reply, fired and killed the 
horse stone dead. 

July 18 — M de Rochambeau made a 
reconnoissance close up to New York 
but he could not take us with him ; 
hence I can not think of this day with- 
out the deepest regret. 

Side N'ote. — They saw all the works of the 
enemy on York-Island, and perfectly distin- 
guised five or six little camps which supported 
them, the largest of which was of two bat- 
talions. 

July 19 — The Frigates which were 
between Tarry-town and Dobbs-Ferry 
came down to make Kingsbridge ; they 
were sharply cannonaded on their pas- 
sage; two shells thrown on board set fire 
to one of these vessels, and one of the 
prisoners they had made on the night 
of the 15 to 16, taking advantage of 
this moment of disturbance, jumped in- 
to the water and came to us ; he told 
us that they had lost several men by the 
different cannonades. I hope that this 
little lesson will give these English gen- 
tlemen a distaste for this kind of pleas- 
antry. 

Side Note. — Two spies were arrested in the 
camp, both French. 

July 21 — In the evening the Retraite 
served as a general signal for moving, 
as it was to have done on the 14. The 
first Brigade, the grenadiers and chas- 



302 



TRANSLATION 



seurs of the four regiments, marched. 
The American division under General 
Lincoln also left its camp. We marched 
all night. 

Side Note. — The Legion of Lauzun inarched 
on its side also, so that the army moved in three 
columns. 

The Marquis de Chatelux commanded this 
detachment. 

July 22 — We arrived at five o'clock 
in the morning upon the brow of the 
hill which overlooks Kingsbridge. We 
were ten hours on the march, the roads 
being very bad and the artillery follow- 
ing with difficulty. I imagine the sur- 
prise of the English to have been 
considerable when they saw us arrive, 
for they could have had no idea of our 
march. The American army and ours 
made a junction four miles above from 
Kingsbridge. I was astonished at the 
manner in which they marched ; a per- 
fect silence and order reigned, to which 
they added the greatest possible celerity. 
The two armies drew up in line of battle 
on the heights beyond Kingsbridge, as I 
have described, the Americans took the 
right, a battalion of Grenadiers was 
posted on a little eminence beyond the 
left, which we held. Several English 
dragoons came out immediately to re- 
connoitre us and send us a few musket 
balls ; the different forts saluted us also 
with a few cannon shot, but they did us 
no harm. An American regiment was 
sent forward to capture a Redoubt, and 
marched under the fire of the cannon in 
the best style possible ; one of their offi- 
cers had his thigh taken off by a ball. 
After having reconnoitred the position 
in front of us, M. de Rocharabeau and 
his Excellency crossed the Harlem 



River to take a look at the opposite 
side ; In this little reconnoissance there 
was again a slight cannonade. Thence 
they recrossed the river, took up the 
route of the morning, and pushing for- 
ward, reconnoitred the length of the 
Island as far as New York. Some Frig- 
ates in the North river also sent them a 
few shot ; they then fell back upon Mor- 
risania, where the cannonade and mus- 
ketry fire was repeated with a little 
more vigor. The Count de Damas had 
a horse killed under him ; four refugees 
were taken. 

M. de Rochambeau then returned to 
camp, after having been twenty-four 
hours on horseback. 

July 23 — At half-past five in the morn- 
ing we mounted again to make a recon- 
noissance of apart of Long Island which 
is separated from the continent by the 
Sound ; several vessels which were there 
fired upon us without doing us any harm. 
We returned thence to Morrisania to ex- 
amine again a part of the island on our 
way back. I need not mention the 
sang froid of General Washington, it is 
well known ; but this great man is a 
thousand times more noble and splendid 
at the head of his army than at any 
other time. 

Side Note. — We passed the morning at West- 
chester Creek, and on our return we found a 
little English vessel which the Americans had 
set fire to. The tide had risen since we crossed 
and the current was very strong. The dragoons 
who served as escort to Genera^ Washington all 
swam over. We had unsaddled our horses and 
crossed on the parapet of a broken bridge. 

I cannot help remarking that to my great sur- 
prise many depredations were committed by the 
French. The hussars pillaged many houses, 
and even the grenadiers and chasseurs had a 



TRANSLATION 



303 



hand in it. This conduct was severely cen- 
sured, and they were punished by several hun- 
dred blows of the stick. 

July 24 — Two men of Lauzun's Le- 
gion deserted. 

July 26 — I went to Dobbs' Ferry, 
where I found the Redoubt, which I had 
seen begun, completed ; it was built by 
M. Duportail, and with the greatest pos- 
sible care. The Batteries begun were 
also completed ; that for cannon can 
carry eight, and that for the shell guns 
as many. The Americans have one on 
the other side of the river of two pieces 
of cannon. 

Side Note. — In the evening a shot fired by one 
of the Legion killed a cannoneer of the same 
corps, who was reading in his tent. 

July 29 — M. de Rochambeau told us 
that he had some time before inter- 
cepted letters from Lord Cornwallis, 
by which he had learned his plan of 
campaign for the army ; that he had 
just received some further letters which 
announced that the Lord had embarked 
at Portsmouth with his troops to return 
to New York. The same day we made 
the rounds of the posts, which we found 
in good order, and we went quite a dis- 
tance. 

July 30 — There was an extensive 
foraging expedition which met with no 
opposition. We heard in the afternoon 
of the arrival of Lord Cornwallis at New 
York with two or three thousand men. 
His army must be about forty-five hun- 
dred strong, or nearly. He left some 
men at Portsmouth, and sent some troops 
also to Charlestown, which leads to the 
belief that he could not have brought 
to Clinton a more considerable rein- 
forcement. 



Side Note. — Up to the present time there have 
been foraging expeditions every third day, and 
all have passed very quietly. 

Two small English forts have been taken by 
two American parties of the same force, in the 
Sound, as high up as Mary Neck (Mamaroneck). 

July 31 — M. de Rochambeau, after 
the arrival of Cornwallis, thought it ad- 
visable to send the Battalion of grena- 
diers and chasseurs of the Second Di- 
vision to take the position on Chaters- 
town (Chatterton) hill which had before 
been occupied by the Legion of Lau- 
zun, in order to strengthen his front ; he 
also sent there two pieces of cannon. 

Side Note. — To-day five English deserters 
came in ; they are the first, but several Hessians 
had come in before ; as for us we have been 
fortunate enough to lose hardly any one. 

Only three men have deserted from the Le. 
gion, one of whom had committed a theft. 

AUGUST 

August I — A very heavy foraging ex- 
pedition was made twelve miles from 
here, on the shores of the Sound at Mary 
Neck (Mamaroneck). It was in no 
way disturbed ; considerable detach- 
ments were sent forward to protect it. 

August 2 — An English deserter came 
in, who assured M. de Rochambeau that 
the troops lately arrived at New York 
were a part of the garrison of Pensacola ; 
the Spaniards, after the capture of the 
town, having given permission to the 
English to retire wherever they chose, 
always under the condition not to serve 
against their allies. They came to New 
York, and General Clinton placed them 
on Long Island. With such a capitula- 
tion as this the capture of Pensacola is 
of more hurt than benefit to the Ameri- 
cans. The report of the evacuation of 
Virginia by Lord Conwallis proves false. 



05X> cl&thlc d^ 



ArAhunine7?f.<?OMfe(2efF(juiL/- >^ 




ateii^^ ^^^s^ys. 




TRANSLATION 



305 



August 12 — We received confirmation 
of the news that M. de Lamotte Piquet 
had taken twenty one Vessels from the 
Saint Eustatia convoy. 

Side Note. — Five Hessian deserters came in, 
one on horseback. 

A man deserted from the Deux-Ponts. 

August 13 — We learned that twenty 
vessels from Europe had arrived at New 
York. The Convoy was composed of 
two frigates and eighteen transport ves- 
sels, laden with Hessian troops ; We are 
assured that this reinforcement is of 
twenty-five hundred to three thousand 
men. 

August 14 — There was a foraging ex- 
pedition nearly to the same place as the 
last, and it was no less quiet. A Drag- 
oon of de Lancey, who had come out 
too far, was captured by a patrol of the 
Legion. 

In the afternoon we received letters 
from Newport, which advised us that the 
Concorde Frigate, which had gone out 
to meet M. de Grasse, left him on the 
26th July, and that he was to leave on 
the 3d August to make a junction with 
M. de Barras, so that he is hourly ex- 
pected. The same frigate brought a 
letter with an account of the revolt of 
the English colonies in the Indies, of the 
capture of Pondichery, the blockade of 
Madras and the devastations making by 
Hyder-Ali-Cham. If these news are 
true, as seems extremely probable, it is 
a heavy blow to the English in that 
quarter of the world. Those several 
pieces of news give our Politicians a great 
deal to talk over ; Some think that 
with the aid of the troops which M. de 
Grasse has with him we can undertake 
some thing ; others assure us that in a 



short time we will be on Long Island ; I 
sincerely hope that the sequel may show 
that these reasonings are correct ; but I 
greatly fear that the reinforcements 
which have arrived for the English, even 
the troops of Cornwallis which are ex- 
pected from moment to moment, will 
prove an obstacle to the desire which 
every one feels to do something. I 
hope I may be mistaken. 

Side Note. — Four Grenadiers and four Chas- 
seurs of the regiment of Saintonge deserted on 
the foraging expedition. 

A man of the regiment of Deux-Ponts also 
deserted. 

August 15 — M. de Rochambeau re- 
plied to the letters which he received 
from M. de Barras, and the Count de 
Fersen was sent to Newport with the 
replies, which up to this time had been 
carried by an American Dragoon ; a 
new piece of politics for the amateurs. 
The same day a flag came in from New 
York but was stopped by the grand 
guard ; he is the fourth who has been 
sent in for simple letters, and this way 
of doing things, which savors strongly of 
espionage, is by no means pleasing to M. 
de Rochambeau. 

August 16 — In the morning the regi- 
ment of Bourbonnais manoeuvred before 
General Washington who seemed well 
satisfied. In the afternoon he saw that 
of Deux Ponts which was no less suc- 
cessful. 

August 17 — Two English deserters 
came in ; one of the Regiment of Bour- 
bonnais who was captured suffered the 
punishment inflicted on deserters in 
the field. On the night of the 17 to 18, 
a Deux Ponts man deserted and was ar- 
rested. 



3o6 



TRANSLATION 



August id> — A council of war held in 
the morning at once condemned him to 
be hung, but in consideration of the 
number of relatives he had in his Regi- 
ment M. de Deux Fonts persuaded the 
General to consent that he should be 
shot, and he was so executed. 

August 19 — The army received orders 
to move and march to North Castle. 
The Generale to be beaten at four o'clock 
and the march to begin at six. M. de 
Rochambeau visited the camp at half 
past five to see if all was in order ; the 
provision wagons were wanting and 
there were only five or six thousand ra- 
tions in camp, which made it necessary 
to delay the moving till noon ; but the 
•overladen wagons and the state of the 
Toads from the heavy rains, delayed the 
inarch in an incredible manner. 

Side Note. — Three EngHsh deserters came in. 

The American army left the same day to march 
by the road which skirts the river. 

March of 18 miles. 

August 20 — The Regiments only ar- 
rived at four o'clock in the morning ; 
one-half of the waggons were still on 
the road. M. de Custine was obliged to 
leave the Vicomte de Rochambeau with 
the artillery of the army and two hundred 
men at twelve miles from North Cas- 
tle. M. de Viomenil who left with the 
rear guard only made four miles. Impos- 
sible to make a more disorderly march. 
The orders sent to M. de Viomenil were 
to march to Pen's (Pine's) bridge in- 
stead of coming here, so as to arrive 
sooner at King's Ferry which is our sec- 
ond march, and we were obliged to halt 
at North Castle the 20. 

Side Note. — Orders given to the Colonels to 
clear their wagons of the oats and hay which 



encumber them as well as of the linen coats 
and every thing useless. It is however to be 
remarked that the trains of the regiments of 
Saintonge and Soissonnois which were not un- 
reasonably laden, have arrived. 

August 21 — We left North Castle very 
early in the morning to march to Hiin's 
(Hunt's) Tavern; at this place there are 
four or five houses, which are st the head 
of Crompond. About two miles from 
North Castle we passed a little river or 
stream which bears this name; two miles 
further on the Crotonne (Croton), a river 
of some size but not navigable; this point, 
at which there is a wooden bridge and 
where it can be also passed by ford when 
the water is not too high, is called Pen's 
(Pine's) Bridge; the troops encamped in 
the evening at Hun's (Hunt's) Tavern, in 
a place more convenient than military. 
They marched very well, and the trains 
arrived in quite good season, although 
many of the waggons again broke down 
on the way. The roads are quite good, 
except on leaving Pen's (Pine's) Bridge, 
where there is quite a high mountain. 

Side Note. — March of 9 miles. 

August 22 — We left Hun's (Hunt's) 
Tavern to march to Kings Ferry; 
nine miles from Hun's (Hunt's) Tav- 
ern is Peskill (Peekskill), a village 
of about twenty houses, quite close 
to each other; it is on the bank of 
the North River; the roads very fine as 
far as this point. From Peskill (Peeks- 
kill) to King's Ferry there only remain 
four miles over quite a fair road, and the 
troops arrived in quite good season at 
their camp, which was pitched on the 
brow of the hill overlooking the North 
River. They remained there the 23d 
and 24th. During this time arrange- 



TRANSLATION 



307 



ments were made for the passage of the 
River by all the trains and troops, quite 
a difficult matter, there being but few- 
boats. 

August 23 — As the Headquarters re- 
mained at Peskill (Peekskill), there be- 
ing at King's Ferry only the single 
house which belonged to the man who 
owns the Ferry, 

Side Note. — So far the Legion has marched 
behind us, but from this time it becomes our 
advance guard. 

March of 13 miles. 

M. de Rochambeau was not willing 
to pass so near West Point as nine 
miles, without seeing it. He left by 
boat at eight o'clock in the morning to 
visit it with General Washington and 
several officers. I mounted a horse and 
went by land, in order to arrive as soon 
as he. I rode by a fair enough road as 
far as the Continental Village, which 
consists at the most of eight or ten 
huts of the kind the inhabitants build 
here when they begin to clear the land of 
a Continental Village; the roads to West 
Point are very hilly and extremely diffi- 
<;ult,because of the great quantity of rocks 
and rolling stones. It passes Mandville 
(Mandeville), a little place of four or five 
houses, and then descends by a very 
narrow gorge to the West Point Ferry. 
About a half mile this side there is a 
plateau of considerable extent, on which 
some troops could be deployed, but this 
place, as well as the road by which 
I came, and another road which de- 
bouches on this plateau, are swept by 
the fire of two redoubts, built on two 
high mountains, which are called the 
North and South Redoubts. When the 
Ferry is reached West Point is seen in 



front, composed of six different forts, 
rising the one above the other; several 
batteries are also posted on the bank of 
the river ; as the river makes a very con- 
siderable elbow at this spot and returns, 
so to say, upon itself, it would be very 
difficult for a Frigate to get by; a chain 
has also been placed here ; a little Island, 
called Constitution Island, at this point, 
has also some batteries upon it, the fire 
from which crosses those from the forts, 
and a vessel which endeavored to break 
the chain would be utterly destroyed. All 
these different forts, except Fort Put- 
nam, which is in masonry, are of wood. 
Their parapets are very low ; palisades 
have been constructed to remain lowered 
on the parapet so long as cannon is fired 
upon the besieged, and which can be 
lifted at the moment of an assault, but I 
have heard them condemned by several 
officers who should thoroughly under- 
stand fortifications, and who believe that 
a parapet of four feet and a half would be 
much better than one of two and a half 
with this kind of fortification. The first 
fort met with on debarking at West 
Point is Fort Clinton, which is a square 
bastion. It entirely overlooks the river, 
and is constructed on a rock, which rises 
from it, but on reaching that a piece of 
flat ground is found, where the Park of 
Artillery is posted, which forms a very 
extensive and fine place d'armes ; above 
it rise Fort Putnam and others. The 
great fault which connoisseurs find with 
West Point is that the fortifications are 
too much extended, and that, being of 
wood, they are very combustible, but 
this spot is very strong from its position 
alone. It is one of the finest imagina- 
bie. We found on the plateau of which I 



3o8 



NOTES 



have been speaking nearly four or five 
hundred men in line of battle, a large part 
of whom invalids. These troops com- 
pose the Garrison, but at the signal of 
alarm the militia of the country rally 
and greatly increase it. 

I was obliged to return by the road 
which I took in the morning, that on the 
other side of the river being impractica- 
ble, and came back by Peekskill, thence 
to King's Ferry, which I crossed, and 
went to Headquarters, which was three 
miles distant, on the other side of the 
River. 

Side Note. — At King's Ferry is Fort Lafa- 
yette or Wer.plank (Verplanck), which is very 
small. 

August 24 — M. de Rochambeau went 
to the Ferry to give some orders, and 
on our return we passed by Stoney 
Point, which is directly opposite King's 
Ferry. It overlooks the spot where the 
landing is made, and is built upon a 
rock ; it is a square earth work with a 
double row of abattis. The trains of 
Bourbonnois had passed in the morning, 
and the Regiment encamped at three 
o'clock in the afternoon at three miles 
from King's Ferry. 

Side Note. — M. de Rochambeau received let- 
ters from M. de Chcisy, v/ho reports having em- 
barked with his troops on the 21st. He has with 
him about five hundred men. One hundred re- 
main at Providence, under command of M. 
Desprez, Major of the Deux Fonts, to guard the 
store houses and the hospital. We do not know 
where M. de Choisy is going. 

Side Note. — The Second Division crossed the 
North River on the 25 th to take the camp we oc- 
cupied the day Ijefore. 

Note. — The maps which accompany this 
article are all taken fr m the originals attached 
to the French manuscript. They are evidently 
tracings from army maps of the period. 



NOTES. 

Deacon Solomon Brown — who shot 
the first British soldier wounded at Lex- 
ington, April 19,1775. "The individ- 
ual whose name heads this article, and 
a notice of whose death appeared in this 
paper, a short time since, was one of the 
oldest inhabitants of New Haven in this 
county, and died claiming the respect of 
all who knew him, for his virtues both 
as a man and a citizen. He was a man of 
strong natural powers, of great probity, 
of uncommon firmness of mind and pur- 
pose, of severe justice and of Christian 
candor and meekness. He held for 
many years, stations of public trust 
among his fellow-citizens, which he ever 
discharged with fidelity and promptness. 
He was an active and devoted Christian, 
and a father in the Church. He was in 
short one of that class of the com- 
munity who are the support of the 
society, the pillars of the church, and the 
ornaments of the republic. 

"Deacon Brown was a soldier of the 
Revolution, and bore a part in that 
memorable struggle, which should im- 
mortalize him in the annals of his 
country. He was a participator in the 
first battle for freedom on the plains of 
Lexington, a?zd has the unrivaled honor 
of having shed the first British blood in 
defence of American liberty^ at the battle 
of Lexington on the 7norning of the 1 9//? 
of April, 1775. 

" This battle was the opening scene of 
the bloody drama which closed with the 
surrender of Cornwallis at Yorktown, 
and in this scene the subject of this 
notice stands forth the most prominent 
actor. He wrote in blood the first word 
in the charter of American freedom^ 



NOTES 



309 



Let his name be registered among the 
noblest of his country's benefactors and 
heroes, and honored by posterity as the 
most dauntless of their heroic sires. 
Deacon Brown served five years in the 
revolution as a sergeant of artillery, and 
encountered all the perils and hardships 
of that memorable and glorious struggle. 
He died mourned by his friends, la- 
mented by the church, and respected by 
all. To those that came after him he 
has left the legacy of an honest name, 
a guiltless example and a well spent life. 
He came down to the grave "like a 
shock of corn fully ripe," his body rests 
with the great congregation of the dead, 
and his beatified spirit has gone we trust 
to the "bosom of his Father and his 
God." Peace be to the memory of the 
just and good." 

Middlebury, VL, Free Press ^ about 1830. 
A writer in the Historical Magazine, 
in., 113, 1859, makes a similar claim 
for Ebenezer Lock, as having shed the 
first British blood on the 19th of April, 
1775. The claim of Solomon Brown 
rests on the evidence of an eye witness. 
The Rev. Mr. Mauzzey in his reminis- 
cences of Lexington, (N. E. His. — Gen. 
Reg. XXXL 377), mentions Elijah 
Sanderson, a participant in the exciting 
events at Lexington, who testified that 
"he saw blood where the British column 
stood when Solomon Broivn fired on 
them." It is conceded that no British 
soldier was wounded on the 19th of April, 
1775, before Pitcairn fired on the militia 
who were assembled on the green at Lex- 
ington, in front of the meetinghouse. It 
is also conceded that at least one Brit- 
ish soldier if not tivo were wounded and 
that none were killed before the march 



from Lexington to Concord. It is in 

evidence that Brown was there, that he 
did fire on the enemy, and did wound 
one. The writer who advances Mr. Lock's 
claim, states too much for his claim- 
ant. He says, " Lock worked valiantly 
for some minutes, bri?iging doivn one of 
the enemy at nearly every shot. Up to 
this tiinenot a shot had been fired elsewhere 
by the rebels. '' A statement utterly at 
variance with every other account of 
that day's proceedings. 

Solomon Brown was a brother of Cap- 
tain Oliver Brown, the inscription of 
whose tombstone will be found [Maga- 
zine of American History, III., 376.] 
He was a descendant of Peter Brown, 
of Windsor, Conn., who was a son of 
Peter Brown, the Mayflower emigrant, 
1620. Beyond these facts I can learn 
nothing of his history. 

Horace Edwin Hayden. 

Brownsville, Pa. 



Paine's recantation. — The discus- 
sion between the editor of the New 
York Observer and Col. Ingersoll, has 
attracted attention to a scarce pamphlet 
printed at New York bearing the follow- 
ing title : " The Recantation ; being an 
anticipated Valedictory Address of 
Thomas Paine to the French Directory. 
New York, Printed for the Author, 
1797." Many of the opponents of In- 
gersoll suppose this to be a genuine re- 
cantation of Paine, and prize it very 
highly; it is rumored even that an en- 
thusiastic clergyman at the West threat- 
ens to reprint it. 

This pamphlet was written by Donald 
Fraser, a schoolmaster, who resided for 
many years in William Street, New 



310 



NOTES 



York City. He was the author of the 
*' Columbian Monitor,*' 1794, " History 
of all Nations," 1807, " Interesting Com- 
panion," and other works of an educa- 
tional character. His son, Captain 
Donald Eraser, served with distinction 
in the war of 1812, and was later at- 
tached to the New York Custom House. 

W. K. 

A SONG OF THE REVOLUTION. The 

following stirring song was written during 
the period of the American Revolution 
by Colonel Robert Munford, of Meck- 
lenburg County, Virginia. Its patriotic 
sentiment neutralizes all lack of literary 
polish. 

Come on, my brave fellows, a fig for our lives. 
We'll fight for our country, our children and 

wives. 
Determin'd we are to live happy and free ; 
Then join, honest fellows, in chorus with me. 

Derry down, down, &c. 

We'll drink our own liquor, our brandy from 

peaches, 
A fig for the English, they may kiss all our 

breeches. 
Those blood-sucking, beer-drinking puppies re- 
treat ; 
But our peach-brandy fellows can never be beat. 
Derry down, down, &c. 
A fig for the English, and Hessians to boot, 
Who are sick half the time with eating of crout. 
But bacon and greens, and Indian corn-bread. 
Make a buck-skin jump up, tho* he seem to be 
dead. 

Derry down, down, &c. 

Come on, my brave fellows, &c. 

Petersfield. 



Marriage fee in iowa territory 
IN 1840. — Mr. Crosby in his valuable 
work, ** The Early Coins of America," 
published in Boston, 1878, on page 25, 



under the head of " Silver Currency in 
Massachusetts," adds a foot note to the 
text, upon "the use of furs, grain and 
fish^ for purposes of exchanges." 

As an old settler, having resided in 
Iowa while it was yet a part of Wiscon- 
sin, I would like some verification of the 
statement. In 1840 I was District At- 
torney for the middle of the three dis- 
tricts into which the Territory was di- 
vided, and practiced in about half of the 
counties then organized. Our popula- 
tion then was about forty-two thousand 
(as it had been less than half that at the 
date of its organization in 1838). I 
never saw or heard of a goat or sweet 
potato in the Territory at so early a date^ 
and judging from the value of a goat 
and a bushel of sweet potatoes at the 
present period, three of the first or four 
of the latter would have paid many mar- 
riage fees, than $2.00 prescribed by 
statute. 

I published in some of the daily pa- 
pers of our State the above quotation 
from Mr. Crosby's work, and invited re- 
sponses as to its correctness. All of 
my correspondents who were residents 
of Iowa Territory in 1840, state their 
belief as to the goats, that there were 
not half a dozen goats in the Territory 
(and they were not in one place that 
they could have been exchanged for 
such purpose), and their knowledge as 
to sweet potatoes, that at that date there 
was not a bushel in the Territory. Mr. 
Crosby must have greatly erred in that 
statement. T. S. Parvin. 

Iowa Ct'fy, Jan. 12, 1880. 

* •' In Iowa Territory, in 1840, the marriage 
fee was three goat skins or four bushels of sweet 
potatoes." 



QUERIES 



3" 



QUERIES 

Labradore tea. — Will some of your 
New England readers please inform us 
what herb was referred to in the follow- 
ing extract Trom a lecJ:eir dated Bran- 
stable^ peh. 19, 1768 : "A few Days past 
a Number of our Branstable Ladies paid 
me a Visit— dress'd all in Homespun, 
even to their Handkerchiefs and Gloves, 
and not so much as a Ribband on their 
heads : They were entertained with 
Labadore Tea — all innocently cheerful 
and merry. In order to recommend 
themselves, as the Ladies had done in 
some other Places, towards Night we' 
had the Company of some of the chief 
Gentlemen of the Town, who all drank 
Labradore Tea." Branstable is no doubt 
intended for Barnstable. 

Petersfield. 

Clairmont. — At the foot of West 
125th street, in this city, on a command- 
ing eminence,rising from the North River 
bank, stands an ancient mansion, which 
was once the residence of Lord Court- 
ney. This place, the situation of which 
affords a peculiarly fine up-river view, is 
now city property and forms part of the 
Riverside Park. Will some better posted 
reader of this Magazine give the record 
of this old property ? W. H. 

Remsen — POLHEMUS. — Will some 
reader of the Magazine of American 
History acquainted with the genealogy 
of these Long Island families furnish 
me with ancestral record of Isaac Rem- 
sen^ born April 14, 1734, and oi Lamatie 
Polhemusy his wife, born May 18, 1733 ? 

The elaborate tracings of these fami- 
lies in Riker's Annals of Newtown men- 



tions neither of these, unless this Isaac 
is the son of Isaac who was born in 1 7 10, 
and was himself the father of James 
Remsen of New York City. If this be 
the case, the family record of Isaac and 
Lamatie Remsen as I have it is incor- 
rect, unless Jacob and James were con- 
vertible names. I presume from a 
family name, that Lamatie Polhemus 
was a daughter of Cornelius, who is said 
on page 344 to have settled at Hempstead 
and left a family. They lived at Hemp- 
stead, R. S. Robertson. 
Fort Wayne, Ind. 



History of the Italian opera in 
NEW YORK. — Can* any of your readers 
inform me where I can find a copy of a 
volume with this title which was printed 
in New York in December, 1833. It 
was written by Da Ponte. The name 
of the publisher I do not know. It is 
not to be found on the shelves of any 
of the New York libraries. 

G. C. M. 

Newport, R. /. 

Conniption. — This word, used some- 
times in connection with fits, as connip- 
tion or conniption fits, is common in 
New England and among the descend- 
ants of New Englanders in the State of 
New York. What is its origin ? 

Philologos. 



Another new England saying. — 
Applied to anything extraordinary. — 
What is its precise meaning ? 

'• This is the way to shave a mason — 
Cut off his nose and put it in a basin." 

Philologos. 



312 



REPLIES 



REPLIES 

Picketing.— (III., 760, IV., 70.) You 
will find a definition of the punishment 
oi picketing in Webster's Dictionary. 

'' Punishment which consists in mak- 
ing the offender stand with one foot on 
a pointed stake." 

Worcester, in giving the same defini- 
tion, refers to London Encyclopaedia, 
where no doubt a full description will 
be found. W. C. F. 



formation of the word may have been ef- 
fected for him already at the period re- 
ferred to. Bunker Hill. 



HoBOKEN. — (IV., 69.) The oldest 
official document in the Archives of New 
York is the Indian deed for Lloboken 
(Hobocan Hacking), dated July 11, 
1630. In it Hoboken is called the 
*' /(S:;?^ called Hobocan Hacking," while 
in an Indian deed for Ahasimus, south 
of Hoboken, made November 2 2d of 
the same year, Hoboken is called an Is- 
land. I believe it was an island, as 
Manhattan is an island to-day, the Ho- 
boken Kil and the Jan Evertsen Kil, 
with their marshes cutting off the com- 
munication with the mainland. 

An old map of New Netherland, 
made in 16 16 for the States General of 
Holland, settles the question definitely 
by giving Awiehaken, Hobocan Haking 
and Ahasimus, now Union County, N. J., 
as a peninsula formed by the Hackensak 
(Hackingkasanig, Achkinkeshaky) and 
the Hudson. B. F. 



Marm GAUL. — (II., 755.) Possibly 
the explanation of " Marm Gaul " is to- 
be found in the German, or earlier in the 
Icelandic. The Germans have a " Frau 
Halle," who is the bug-bear of children. 
*' Breed's Hill " possibly mistook " Gaul " 
or "Gorl" for "Halle," or the trans- 



The first national salute to the 
FLAG. — (HI., 579, 761., reply to Commo- 
dore Preble.) My note (HI., 579,) does 
not claim that the St. Eustatius salute 
was to the national ensign under its sub- 
sequent symbolism of the " Stars and 
Stripes," but to the " flag of the United 
States," alias m. lyiS *' the new flag of 
13 stripes," the " flag of the Continental 
Congress," the " flag of the Colonies," 
etc. Neither does the Hon. Mr. Birney, 
U. S. Minister at the Hague, in his val- 
uable historical communication of 1876 
to Governor Prescott, then Secretary of 
the State of New Hampshire, assert 
more than this. Indeed, the chrono- 
logical fact, therein for the first time 
fully enunciated and set forth in its con- 
temporaneously regarded political sig- 
nificance, through appended copies of 
original documents, both English and 
Dutch, in the Royal Library of Holland, 
is found recorded in the Commodore's 
elegant volume (see " History of our 
Flag," p. 174), where the venerable John 
Adams,^ in a letter to Quincy in 18 19, 
thus writes : " The first vessel to obtain a 
salute from a foreig7i Power was the An- 
dreas Doria at St. Eustatius in 1 7 7 6, ""* etc. 
True, our flag, like our Government 
itself, was then in a formative stage, but 
it was^ de facto as really our representa- 
tive national banner, as in 1778, when 
streaming from the mast-head of the 
Ranger. So thought King George, who 
took umbrage at the Dutch Governor's 
salute, as making " his high and mighty 
government, to be the first public recog' 



REPLIES 



3IJ 



nizers of a flag till now unknown in the 
catalogue of naiiotial flags. '' 

* Also in General Schuyler Hamilton's Dis- 
course before the New York Historical Society, 

printed in volume of this Magazine. 

W. H. 



Rev. JONAS clark.— (IV., 69.) The 
Kev. Jonas Clark delivered a sermon on 
the first anniversary of Lexington in 
1776, and a copy is in the Boston Public 
Library. It was reprinted in 1875. 

Cajnbridge. Justin Winsor. 

The rogerenes. — (IV., .) In 

reply to *' Petersfield," in January num- 
ber, I will say that the Rogerenes were 
a sect that appeared in New England 
about the year 1677. They were so 
named from their founder and chief 
leader, John Rogers. 

Their principal distinguishing tenet 
. was, that worship performed the first 
day of the week was a species of idola- 
try which they ought to oppose. In 
consequence of this they used a variety 
of measures to disturb those who were 
assembled for public worship on the 
Lord's day. Clint. F. Smith. 

Kokoino^ Ind. 

i 

[ The diarv^ of john shreve (III, 

664) — A later letter of Lieutenant John 
Shreve, the author of the diary printed 
in the September number of the Mag- 
azine bears directly upon the recently 
mooted question as to the place of 
Andre's burial. The letter shows a 
much more feeble hand than does his 
narrative. It is dated near Salem, Ohio, 
1854. 

" I will explain the reason of my opin- 



ion respecting the disposal of Major 
Andre's remains. After he was dead he 
was taken down from the Gallows — he- 
was laid in the coffin which remained 
in the waggon then under the Gallows. 
I at that time left the place and went 
to the camp. I was informed that the 
waggon left soon after, passing through 
the village, took the trunk and servant 
of Major Andre and proceeded to the 
landing and delivered them in the 
Boat then waiting there belonging to 
the British by permission. 

" By what I saw and heard my opin- 
ion of the disposal of the remains of 
Major Andre was formed the very day 
of his execution. I did not wait 
thirty or forty years after the execu- 
tion of the Spy, and gather scraps 
from the Minister of the Reformed 
German Church and from others. I 
did not see the grave near the Gallows. 
I did not know of his having been 
buried there." 

The Reformed Minister was the Rev. 
John Demarest, who had claimed that 
the grave of Andre had been on his 
ground at Tappan. S. H. Shreve. 



Smith's clove. — (IIL, 515, 695.) Dr. 
Thacher, in his Military Journal, thus 
describes this locality. *' Smith's Clove is 
fine level plain of rich land, situated at 
the foot of the high mountains on the 
west side of Hudson River. It is about 
fourteen miles in the rear of the garrison 
at West Point, and surrounded on all 
sides by the High Lands. The few fam- 
ilies who reside here find a profitable 
employment in cultivating the fertile 
soil." The army encamped there in 
June, 1779. luLus 



3H 



LITERARY NOTICES 



(Publishers of Historical Works wishing Notices, will address the Editor, with 
Copies, Box loo, Station D— N. Y. Post office.) 



HISTORY OF MARYLAND, FROM THE 

EARLIEST PERIOD TO THE PRESENT DAY. By 

J. Thomas Scharf. Three volumes. 8vo. 

J. B. PiET. Baltimore, 1879. 

In the winter of 1876 the Legislature of 
Maryland passed an act providing for a State 
subscripti n to J. Thomas Scharf 's History of 
Maryland to the number of three hundred cop- 
ies, at ten dollars each, when published by him, 
provided any three Judges of the Court of Ap- 
peals should certify under their hands that said 
history is a fait;iful History of the State of 
Maryland, and deserves the patronage of the 
State." In accordance with this act, we find 
that on the 24th of July, 1878, the State Libra- 
rian, having the certificate of the Judges of the 
Coart of Appeals, subscribed for three hundred 
copies of J. Thomas Scharfs History of Mary- 
land. We are not informed how the Judges of 
the Court of Appeals could in July, 1878, " cer- 
tify" to a work which was not published until 
December, 1879, or how the State Librarian 
could, under the above act, subscribe for three 
hundred copies of the History of Maryland 
eighteen months (^^/*^r^ ?V was published. How- 
ever, the generous and unprecedented action of 
the Legislature enabled Mr. Scharf to publish 
his history, which is claimed to be " not only 
the best and only complete history of Maryland, 
but one of the best histories extant of any State 
in our whole confederacy." Great str ss is laid 
upon the amount of material collected, the 
newspapers read, the pamphlets bought, the 
original documents copied, etc. Of course no 
history can be written without materials, any 
more than a house can be built without bricks 
and mortar. But documents, pamphlets and 
newspapers do not of themselves .constitute'liis- 
tory. They must be collated, digested .and 
woven into a picturesque and connected narra- 
tive. Mr. Scharf has gathered together a mass 
of valuable material ; he has displayed great in- 
dustry ; he has gone over much ground But 
when he undertook to produce an harmonious 
whole out of his various and scattered materials, 
he failed. 

The first volume of this History of Maryland 
opens with the settlement of Virginia, and 
whole chapters are copied from Captain John 
Smith's history ; then follow long extracts 
from Captain Henry Fleet's "Journal of a 
Voyage to Virginia," taken from Neill's 
'* Founders of Maryland," the Charter of Ava- 
lon is given in full (from ** Chalmers' Annals " ), 
the historian alleging as a reason that "most of 
histories of America vary in the elates which 
they assign to Sir George Calvert's patent for 



the Province of Avalon ; " but -tter reading oix 
closely printed octavo pages we find the iate is 
not given after all. We read far into the first 
volume before the istory of Maryland is actu- 
ally begun, but in 'he meantime we have long 
letters from Sir George Calver*^, which are so 
unimportant and so unintere<;ting that they might 
have been compressed into a few lines. When 
the history is fairly begun, we have copious ex- 
tracts from '■ Father White's Narrative," which 
was printed seven years ago for the Maryland 
Historical Society. 

As a " son of Maryland " Mr. Scharf takes a 
just pride in showing, from Bancroft, Davis, 
Spenser and other Protestant historians, that 
** religious toleration was the uniform policy of 
Lord Baltimore and his government," adding 
that "nothing can rob Calvert and his band of 
colonists of the fame of founding the first settle- 
ment where conscience was free, and where, while 
persecution was raging around them, a sanctuary- 
was established, in which Protestants found a 
refuge from Protestant intolerance." Yes, the 
charter of Maryland, anticipating by one hun- 
dred and forty years some of the most striking 
features of the Declaration of Independence, 
proclaimed the glorious principles, until then un- 
known "in the world, of civil and religious liberty, 
and has been truly pronounced one of the no- 
blest of the works that human hands have reared 
— the most glorious proclamation ever made of 
the liberty of thought and worship. 

In the first volume we are told how the Swedes 
settled Delaware, how the Dutch from New Am- 
sterdam attacked them, how Stuyvesant, the 
Dutch Governor, sent Augustine Heermans and 
Resolved Waldron, the " Underschout," to the 
Governor of Maryland, and we have six pages 
of extracts from " Heermans* Journal." We 
are next given an account of William Penn's 
settlement of Pennsylvania ; then follows a long 
and tedious discussion of the boundary contro- 
versy between Maryland and Pennsylvania, and 
between Maryland and Virginia, ending with the 
report of the Boundary Arbitrators, made in 
January, 1877. Much space in this volume is 
devoted to the Rebellion of John Coode, and 
documents bearing on it are quoted at great 
length ; we have '- Barbara Smith's Narrative,'* 
" Peter Sayer's Report," and various addresses 
to King William. Notwithstanding these vol- 
uminous papers, the author fails to make lumin- 
ous this important chapter in the history of 
Maryland. Turning to McSherry's History of 
Maryland, we find this affair told in a few clear 
sentences. Coode was at the head of an associ- 
ation, formed in 1680, whose object was the 
' ' defense of the Protestant religion, and the as- 



LITERARY NOTICES 



315 



setting the rights of King William and Queen 
Mary to the Province of Maryland." They suc- 
ceeded in getting possession of the province, and 
forwarded to the King an account of their pro- 
ceedings, filled with accusations against Lord 
Baltimore and his government, which posterity 
has pronounced unjust. The King sustained the 
acts of the revolution, and, at the request of 
Coode and his followers, took the government of 
the colony into his own hands, appointing Sir 
Lionel Copley Governor in 1691. 

More than one-half of the material used in 
the first volume of this history is taken from pa- 
pers in the possession of the Maryland Historical 
Society. These valuable papers were copied by 
the office boys of the historian, and were not 
compared with the originals. The last part of 
this volume is made up of a history of Brad- 
dock's Defeat, and an account of the exciting 
events that preceded the revolutionary war. 

The second volume opens with a description 
of the manners, customs, amusements, etc., of 
the people of Maryland during the last century. 
The historian says: "The Maryland colonists 
were not a well educated people — they thought 
more of horse-racing and cock-fighting than they 
did of books, * * * Qm- people were not 
fond of reading, nor have they ever become so." 
We are also informed that the settlers of Mary- 
land were "kinsmen of Robin Hood." It 
would require a clever genealogist to trace this 
relationship. The causes that led to the Ameri- 
can revolution are detailed at length — the S amp 
Act, the Tea Duty, the Boston Port Bill, etc. 
Pages of newspaper extracts are given, con- 
taining reports of meetings which took place in 
various counties of Maryland prior to the revo- 
lution ; the names of all the delegates, are fur- 
nished, together with the resolutions adopted. 
Then follows a pretty full history of the revolu- 
I tionary war, from the time that Washington as- 
sumed command of the Continental Army down 
[ to the surrender of Cornwallis at Yorktown, 
^ comprising 284 pages of this "history of Mary- 
! land." We learn that Washington was nom- 
inated by Thomas Johnson of Maryland to be 
commander-in-chief of the American forces ; 
that Maryland was the first State in arms for the 
patriot cause, and we are supplied with a long 
list of the militia for the vari(ms counties. Not- 
withstanding all this patriotic enthusiasm, we 
are informed that " Maryland at this juncture 
had nothing so much at heart as a happy recon- 
ciliation with the mother country, * * * 
regarding such reconciliation as their highest 
felicity ; so did they view the fatal necessity of 
separating from her as a misfortune next to the 
greatest that could befall her." 

The Maryland Line deserves all the praise that 
is bestowed upon it in this work, but we think 
the encomiums heaped upon the officers, who 
have descendants still living, are excessive and 



fulsome. In contrast with the patriotism of 
Maiyland, we have the apathy of the people of 
Virginia, who allowed their capital to fall into 
the hands of the enemy without firing a shot ; 
with a militia of 50,000 men, Virginia contrib- 
uted only 500 soldiers for the war. Her glory 
was civil, not military. While Patrick Henry, 
Thomas Jefferson, Richard Henry Lee and oth- 
ers were arousing the patriotism of the country 
by their eloquence in Congress, the Virginia 
militia were hiding in the mountains. As Mary- 
land was the first State in arms, so she was 
the last. Captain Wilmot of Maryland, while 
attempting to cut off a party of the enemy's 
woodcutters on James Island, South Carolina, 
fell into an ambuscade, and was killed. This 
was the last blood shed in the war. 

"At the close of the Revolution," says Mr. 
Scharf, " Maryland found herself with a doubt- 
ful future before her — she was entering upon a 
new and untried career." This may be said of 
all the original thirteen States ; and Ave give it 
as a specimen of the author's historical acumen. 
Every address presented to Washington during 
the war and after the war is given in full, to- 
gether with W^ashington's replies. 

Towards the close of the second volume, we 
have a sketch of the insurrection in St. Domingo. 
We are told that "on the I5/'/^ of May, 1791, a 
decree was passed by the National Assembly of 
France, thaf all people of color residing in the 
French colonies, and born of free parents, were 
entitled to the same privileges as French citi- 
zens." The passage of this decree awakened 
a spirit of insubordination among, the slaves in 
St. Domingo, which finall/ broke out in an in- 
surrection the 20th of August, 1790. So the 
insurrection broke out nearly a year before the de- 
cree was passed which caused it. There is an- 
other chronological mistake in this same volume 
(p. 398). In speaking of John Eager Howard, 
Mr. Scharf says his ' ' grandfather was implicated 
in Monmouth's Insurrection and to escape his 
father's displeasure, came to America in 1667." 
As Monmouth's insurrection did not occur until 
1685, it would have been impossible for Howard 
to have been engaged in it if he came to Amer- 
ica in T667. Either he did not come here in 
1667, or he did not engage in the insurrection. 
These are rather strange errors for a historian to 
make who claims such accuracy as to state that, 
"if the patient investigation of weeks resulted 
in fixing a single uncertain date, he has held that 
his labo^ was rewarded." 

In a sketch of Washington's administration 
an account is given of the Baltimore priva- 
teers during the war of 1812, and during the 
South American w^ar of independence, conclu- 
ding with a reference to the Confederate steam- 
ers Alabama and Shenandoah. The privateers, 
being disposed of, we are transported back to the 
year 1794, and entertained with a history of the 



3i6 



LITERARY NOTICES 



Whiskey Insurrection in Pennsylvania. We are 
informed that "one Bradford, a native of Ma- 
ryland, was commander-in-chief of the insur- 
gents," and that the State troops were com- 
manded by General Samuel Smith, "the hero 
of Fort Aiiflin in 1776, at this time the able rep- 
resentative of Maryland in Congress," 

The second volume closes with the retirement 
of Thomas Jefferson from the Presidency and 
the declaration of war with Great Britain in 
1 812. In answer to a resolution of the Legisla- 
ture of Maryland that he should be a candidate 
for a third term, Jefferson said : "If some ter- 
mination to the services of the Chief Magistrate 
be not fixed by the Constitution, or supplied by 
practice, his office nominally for years, will, in 
fact, become for life, and history shows how 
easily that degenerates into an inheritance. 1 feel 
it a duty to do no act which shall essentially im- 
pair that principle ; and I should unwillingly be 
the person who, disregarding the sound precedent 
set by an illustrious predecessor, should furnish 
the first attempt of prolongation beyond the sec- 
ond term of office." 

The third volume begins with the war of 1812, 
during which Baltimore gained considerable no- 
toriety by the number of privateers that were 
htted out at that port. A long account of the 
battle of North Point, and the bombaidment of 
Fort McHenry, is followed by a history of the 
national air, the Star Spangled Banner. These, 
with the Mexican war and the civil war, make up 
most of the third volume. The portion relating 
to the civil war consists chiefly of military orders, 
proclamations by the Governor of Maryland and 
the Mayor of Baltimore, newspaper accounts of 
battles, etc. The author claims that he has not 
looked at any event in a partisan spirit, but the 
reader finds much more interest manifested, and 
much more space given to the Marylanders who 
fought against the Union than to the Maryland- 
ers who fought for it. Mr. Scharf accuses Mc- 
Sherry of being " an advocate and a panegyrist 
rather than a historian," but no person can read 
the present volumes without being struck by the 
€ulogiums pronounced upon all sorts of people, 
from heroes and statesmen down to newspaper 
editors and railroad presidents. We do not 
think it dignified in a historian to bestow marked 
and excessive praise upon living persons, espe- 
cially when they occupy high official positions. 
Yet this is the language which the historian of 
Maryland uses in speaking of the recently inau- 
gurated Governor of the State : " He is sincere, 
frank and generous, and combines in most re- 
markable harmony the dignity, grace and reserve 
of the thorough gentleman, wih that winning 
good humor that genial approachableness and 
that cheerful courtesy, which are so needed in a 
governor, and yet so seldom witnessed." Such 
language would be unbecoming even in a biog- 
raphy ; in a history it is shocking. 



If the historian, instead of filling hundreds of 
octavo pages with copies of official documents, 
newspaper extracts, presidents' proclamations 
and govern f^rs' messages, had used the facts con- 
tained in the material, so industriously collected, 
and given us a connected and interesting narra- 
tive of events, with correct and striking portrai s 
of the principal actors, his work would have 
been a valuable contribution to American his- 
tory. But the general reader will be deterred 
from reading this history of Maryland from its 
size, and the stud, nt will fail to derive much 
benefit from it on account of its defective ar- 
rangement. Eugene L. Didier. 



THE HUMAN SPECIES. By A. De Qua- 
trefages. i6mo, pp. 448. D. Appleton & 
Co. New York, 1879. 

It is considerably more than a century since 
Pope informed an attentive world that "the 
proper study of mankind is man." Anthropol- 
ogy, however, can hardly be said to have ex- 
isted before the present century. There are 
glimmerings of its coming in the classification 
of Linnaeus and the deductions of Buffon, both 
of whom were of the earlier half of the last 
century, but it was not till 1805 that Cuvier laid 
down the basis of the new science in his famous 
lessons of comparative anatomy. There is now 
a chair of anthropology in the Museum of Nat- 
ural History at Par s, which is worthily filled by 
M. de Quatrefages, who in these pageslaysdown 
the principles of the science with a precision not 
to be found in the works of his illustrious prede- 
cessorSo 

The first great subject of interest is that of the 
origin of the human race, upon which the scientific 
world is divided into the two camps of Monogen- 
ism and Polygenism. The Adamic doctrine of 
the Mosaic creed was first attacked by Le Pey- 
rere in 1655, but the weight of opinion is still in 
its favor. Buffon and Linnaeus, Cuvier and La- 
march, Midler and Humboldt, while differing in 
others, agree on this point, and M. de Quatre- 
fages shares their opinions. 

Next in importance comes the Age of the Hu- 
man Species. Here we find the belief that man 
has been contemporary with the vegetable and 
animal species which have long been considered 
as fossils. To the persevering efforts of Boucher 
de Perthes is owing the proof of this existence. 

Primitive man and the formation of the hu- 
man race are carefully studied, and it is noted 
that man has passed through two geological 
epochs, changing with the changing conditions of 
the world about him. The centre of his appear- 
ance may be no longer in existence. 

On the original localization of the human spe- 
cies the doctors still further disagree ; the Dar- 
winists admit the perpetual instability of specific 



LITERARY NOTICES 



317 



forms and their transmutation, while the no less 
illustrious Agassiz believed in their absolute im- 
mutability. Yet, strange to say, the extremes of 
these beliefs meet in an equally exclusive mor- 
phology. Agassiz has not only accepted the 
French doctrine of the centres of creation, but 
reproduces the polygenistic theory of Le Peyrere, 
which gives man the whole world as his original 
home. De Quatrefages agrees with Agassiz as 
to the centres of appearance of man, but rejects 
the theory which attaches a human race to every 
centre of appearance as a local product of that 
centre, and his argument seems to be conclusive. 
Here we must leave this pleasing while pro- 
found research. The volume is the twenty-sev- 
enth of Appleton's International Scientific Series. 

THE PREHISTORIC MONUMENTS OF 
THE Little Miami Valley. By Charles 
L. Metz, M. D. From the Journal of the 
Cincinnati Society of Natural History, Octo- 
ber, 1S78. Pp. 10. 

The gradual disappearance of the aboriginal 
earth-works in the Valley of the Little Miami, 
the result of cultivation, building and change 
of grade, prompted the preparation of a chart, 
giving the location of the works and mounds in 
Columbia township, and of those in Anderson 
and Spencer townships, near the river. They 
are situated in groups, and so designated in the 
charts. They are four in number. No better 
service could be rendered to the cause of archae- 
ology than this. 

THE RECORD OF THE PROCESSION 

AND OF THE EXERCISES AT THE DEDICATION 

OF THE Monument (Monday, July 17, A. 

D. 1878). Erected by the people of Hanover, 

Mass., in grateful memory of the soldiers and 

sailors of that town, who died in the war for 

the preservation of the Union. Svo, pp. 103. 

A. Williams & Co. Boston, 1878. 

The war rjcord of Hanover was a creditable 

one. She sent two hundred men to the support 

of the Government of the Union, one-eighth of 

h-r population, the full fighting quota. On the 

occasion here described the Governor of the State 

was present, and numerous addresses made a 

part of the proceedings. 



LOCUSTS AND WILD HONEY. By John 
Burroughs. i6mo, pp. 253. The Riverside 
Press. Houghton, Osgood & Co. Boston, 
1879. 
Here is a delightful companion for a summer's 



stroll through green lanes and leafy alleys for a 
morning hour under the vales at Sharon, or a sea 
view on the Newport lawn. The name truly car- 
ries with it a suggestion of the wild and delect- 
able Cj' the physical world, and its chapters, true 
to it£ name, are so many interpreters of the mys- 
teriec and wonders which Dame Nature is al- 
ways -eady to display to her votaries. What 
suggestiveness indeed in such captions as Pas- 
toral Bees, and Strawberries, Speckled Trout, 
Buds and Birds, and a Bed of boughs. Whj 
that has ever been in the wilderness can for- 
get the myriad voices which make night musical, 
the songs of the trees, the threatening sweep of 
the wind over inland lakes, the roar of the wa- 
terfall and the patter of the infant showers ; or 
who the incense of the young clover, or the in- 
vigorating odor of the salt meadow. All these 
and a thousand more of the delights of the coun- 
try find mention here, and that the gratification 
may not be unprofitable, a thousand pretty lessons 
of life are taught by the ways and habits of the 
birds and bees. Take it with you, reader, and 
muse upon it under the trees of the Adirondacks, 
or swaying on the bosom of the Thousand isles. 
Or read it at home, and dream that you are 
there. The stuff such dreams are made of is 
priceless. 

HISTORY OF PAUL REVERE'S SIGNAL 
Lanterns, April i3, 1775, in the Steeple 
OF the North Church. With an account 
of the tablet on Christ Church and the mon- 
uments at Highland Park and Dorchester 
Heights. By William W. Wheildon. With 
heliotype of Christ Church. Svo, pp. 64. Lee 
& Shepard. Boston, 1878. 
This is the other side of an interesting local 
question as to who displayed the signal light 
from Christ Church. Mr. John Lee Watson, in 
a paper entitled " The true Story of the Signal 
Lanterns," published in 1S76, claimed thnt 
John Pulling, a vestryman of Christ Church, 
was the orignal Jacobs who, at imminent peril, 
gave the signal to Revere. In his remarks upon 
laying this (Dr. Hatton's) communication before 
the Massachusetts Historical Society, Mr. Chas. 
Dean leaned apparently to the opinion of Dr. 
Watson, that Pulling is entitled to the credit of 
the action. Mr. Wheildon, however, emphat- 
ically denies that it was Pulling, and insists that 
it was Robert Newman who held out the lan- 
terns. He concludes that — ist, the signal lan- 
terns were in pursuance of an agreement between 
Revere and Charlestown gentlemen ; 2d, that 
the lanterns were shown in the North Church 
(Christ Church) steeple ; 3d, that they were 
shown by Newman, the sexton of the church. 
We shall watch this discussion with interest. 



318 



LITERARY NOTICES 



RAMBLES ABOUT PORTSMOUTH. First 
series. Sketches of Persons and Localities 
and incidents of two centuries, principally 
from tradition and unpublished documents. 
By Charles W. Brewster, Second edition. 
8vo, pp 381. Published by Lewis W. 
Brewster. Portsmouth, N. H., 1873. 

RAMBLES ABOUT PORTSMOUTH. Sec- 
ond series. Sketches of Persons and Local- 
ities and Incidents of two centuries, princi- 
pally from tradition and unpublished docu- 
ments. By Charles W. Brewster. With 
a biographical sketch of the author, by Wm. 
H. T. Hackett. 8vo, pp. 375. Printed and 
published by Lewis W. Brewster. 1869. 

We are glad to invite attention to this stand- 
ard work, in which the stories and traditions of 
Portsmouth are recited in the style of rambling 
narrative, which is so well adapted to supply 
the color, which set histories rarely have, and 
the personal details which shed side-lights upon 
events and the actors in them. Mr. Brewster 
was a native of Portsmouth, a descendant of 
the pilgrims of the Mayflower, Elder William 
Erewster, and like his worthy ancester a Puri- 
tan in the true sense of the word. His long 
experience as the editor of the Portsmouth 
Journal, and an easy, limpid narrative style well 
fitted him for the successful accomplishment of 
his task to give the inner history of his native 
town. These fully supplement "Adams* An- 
nals of Portsmouth," the well-known older 
chronicle. Mr. Brewster died in 1868, soon 
after the publication of the second series, and 
before the issue of the second edition of the 
first by his son. 

The first series begins with the visit of the 
first rambler on the shores of the Piscataqua, 
Martin Pring, who sailed from Bristol, England, 
with a ship, the Speedwell, of fifty tons, and 
thirty men, and a bark, the Discoverer, of twen- 
ty-six tons, and thirteen men, fitted out, under 
the patronage of the Mayor of the city, to 
prosecute the discovery of the northern parts 
of Virginia. They first landed at the Penob- 
scot islands, then sailed to the mouths of the 
Saco, Kennebec and York rivers, and then to 
the bay on which Portsmouth stands. The au- 
thor's rambles lead the reader through the chief 
places of interest, which he not only describes, 
but illustrates with sketches of the incidents 
connected with them, to the close of their volu- 
tion. Here we find sketches of the families of 
Portsmouth and their residences — the Went- 
worths, Livermores, Atkinsons, Parkers, Chaun- 
cys, Brewsters and Langdons. Portsmouth was 



the scene also of Daniel Webster's early prac- 
tice in the law, and first political career. 

The second series is on the same plan, and 
with the exception of the earlier period of dis- 
covery and settlement, goes over the same 
ground, with additions of later incidents. Of 
peculiar interest in these days, which recall the 
assistance given by the fleet and army of France 
to our revolutionary sires, is the account of the 
visit of the Marquis de Chastellux in 1782, when 
the King's fleet lay at anchor in the harbor, just 
prior to its departure. The Marquis and his 
companions, M. de Vaudreuil and M. de Riorus 
of the French navy, were entertained by Mr. 
Langdon and Colonel Wentworth. In this vol- 
ume there are sketches of the families of Sher- 
burne, Pickering and Down. 

The tourist and the antiquary will be alike 
repaid by a perusal of these charming volumes. 
But they are so well known that our praise is 
superfluous. 

A SHORT HISTORY OF FRANCE FOR 

Young People. By Miss E. S. Kirkland. 

i6mo, pp. 39S. Jansen, McClurg & Co. 

Chicago, 1779. 

Beginning with Gaul before Christ, the young 
reader is carried through forty well arranged chap- 
ters to the Third Republic. The facts are all here 
and tell their own story in an attractive styl -. 
The narrative runs smoothly, while the interest 
of the student is constantly heightened by de- 
scriptive passages, which in their detail bring 
the reader in close relation with the scenes and 
characters portrayed. As we have before observed 
in noticing works of this character, women are 
instructors by nature. Their patience of detail 
peculiarly fits them for the education of youth. 
Miss Kirkland is here at her best, grouping her 
facts in a picturesque manner, and permitting 
them to tell their own story, without doc- 
toral moralization. History is quite as inter- 
esting as romance when thus related, and the 
surest way to cure the morbid appetite for the 
yellow covered literature, which is weakening 
the intelligence and demoralizing the nature of 
our youth, is to popularize such books as this. 

DISCOVERIES AND CONQUESTS OF 
the Northwest, with the History of 
Chicago. By Rufus Blanchard. Part i, 
complete in itself. 8vo, pp. 128. R. Blan- 
chard & Co. Wheaton, Illinois, 1879. 
Chicago is the oldest Indian town in the west 
of which the original name is retained. Its his- 
tory naturally involves an account of the three 
conquests of the country in which it is situated. 
The first of the six parts covers the history of 



LITERARY NOTICES 



319 



the French conquest from the exploration of the 
St. Lawrence by Jacques Cartier, and closes 
with a narrative of Bouquet's expedition, from 
an account printed by T. Jefferies, London, in 
1766. This covers a period of great historical 
interest, concerning many of the details of which 
there has been controversy. Day by day, how- 
ever, materials to control individual statements 
are being brought to light. Mr. Blanchard has 
made use of the best materials, and put them 
together in an attractive way. We hesitate to 
question the correctness of the origin of the 
name given, but we refer Mr. Blanchard to 
La Salle's account of the rivers and peoples 
discovered by him in 1681-2 (Mag. o Am. Hist. , 
1 1 , 619), in which he will find the word Chucu- 
goa, which means, " the Great River." This 
s-ems conclusive. 

HISTORY OF THE CHURCH IN BUR- 

LiNGTON, New Jersey. Comprising the facts 
and incidents of nearly two hundred years, 
from original contemporaneous sources. By 
Rev. George Morgan Hills, D.D. 8vo, pp. 
739. \ViLLiAM S. Sharpe. Trenton, New 
Jersey, 1876. 

The extreme favor with which this valuable 
historical work, from the pen of the learned and 
accomplished Elder of St. Mary's Parish at 
Jiurlington, has been received by students and 
1 he reverend clergy renders any commendation 
at our hands surperfluous. It is certainly one 
of the most important contributions to the his- 
tory of New Jersey and the ecclesiastical Church 
that has appeared. 

Leaving England in 1677 with the blessing of 
King Charles II., a party of Quakers sailed 
from the Thames in the ship Kent, as commis- 
sioners from the proprietors of the West Jersey 
lands. After landing at the Swedish settlement 
at Rackoon Creek, they pushedinland to Chygres 
Island, which became the site of the town of 
Burlington. Soon after the laying out of the 
town Friends monthly meetings were settled. 
This was done the 15th of the fifth month, 1678. 
Two months later a burying ground was " paled 
in " for the Society, and in 1682 a meeting 
house was erected near the site of the one now 
in High street. 

In 1 701, on the death of King William, Anne 
remained sole sovereign of the Kingdom of 
Great Britain. Zealously devoted to the Church 
of England, among her first acts was the issuing 
of instructions to Lord Cornbury, who then gov- 
erned the colony of New Jersey, to order the 
orderly keeping of existing churches, the build- 
ing of new and the regular performance of Sun- 
day exercises, and the administration of the 
sacrament according to the rites of the Church 



of England. The same year che Society for 
propagating the Gospel sent out their first mis- 
sionary, Mr. Keith, who joined to himself the 
chaplain of the Centurion, the ship in which he 
crossed the Atlantic, as his companion and ad- 
vocate. They arrived in Burlington from Boston, 
and preached in the Town-House on Sunday, 
November i, 1702. Soon after two hundred 
pounds was collected, a parcel of land pre- 
sented, and in April, 1703, according to a 
letter of Mr. Talbot, the corner-stone of St. 
Mary's Church was laid by him. In a subse- 
quent letter. May, 1703, Mr. Talbot writes that 
it was on Lady-day that the corner-stone was 
laid, and * we called this church St. Mary's, 
it being her day.' The church built and fur- 
nished, the Society petitioned Lord Cornbury 
for a patent, and it was by him incorporated 
under the name of Saint Anne's Church. 
In 1709 it received a legacy of land from one 
Thomas Leciter under the same name of Queen 
Anne. This confusion of names, which ap- 
parently implies that there were two parties in 
the church, Jacobites and Hanoverians in the 
last century, or, in modern parlance, high 
and low churchmen, runs through its his- 
tory. On the same page Dr. Hills records the 
presentation of a silver alms basin "for the 
use of the St. Mary's Church," and "an ab- 
stract of the proceedings of the Ministers, Ch : 
Wardens and Vestry of St. Anne's Church," 
both of date 1745. In 1765 Mr. Campbell, the 
Rector, petitioned the Government concerning 
the lands bequeathed by Leciter unto "the 
Church of St. Anne in Burlington, now Saint 
Mary's." Nor was the difference arranged in 
the last century. The land on which the new 
structure stands, the work of Richard Upjohn, 
the eminent ecclesiastical architect, was be- 
queathed by Paul Watkinson "to the use of 
the Church called St. Anne's Church," but it 
was consecrated as St. Mary's, loth August, 
1854. We doubt whether the ecclesiastical his- 
tory of the country affords a parallel to this 
curious struggle for a name. 

The Church did not progress in the Jerseys 
with the rapidity which its fervid adherents de- 
sired, and found steady opposition to its forma- 
tion from the Quakers of the colony, so that an 
increase of its dignity by the establishment of 
an Episcopal See of the Church of England 
appeared to be the only remedy to the Reverend 
John Talbot and his neighboring ministers of 
Philadelphia, but the Assemblies of the colonies 
were everywhere averse to legal church jurisdic- 
tion from England, and it was not until 1798 
that a convention of the Episcopal Church as- 
sembled, when Rev. Uzal Ogden was elected 
Bishop for New Jersey. 

In a recent article in the Pennsylvania Maga- 
aine of History and Biography the Rev. Mr. 



320 



LITERARY NOTICES 



Hills sets up the claim that John Talbot, the 
founder of the Burlington church, was conse- 
crated a Bishop in 1722 *' in a clandestine man- 
ner," and brought over to America his Episcopal 
ring. To this an answer lately appeared in 
The Living Church, rejecting the theory, and 
denying the authenticity of the proofs. We 
shall return to the subject under another head- 
ing. 



excellent addition to this valuable class of lit- 
erature. It is extremely gratifying to notice 
the increasing interest of students to matters of 
local detail, and the preservation of town rec- 
ords, in which Massachusetts still leads the 
way in this country. Now that public interest 
is so greatly awakened in all that belongs to the 
old, this excellent example should be rapidly 
followed in other States. 



HISTORY OF THE TOWN OF SUTTON, 
Mass., from 1704 to 1876, including Graf- 
ton UNTIL 1735, MiLLBURY UNTIL 1813, AND 
PARTS OF NORTHBRIDGE, UpTON AND AU- 
BURN. Compiled by Rev. William A. Ben- 
edict and Rev. Hiram A. Tracy. Published 
for the town. Svo, pp. 837. Sanford & Co. 
Worcester, 1878. 

This history of the town of Sutton was pre- 
pared by order of the citizens in town meeting, 
under the direction and supervision of a com- 
mittee, of which Mr. B. L. Batcheller of Sutton 
is the chairman. The origin of the name Sutton is 
unknown, but it is supposed it was given in honor 
of a f rie d of one of the original proprietors. The 
land was granted and the township erected by 
Governor Dudley in 1704. It was a tract of 
eight miles square, lying between the towns of 
Mendon, Worcester, New Oxford, Sherburne 
and Marlborough, embracing within its limits 
an Indian reservation, four miles square, called 
Hassanimisco. 

The plan of the work is novel and exceedingly 
convenient in its divisions. Part I. gives the 
annals of Sutton, as found in the records of its 
town meetings. Part II. introduces the reader 
to the homes of Sutton, full of local detail and 
interest. Part III. supplies its ecclesiastical and 
educational history. Part IV., an account of its 
industrial enterprise and its manufactures of 
hand-cards and combs and agricultural imple- 
ments. Part V. is wholly genealogical ; here 
we find numbers of well-known early Puritan 
names. Part VI. closes the volume with a mili- 
tary, civil and statistical record, in which it may 
be seen that Sutton was ardent in the revolu- 
tion, and represented in Colonel Larned's regi- 
ment on the right wing of the army at Boston. 
Jonathan Holman of Sutton was the Colonel of 
the Fifth Regiment of Militia in the county of 
Worcester, which was known as the Sutton 
Regiment. A list supplies the names of all the 
officers and men from Sutton in the revolu- 
tionary war. A list follows of those who served 
in the war of the rebellion. 

Some views and photographs complete this 
elaborate and well edited volume, which is an 



WALTHAM PAST AND PRESENT ; and 
ITS INDUSTRIES. With an historical sketch of 
Watertown from its settlement in 1630 to the 
incorporation of Waltham, January 15, 1738. 
55 Photographic Illustrations. 4to. Thomas 
Lewis, Landscape Photographer, Cambridge, 
1879. 

The purpose of this compilation the author 
announces is to condense within the limits 
of a popular sketch, the important facts in 
the history of this ancient town. The photc 
graphic illustrations add peculiar interest for all 
those who are familiar with the topography and 
appearance of the town whose fame has been 
earned the world over by its practical demon- 
stration of the superiority of Waltham-made 
watches, the parts of which are interchangeable 
at any distance from the original workshop. 

Watertown, the parent of Waltham, was 
marked out by Winthrop in 1730 for settlement. 
Contemporaneously with Charlestown, Boston, 
Medford, Roxbury and Dorchester, wigwams 
and houses hastily thrown up, part of which 
were burned in the winter, were the beginning of 
Watertown. 

Waltham was created into a separate and dis- 
tinct township, January 4th, 1 737-8, and it took 
its name no doubt from some one of six parishes 
in England, probably, as the author sug- 
gests from Waltham Abbey, a market town of 
the County of Essex, which was the birth place 
of John Eliot, and other New England worthies.. 
While the volume is descriptive rather than his- 
torical, a short account is given of the contribu- 
tion of Waltham in men and money to the several 
wars of the country. The buildings of interest and 
importance ; churches, factories and residences 
are fully described. Christopher Gore, Gov- 
ernor of Massachusetts, was a citizen of Waltham, 
and had his mansion there. Excellent photo- 
graphic portraits are given of this gentleman of 
the old school, and of Nathan Appleton, who, 
with Lowell and Jackson, were the founders of 
the great cotton factory which converted Wal- 
tham from an agricultural to a manufacturing 
town. In 1824 the first power loom was put in 
successful operations 




ANTONIO LOPEZ DE SANTA ANA, 

PRESIDENT OF MEXICO, 

From the Original by Paul L'Ouvrier, in the Collection of the N, Y. Historical Society. 



MAGAZINE OF AMERICAN HISTORY 



Vol. IV MAY 1880 No. 5 

THE BATTLE OF SAN JACINTO 

THE battle of San Jacinto, though a remarkable instance of triumph 
by a small irregular force over superior numbers of regular 
troops, is mamly interesting on account of its ultimate results. 
The defeat of about thirteen hundred men by seven hundred and eighty- 
three, in a fight of eighteen minutes duration, in which the effective valor 
was all on one side, and the slaughter, wrought mainly in pursuit, was 
almost wholly on the other, may be viewed as uninteresting by a mere 
military student, but not so by the student of history. The reader is 
doubtless acquainted with Creasy's able and well known work, called 
" The Fifteen Decisive Battles of History." The actions included in its 
list, though selected with great judgment, are not all remarkable for 
numbers engaged, extent of carnage, or generalship displayed, nor for 
the immediate fruits of victory ; but only for the consequences, more or 
less remote, of the event. They are battles which would have left a dif- 
ferent course for history had the turn of success been opposite to what 
it was. Some of them are important only on that account. The action 
which the author selects as the most decisive of the many which, before 
the day of Waterloo, arose out of the French Revolution, is that of Val- 
my, though it seems insignificant if we cast no glance beyond the im- 
mediate field of combat. It was a big artillery skirmish, a drawn fight, 
with no uncommon display of skill on either side, far less important ap- 
parently than the victory won by the same French army soon after at 
Jemmapes, and less important than most of Napoleon's battles. But to 
that army the avoidance of defeat on the earlier field was a success. 
The trial of nerve at Valmy taught the raw French levies that they 
could stand fire in front of veterans. The Republican volunteer saw 
that none of his comrades flinched under cannonade, and this made 
him firm and victorious on the next field. Had there been no Valmy, 
there would have been no Jemmapes ; had there been no Jemmapes, 



322 THE BATTLE OF SAN JACINTO 

there wouid have been no Austerlitz, and no Waterloo would have been 
needed to avenge it. With as much reason may we say : had there been 
no San Jacinto, there would have been no Palo Alto, and had there been 
no Palo Alto, it is highly probable there would have been no Bull Run 
or Gettysburg. The steps of the outcome I will endeavor to trace. 

Successfully as the defensive campaign of 1836 in Texas terminated 
the merit of its guidance by General Sam Houston has been a subject of 
fierce controversy. He had the peculiar traits which create blind parti- 
zanship and bitter opposition ; his defenders had as little candor as his 
assailants, and he had less than either. Hence his merits and faults have 
been themes of exaggeration, the truth, as usual, lying between them. 
Had he conducted to victory a campaign against such fearful odds, and 
under the most distracting difficulties, without one oversight or error, 
he would have been more infallible than Napoleon ; and had he achieved 
success without possessing ordinary courage and judgment, we would 
have to class him with those heroes of epic song whom the gods made 
invincible after leaving out the brains. Though a remarkable man, he 
was neither one nor the other of those impossible creations. 

To make an account of the battle of San Jacinto fully interesting it is 
necessary to tell of what went immediately before it ; but in sketching 
that forty days' campaign, for the purpose of giving my own views of 
certain points, I shall relate as briefly as is consistent with clearness all 
undisputed events which are to be found in detailed histories. 

Houston had been appointed, in 1835, by the Provisional Government 
of Texas, a major-general of regular troops, with the right to command 
all volunteer forces which might be raised in the country, or come from 
abroad to offer their services ; but the anarchy into which that govern- 
ment fell so neutralized his authority that he was unable, as he conceived, 
to exert any effective control over the command of Fannin at Goliad, 
the garrison of San Antonio, or the smaller bands of Johnson and Grant, 
on the Nueces. The result was they were never concentrated, nor sub- 
jected to the orders of a single head ; they were consequently cut up in 
detail about the time that Houston took the field. Thus over seven 
hundred men were sacrificed without any gain to the cause of Texas. 
Had Houston been on the western frontier during the whole time that 
those detachments were there, performing no profitable service, he could 
possibly have saved them by effecting a concentration. His mere pres- 
ence has sometimes accomplished no little ; and had it been more con- 
tinuously with those troops, he could probably have made his authority 
(curtailed though it was) sufficiently effective; but during much of the 



THE BATTLE OF SAN JACINTO 323 

time referred to he was in the east, seeking to secure the neutrality of 
the Cherokees and other Indian tribes in that section, whom emissaries 
from Mexico were endeavoring to stir up to hostility against Texas. He 
has been much censured, but more I think than he deserved, for his ab- 
sence from the frontier at this juncture. The Cherokees were more for- 
midable in arms and efficiency than any of the prairie tribes, and their 
hostility to Texas would put an enemy in the rear whenever invasion 
should assail the front. This would have been more ruinous than all the 
disasters I have just referred to as befalling the defenders of the west. 
The only man in Texas then likely to have sufftcicnt influence with the 
Cherokee chiefs to secure the certainty of peace was Houston, who, 
while self-exiled from civilization, had been an adopted member and 
titular chief of that tribe. In his mission to the east he neglected what 
then seemed a lesser danger to avert a greater ; yet had his time been 
properly husbanded he might, I believe, have attended sufficiently to 
both duties. He had from the first been anxious to take the field at the 
head of a regular force of over a thousand men, which the provisional 
government had authorized to be raised ; and, not appreciating the im- 
possibility of creating such a force promptly, he gave to that object 
some precious time which might better have been devoted to the volun- 
teers already in the field. 

Houston, as an elected member, joined the Convention of Texas, 
which assembled at Washington on the Brazos, on the ist of March, 
1836, and declared the independence of Texas the day after. His au- 
thority as General-in-Chief having been reaf^rmed by the Convention, 
he left that body on the 6th of that month to take command of the few 
volunteers then mustering at Gonzalez. On that day the Alamo, where 
Travis commanded, fell with its last defender. The bands of Johnson 
and Grant, on the Nueces, had been cut to pieces about the time the 
Convention met ; and Fannin, with his command, surrendered to Urrea, 
after an obstinate action, on the 20th, nine days after Houston arrived 
at Gonzalez, which was on the nth. 

At this time Houston was forty-six years of age — a man of robust 
constitution and imposing presence. He had served in the United States 
Army under General Jackson, and had been promoted from the ranks 
for gallant conduct in the Creek war ; and though he resigned when a 
first lieutenant, two years after the peace of 181 5, he had acquired a fair 
experience as a soldier, with such military instruction as could be ob- 
tained by a man of quick parts in Indian campaigns and at frontier 
posts. Of his erratic course after he left the army, and rose to high 



324 THE BATTLE OF SAN JACINTO 

civilian rank, it is not necessary here to speak. One of its demoralizing 
effects on him was the formation of intemperate habits, which however 
were not so strong or continuous as to impair his mental or bodily 
powers ; and while in the field he always made a firm stand against a 
vice which he had often rallied against, and, in his latter years, entirely 
overcame. In his military character there was a strong element of cau- 
tion, with enough reaction under it to keep off dangerous irresolution 
If caution at times held him too rigidly, it was, in the situation he now 
occupied, an error on the safe side ; and reaction in him was not likely 
to become recklessness. His plans of defence he kept to himself ; but 
he evidently resolved to avoid bold aggressive strokes till sure he could 
rely on his men, or till the enemy's movements or other circumstances 
gave him a decided advantage. From the first he probably counted on 
the possibility of being obliged to retreat farther even than he eventu- 
ally did, before attempting a decisive blow. The people of Eastern 
Texas turned out but feebly ; the West seemed too weak to withstand 
the invasion ; and among the plans which he perhaps thought necessity 
might impose on him was that of dragging the war to the doors of 
Eastern homes, in order to force their owners into the field. I believe, 
however, that nothing short of a defeat, or near overwhelming odds, 
would have driven him to this. 

Gen. Houston found about four hundred fresh volunteers at Gonzalez, 
but desertion reduced them to three hundred and seventy-four when an 
exact count was made. Travis had announced his intention to signalize 
his continued possession of his fort by firing at a certain hour of each 
morning a gun which might be heard at Gonzalez. After the 6th those 
guns were no longer heard ; and the surmise their cessation created was 
confirmed on the nth by the arrival of two Mexicans of San Antonio, 
who reported the fall of the Alamo. This news was reaffirmed, on the 
13th, by the arrival of Mrs. Dickenson and Travis's negro — inmates of 
the fort, who had been spared when the garrison was massacred. From 
them it was also learned that a body of about seven hundred Mexican 
troops, under Gen. Sesma, was approaching Gonzalez. Neither the 
numbers nor the morale of the raw force which Houston had taken com- 
mand of justified him in attempting a stand at Gonzalez, for his men 
partook of the panic which already pervaded the population of the West. 
He accordingly retreated from the place, at midnight between the 13th 
and 14th, leaving in the village two of his best captains of scouts, with a 
small rear guard, by whom, either by or without Houston's orders, the 
place was reduced to ashes. The inhabitants had left, with the aid of 



THE BATTLE OF SAN JACINTO 32$ 

the troops. Two small guns were thrown into the Guadaloupe, and some 
tents and other property were left behind at Houston's camp, owino^ 
partly to lack of transportation, and partly to the confusion which pre- 
vailed. Houston's first march was fifteen miles, to Peach Creek, where 
he met a reinforcement of one hundred and twenty-five men ; but, as 
some additional desertions had occurred, this accession raised his total 
to no more than four hundred and seventy-four. The next day, on his 
march to the Colorado, he met a company of thirty-five men. His re- 
treat was north-easterly, and, on the 17th, he reached Burnam's Ford, 
of the Colorado. Then, after remaining two days on the western bank, 
he passed over, and marched down the eastern side to a spot opposite 
to Reason's farm and ferry, having above and below his position a ford, 
which he kept guarded. There he remained till the 26th, receiving con- 
siderable increase of numbers. 

Houston's force was composed of splendid material, but had not yet 
become an army, though the organization commenced at Gonzalez was 
completed, and the men seemed in fine spirits. It would not be easy in 
most other countries to find the same number of new, unselected men, 
who combined the same degree of personal bravery with equal skill in 
the use of fire-arms; but though a mass of mere individual efficiency 
may have the force of an avalanche while all feel a common spur, any 
perversion or rupture of the impulse is liable to convert its unity into a 
rope of sand. This force, in addition to its newness, had no government 
competent to support it, or enforce authority over it. It was liable to 
be demoralized by sympathy with a flying population, and was half 
paralyzed by lack of appliances needful to mobility and subsistence. 
Before the arrival of Col. Hockley, the Inspector-General, the Com- 
mander-in-Chiel was the only officer of rank, if not the only one of any 
grade, who had been trained in a regular army, or had been in any ex- 
tensive field fight — the only one probably who had a good idea of gen- 
eral staff duties ; and the burthen of details which this threw upon the 
Commander might well unsettle the equipoise of the clearest head. 

Gen. Sesma, with between seven and eight hundred Mexican troops, 
arrived on the western bank of the Colorado, nearly opposite to Hous- 
ton's camp, at about the time it was occupied by the latter. This de- 
tachment included about ninety dragoons, and had with it two pieces of 
cannon. It was afterwards reinforced by about six hundred men, under 
Gen. Cos ; but, as well as I can ascertain, they did not arrive till after 
Houston's retreat. The panic spread through the country by deserters, 
though it put many families on the road of flight, did not deter men 



326 THE BATTLE OF SAN JACINTO 

from mustering to the field ; and Houston's force became larger on the 
Colorado than it was at any other time before his victory. He intended, 
according to his dispatches of the period, to have crossed the river to 
attack Sesma, on the 27th, but the hopeful spirit of his men received a 
severe damper, on the 25th, in the news of Fannin's surrender, brought 
by a fugitive from the West. To allay the effect of this report, the 
General affected to disbelieve it, and caused the man who brought it to 
be arrested as a spy and panic-maker ; but the information deterred him 
from aggressive operations, and precipitated his retreat. He fell back 
from the Colorado on the 26th, without having made anything more than 
skirmishing demonstrations against Sesma. 

Of the number of men in Houston's camp when he retreated contra- 
dictory accounts are given, varying from seven to sixteen hundred. 
Those estimates are doubtless exaggerations of weakness and strength ; 
but, from all I can learn on the subject, I think his force on the 26th 
must have exceeded a thousand men, and I cannot learn that Sesma's 
had yet reached eight hundred. I do not know on what day Houston 
attained to his greatest strength. Col. Hockley, his Inspector-General, 
reported the force to be over seven hundred on the 23d, and if it ever 
arose to thirteen hundred at that place, as is credibly asserted, the in- 
crease of five hundred and odd must have come in almost simultaneously 
with the report of Fannin's disaster. It would seem then that on the 
23d Houston could have attacked Sesma with an equal, and on the 26th 
with a greatly superior force, though with ardor somewhat chilled. But 
even then the information from the West may not have been so great a 
damper as was the order to retreat. This depended on whether the bad 
news acted mainly as an irritant or a paralyzer. Considering what the 
same body of Texans, after much depletion, achieved a little later 
against nearly double numbers, we see plausible grounds for the asser- 
tion so often made that on this occasion Houston had too little faith in 
his men, and too little readiness to seize a golden opportunity. A de- 
feat of Sesma then would have brought crowds of men to Houston's 
camp, and might have turned back invasion from the western bank of 
the Colorado. The belief that it could have been done still prevails 
among most of the old residents of Texas, and I strongly incline to the 
same opinion, but without being sure of its correctness. There were 
many other things to be considered besides parity or superiority of 
numbers, and some of those things could be appreciated only by a good 
observer then on the spot. Houston's untrained force was half made up 
of newly arrived detachments, and no part of it had been assembled over 



THE BATTLE OF SAN JACINTO 32/ 

three weeks or thereabout. Such an army cannot be handled readily 
and safely to seize the nick of time for a daring blow, and what Hous- 
ton's men did at San Jacinto is no sure gauge of what they could have 
done on the Colorado. When he fought at San Jacinto his army was a 
month older than when it encamped at Reason's Ferry. A raw force 
composed of fine material and well commanded, if it holds together un- 
der difficulties, is sure, even with little training, to improve by that 
association which creates a sense of unity and gives consistence to the 
rope of sand. Under those circumstances a month can give to such m.a- 
terial a very knitting growth. The time which reduced numbers, in- 
creased efficiency ; and it is quite possible that the less than eight hun- 
dred who fought at San Jacinto were more morally potent against 
superior numbers than the thousand and odd on the Colorado would 
have been against a smaller force. Houston was evidently of opinion 
that his armed assemblage had not yet acquired a fitness for the risk. 
When not blinded by passion or prejudice he had a ready and keen 
insight into men ; and this is a question in which we must leave him the 
benefit of a strong doubt. 

Houston's course was still north-easterly, and on the 28th he reached 
San Filipe on the Brazos. 

The convention which had declared the independence and framed the 
constitution of Texas, at Washington, on the Brazos, finished its labors 
after midnight between the i6th and 17th of March, by inaugurating 
the newly-elected President and Vice-President, David G. Burnet and 
Lorenzo de Zavala, and installing their cabinet. Thomas J. Rusk, 
afterwards a general in Texas, and later a senator of the United States, 
took the office of Secretary of War. The convention had been hurried 
to its closing work by the arrival of a courier on the evening of the 
i6th, with news of the fall of the Alamo and of Houston's retreat from 
Gonzalez. The aforesaid body made a final adjournment on the 17th, 
and, on the day following, the President announced by proclamation 
that the government would remove to Harrisburgh, a town on Buffalo 
Bayou, about eighteen miles above the inner shore of Galveston Bay, 
to which place the President and cabinet repaired three days later. 
Houston, in his correspondence of that period, censures this removal 
with more acrimony than candor, as if the executive department, with 
hardly a corporal's guard to back it, could take on itself the duty of an 
outpost. When the President left Washington, Houston was already 
crossing the Colorado, and a week later was on the Brazos, while not a 
Texan soldier stood between Washingfton and Goana's detachment then 



328 THE BATTLE OF SAN JACINTO 

moving that way. If all of Houston's retreats can be justified, that of 
the government may be excused. 

San Filipe, the point to which Houston fell back from the Colorado, 
was on the west side of the Brazos, thirty odd miles below Washington, 
and was the place founded by Stephen F. Austin, the Empresario, as 
the official centre of his colony, being at the time now referred to the 
principal town of the Anglo-American section of Texas. Houston met 
a reinforcement of an hundred and thirty men a few miles east of the 
Colorado, but this petty gain did not make up for the new drain of 
desertion. Each retreat left a space of country open to the enemy, and 
men, whose homes were thus exposed, could not be kept in camp. Num. 
bers left daily, some with and some without permission, to look to the 
safety of their families. 

At San Filipe a garrison of an hundred and twenty men was left 
under Captain Moseley Baker, while a smaller company, commanded 
by Captain Wylie Martin, was sent about fifteen miles down the river 
to Fort Bend. These detachments were directed to take post on the 
eastern bank to defend the passage of the river, efforts being made, 
though without complete success, to secure or remove all boats which 
might be made available to the enemy. On the 29th Houston marched 
through mud and rain up the western side of the Brazos, and, after 
crossing Mill Creek, encamped on the 31st in the outer edge of the 
river woodland, at a place opposite to Groce's plantation, eighteen 
miles above San Filipe. There the soldiers buried the first and only 
one of their comrades who died a natural death during Houston's cam- 
paign ; and though it was a short one, the fact seems remarkable, 
considering the amount of exposure and hardship the men endured. 
Houston's object in moving up the river was mainly to get a position 
where he could more easily communicate with Harrisburgh, and through 
it with Galveston bay; for the road to that landing, though longer, was 
over better ground from Groce's than from San Filipe. Groce's ferry, 
too, was the place where one of the main roads to the Trinity crossed 
the Brazos, and was as likely as San Filipe to be an objective point to 
the enemy. 

Captain Baker, having taken his post on the eastern bank, received 
some false intimation of the enemy's approach on the 29th, and hastily 
caused the town of San Filipe, opposite, to be burnt, after removing 
from it the best of the provisions it contained. Whether this was done 
by General Houston's command or not, it was not done, as Yoakum 
asserts, by the inhabitants without authority. Baker ordered one of his 



THE BATTLE OF SAN JACINTO 329 

subordinates, Mr. M. A. Bryan, a nephew of General Austin, to execute 
the needless devastation ; but as the youth expressed great repugnance 
to the task of destroying a place his distinguished kinsman had founded, 
the Captain transferred his order to another. Neither has Yoakum suf- 
ficient warrant for asserting that the incendiaries merely anticipated 
the enemy. Urrea occupied Matagorda then, and Brazoria soon after, 
without destroying either ; and we do not know that Santa Ana would 
have burnt San Filipe had he found it standing. I am not aware that 
he had yet burned any dwelling on his route thither, but he was prompt 
in takmg hints of this kind, and findmg the sacrifice of Gonzalez by the 
Texans themselves reenacted at San Filipe, he followed their example 
soon after at other places. 

Houston, after remaining two days at the last mentioned halting place, 
moved into the dense forest which lines the western bank of the Brazos, 
where his camp was for a while begirt by the inundation of the season. 
There he remained from the 2d till the 12th of April. At Groce's ferry 
he pressed for public service a steamboat called the Yellow Stone. 

On the 7th, Santa Ana, with Sesma and his command, arrived at 
the site of San Filipe. Santa Ana, who was at this time the President 
of Mexico, had, in his presidential capacity of commander-in-chief, 
taken charge of the campaign in Texas, and now accompanied the 
advance. After cannonading Baker's position opposite to San Filipe 
for two days without effect, and finding that a passage of the river could 
not there be readily effected, he moved with a part of his force down 
to Fort Bend, where, while he occupied Martin's attention with a can- 
nonade, he secured a boat by stratagem in that vicinity and crossed the 
river at Thomson's Ferry, at which place he ordered Sesma, with the 
rest of his command, to join him. Martin's and Baker's detachments, 
so soon as it was known the Mexicans had reached the eastern bank, 
moved off, and arrived safe at Houston's camp, which had been shifted 
to the eastern side of the Brazos. Houston had crossed the river at 
Groce's Ferry on the same day that it was passed by Santa Ana, thirty 
odd miles below. 

This double pass over was the turning point of the campaign. At 
this time Urrea, who commanded the coast division, was at Matagorda 
with about 1300 men. Goana, with the uppermost division or detach- 
ment, had been ordered to march with a little over 700 men by way of 
a ferry above Washington to Nacogdoches, but had had his destination 
changed to San Filipe ; he was now lost in the wilds between that place 
and Bastrop. The troops forming the centre division were part in the 



330 THE BATTLE OF SAN JACINTO 

• 

camp of Santa Ana and Sesma, and the rest, the larger portion, in the 
camp of Fihsoli, below San Filipe, the aggregate of the two being 
about 3,300. The total, it will be seen, was about 5,300; the rest of the 
invading army, a mere fraction, if we count only effectives, was in gar- 
rison at San Antonio and other places in the west. Urrea, as well as 
Goana, had lately been ordered to join the centre division. Santa Ana 
would have done better had he awaited the concentration he had ordered, 
but sudden change of plan was characteristic of him. He had a passion 
for celerity and for enterprising detached service, although it carried 
him ahead of where his station as a general ought to be ; and this kind 
of action had in his career generally been associated with success. So, 
despising his enemy, and thinking an easy conquest within his reach, he 
left the Brazos with an advance detachment of about eight hundred 
men, including fifty dragoons, who formed his escort. The infantry 
consisted mostly of light companies, and was accompanied by one piece 
of artillery, a brass twelve pounder. He proceeded by a forced march, 
burning the few isolated houses which lay in his route, and directed his 
course to Harrisburgh, where he doubtless hoped to surprise the Presi- 
dent and Cabinet of Texas. Though Santa Ana possessed ability of 
high order, its qualities were ill balanced, and his talent, like his courage, 
was of fitful character, and this was not one of the periods when one 
or the other was in the ascendant. He seemed drunk with overrated 
success. An officer of his staff. Colonel Delgado, whose narrative is 
before me, describes his deportment on the march as marked by con- 
ceitedness and levity, showing at one time a lack of caution, and at 
another a want of coolness. Pushing ahead of his infantry, he arrived 
with his escort within a mile of Harrisburgh at eleven o'clock on the 
night of the 15th, and reconnoitered the place in person, accompanied 
only by his staff and fifteen dismounted dragoons. In the deserted 
village they captured two Texans who had lingered there, and learned 
from them that the President and other members of the Government 
had left the morning before for Galveston Island. The infantry came 
up the next morning, and the troops halted till the 17th. Then, 
after plundering and burning the town, as well as some houses beyond 
the bayou, the expedition marched down to New Washington on Gal- 
veston Bay, south of the mouth of the San Jacinto. Harrisburgh is on 
the right bank of Buffalo bayou, which joins the San Jacinto just above 
the mouth of the latter, Lynch's Ferry being immediately below the 
junction. I speak of the right and left bank as in looking down stream. 
The march to New Washington was down the bayou and off to 



THE BATTLE OF SAN JACINTO 33 1 

the right of it. The village was reached aud plundered on the i8th, 
and burnt on the 19th. It was supposed that Santa Ana intended, so 
soon as reinforced, to cross at Lynch's Ferry and move on Anahnac, on 
Trinity Bay ; but at eight o'clock on the morning of the 20th, when he 
was about to march, the commander of a scouting party rode hurriedly 
in and informed him that Houston was not far in his rear ; on which 
Santa Ana faced towards his enemy and moved to meet him. There 
we must leave the Mexican President and turn back to the Texan 
forces. 

At Houston's camp, west of the Brazos, discontent culminated and 
seemed to threaten mutiny. The army was mud bound, and the camp 
for a while became an island, where inaction and discomfort intensified 
the impatience of the men to be led against the enemy. The opportu- 
nity, which most of them believed their leader had lost, to strike a blow 
on the Colorado, was a subject of bitter complaint, often uttered within 
his hearing ; while he had the heaviest of duties in allaying discontent 
and restoring the discipline which the license of his retreat had im> 
paired. Yet the condition which deadened cheerfulness did not depress 
the true soldierly morale of the army. While desertion rid it of the 
least reliable element, the rest, by longer association, grew more con- 
scious of the unanimity of determination. But the Government shared 
in the restive distrust of the soldiery. Thos. J. Rusk, the Secretary of 
War, was sent to the camp by the President to look into the state of 
affairs and urge the General to aggressive operations ; and the latter 
soon after received letters of reproachful tone from the President and 
actmg Secretary. But five days passed between that when Santa Ana 
reached the Brazos, and the day on which Houston broke up to cross 
the river. During this brief space the condition of the roads, the 
unfixedness of the enemy's position, and the general pressure of embar- 
rassment, afforded no opportunity for a blow like that supposed to have 
been lost two weeks before. Houston probably had sufficient fore- 
thought to know that his position would tempt Santa Ana to make a 
detached movement towards his flank or rear. I infer that he awaited 
this as his most feasible opportunity. So soon as he ascertained such a 
movement was about being made, he crossed the Brazos by means of 
the steamboat he had pressed, commencing on the 12th and finishing on 
the 13th, when he marched three miles out from the river to Donahu's 
farm, where he had directed the two outlying detachments to join him. 
While crossing the Brazos he was reinforced by the only artillery he 
received during the campaign — two six pounders. When he entered 



332 THE BATTLE OF SAN JACINTO 

the Brazos bottom his force was estimated by him and Colonel Hock- 
ley, in their letters, to number about seven hundred and fifty effective 
men, after one hundred and twenty had been left at San Filipe. On the 
day before Houston crossed the Brazos, a regular report of men in 
camp returned but five hundred and twenty-three effectives, though a 
reinforcement of eighty had arrived from the East. The situation told 
on the health of the men ; and there were still some desertions. At 
Donahu's, however, the entrance of outlying detachments, the restora- 
tion of invalids, and some accession of fresh volunteers, raised the force 
to near eight hundred effectives, making near i,ooo in all. 

The arrival of the Secretary of War in camp on the 4th of April 
had a good effect on the spirits of the men. They had full confidence 
in him ; and it was soon evident that he and the General were in perfect 
accord. They consulted together on all important occasions ; and this 
was the only quarter in which Houston had resorted to consultation. 
He was remarkable for the strictness with which he kept his own 
counsel; yet he was by no means a man of few words; and his prone- 
ness to irony and to mystifying questioners in a sarcastic way probably 
misled his hearers occasionally in regard to his own intentions. 

In the war of recrimination, which some years later ensued, it was 
asserted that the army at Donahu's largely entertained a suspicion that 
Houston contemplated a retreat across the Trinity before striking a 
blow, that the Secretary of War had to issue to him a peremptory 
order to meet the enemy, and that his Adjutant-General found it neces- 
sary to frighten him from his intended course by a warning that his life 
would be in danger from the soldiery if he should take the eastward 
track. It was asserted, too, that he sent an order to the volunteers, 
then supposed to be mustering or arriving in Eastern Texas, directing 
them to halt and entrench on the Trinity. Some of those assertions 
were doubtless made by respectable men ; but, in the discussions of 
those events, made long 'after they occurred, we find allegations evi- 
dently from a different kind of source. These are so positively and 
maliciously false,' that we must receive with caution others in which 
truth may have been aimed at but was distorted by personal animosity. 
It must be remembered that when Houston felt or inspired hatred it 
was not apt to be of diluted quality. The suspicion referred to un- 
doubtedly existed, perhaps extensively ; but I see no reason to believe that 
it was shared in by the Secretary of War or the Adjutant-General ; nor 
do I believe that the former found any such order, or the latter any 
such threat advisable. I knew them both well at a later time, and never 



THE BATTLE OF SAN JACINTO 333 

heard any allusion to the subject from either. Houston no doubt 
kept an eye on Eastern Texas, which might prove to be his last 
field for rally and retrieval, and some of his remarks or measures 
may have looked to that end. He sent Captain Wylie Martin with 
his company to the Trinity to aid and protect the fugitive families 
and do what the situation might require. He did not yet know 
of Goana's change of destination ; and .that General might turn his 
right, as Santa Ana did his left, and push on to Nacogdoches, 
where the presence of the invader could stir up the Indians, in spite of 
treaty pledges. Under the circumstances, Houston's order for halting 
new levies on the Trinity seems quite probable ; for, though he expected 
to strike a blow shortly, until he knew precisely when and where it 
would be, it may have seemed more advisable to provide for a reserve 
than for reinforcement. 

We can better judge of what he at this time intended from what he 
soon after did, and from what we know of the man, than we can from 
stories which have a strong flavor of spite as well as of legend. Infer- 
ring from the former premises, I am convinced that when Houston 
crossed the Brazos he was determined on a blow against the first ene- 
my he could reach, without too much regard to disparity of numbers. 
The reproach of having heretofore observed too much caution was 
at length liable to goad him into observing too little. We can af- 
ford to allow him common sense and ordinary courage ; and if he had 
both, he must have known that a fight would now be less perilous than 
flight. Had the situation been one which made farther retreat essen- 
tial to the safety of the cause, he could not have been turned away from 
it without a jar or struggle which would have left an unmistakable 
mark on the recollections of the period. Strength of will he did not 
lack. 

On the i6th of April Houston marched from Donahu's, southeast- 
erly towards Harrisburgh. Santa Ana's move, made two days before, 
which was easterly, was a turning of Houston's left,^ and the march of 
the latter was a pursuit of the flankers on their left rear. Their routes 
running obliquely towards each other formed two sides of a triangle, 
and came to a point at the town aforesaid, leaving the head of Buffalo 
Bayou between them. Santa Ana, therefore, struck that stream on its 
right and Houston on its left bank. Though this movement was in the 
general direction of retreat, it was in effect an advance ; and the spirits 
of the men rose with each step that brought them nearer to the enemy. 
As Houston's route was the longest, making fifty-five miles, it occupied 



334 THE BATTLE OF SAN JACINTO 

two and a half days of forced march, and brought him to the point 
opposite to the ruins of Harrisburgh at midday on the i8th. There the 
troops rested, while scouts, who were sent across the bayou to recon- 
noitre, brought in two prisoners, one a courier and the other a trooper. 
The former bore despatches from Filisoli to Santa Ana, in which there 
seemed to be reference made to a reinforcement about to be sent to the 
latter. From the two Houston learned that he was now in Santa Ana's 
rear, as the Mexican chief had marched down the bayou towards Lynch's 
Ferry. He immediately resolved to follow on his track, and cut him 
off from effecting a passage of the San Jacinto. Early the next morn- 
ing he marched two miles down the bayou, and crossed it with his 
troops, by means of a shackling boat and an improvised raft. The wagons, 
and all but the most necessary baggage, were left with a number of 
sick and ineffectives, under a sufficient guard, on the left side of the 
bayou. The passage was completed before sunset ; and the force, car- 
rying with it three days' rations, commenced its march on the enemy's 
trail, and, after a ten miles' tramp, halted in the prairie, where the men 
slept without refreshment. At dawn on the 2oth they rose at the tap 
of the drum, as reveille was forbidden, and resumed their march. After 
proceeding a few miles they halted for breakfast ; and, while it was in 
preparation, their scouts came in reporting that they had chased back 
those of the enemy till they came in sight of his advance. Deferring 
their breakfast, the Texans then began another forced march towards 
Lynch's Ferry, to reach it before the enemy could make use of it. An 
advance of about forty Texan cavalry reached the ferry at lo A. M., 
driving from it a party of about the same number of Mexican soldiers, 
from whom they took a boat laden with provisions. This welcome 
prize was sent a mile up the bayou to a point which had been selected 
for encampment ; for the main body halted when it was found that the 
enemy did not occupy the ferry in force. Houston's camp was covered 
by a strip of woodland on a rising ground which lay parallel with the 
bayou. The enemy, who were now on their march from New Wash- 
ington, soon came in sight. The Texans had already formed in order 
of battle, with their two six-pounders in the centre. The ground in 
their front was an open prairie, except that it was dotted with two 
groves, one about four hundred yards in front of their centre, and the 
other about half as far in front of their left. The Mexican infantry 
with their twelve-pounder took possession of the first mentioned grove 
and opened fire upon the Texans, who were well covered and out of 
sight. This cannonade continued for an hour without doing any other 



THE BATTLE OF SAN JACINTO 335 

harm than wounding one man, who happened to be the officer in com- 
mand of the Texan artillery, Colonel Nail. The enemy then sent a 
detachment of light infantry into the other grove, and the Texan cav- 
alry made a demonstration against their position to draw them out, but, 
failing to do so, fell back without loss. Soon after this the main body 
of the enemy's infantry advanced rapidly in column from the position 
of their artillery. When they had come within two hundred yards of 
the Texan centre, Houston ordered his own artillery to open upon 
them, which was done ; and, though it was with little or no execution, 
the enemy retired with precipitation, the Texan cannonade continuing 
till they had reached a safe distance. Santa Ana then fell back to a 
position three-quarters of a mile from the Texan camp, and began to 
improvise a breastwork. In the afternoon Colonel Sherman went out 
with the Texan cavalry to reconnoitre, or to seize any chance that 
might come up for a blow at the enemy. He drew fire from their left, 
and had a slight encounter with their dragoons, when a part of the Texan 
line, Avith their cannon, advanced to aid the cavalry if necessary. The 
enemy's horse retired ; and the Texan force fell back to camp. Nothing 
came of this later movement except the wounding of two Texans, one 
of them mortally. The operations of the day amounted in the end to 
nothing more than demonstrations ; but what is noteworthy is that Santa 
Ana at first was evidently willing to bring on a general action then, 
without waiting for a strong reinforcement he expected on the morrow ; 
and Houston, who probably knew of the enemy's expectation, was deter- 
mined to keep off the battle till the next day. The Mexicans did not 
know of his possession of artillery till it opened fire ; and, had he with- 
held its discharge till the enemy were within close rifle range, the com- 
bined fire of large and small arms would have been quite destructive; 
but Houston, according to his own assertion, acted as he did on purpose 
to defer the main action. The two cavalry demonstrations were made 
at Colonel Sherman's request ; and Houston, in his consent, gave orders 
looking to an avoidance of any extensive collision. 

That night the Texans enjoyed, without disturbance, probably the 
best meal and the most refreshing sleep they had had since they left 
Donahu's. Both armies were much fatigued by almost constant march- 
ing since they left the Brazos, exposed at times to heavy rain. The next 
dawn, which arose clear and auspicious, ushered in the memorable 21st 
of April, 1836. At 9 o'clock a body of troops was seen to enter the 
enemy's camp by the road which both armies had lately traveled. They 
were received with a roll of the Mexican drums and joyous shouts. 



336 THE BATTLE OF SAN JACINTO 

This was the arrival of General Cos, with a reinforcement of 500 men or 
a little more. Its approach and probable strength had been announced 
to Houston by his scouts ; but he suggested to the officers and men 
about him that the exhibition they had seen was nothing more than a 
countermarch of some of Santa Ana's troops sent out of camp for a 
deceptive display. But the arrival was too obvious to leave any plausi- 
bility to the pretended surmise. In the course of the forenoon several 
officers waited upon the General and requested that a council of war 
should be called, which was at once done. The council met, consisting 
of Colonels Burlison and Sherman, Lieutenant-Colonels Somerville, 
Burnet, and Millard, and Major Wells, the field officers of the two regi- 
ments of volunteers, and the half battalion of regulars, which composed 
the infantry. The Secretary of War was also present. The question 
put to the council by the General was : " Shall we attack the enemy in 
his position or await his attack in ours ? " Burnet and Wells who, as 
lowest in rank, were first called on for their views, were in favor of 
attacking the enemy ; but the other officers preferred to wait for the 
attack; and with this the Secretary of War coincided. The reasons 
given were that their own position was a good one, while that of the 
enemy was fortified, and would have to be charged on through an open 
prairie by troops mostly without bayonets ; and that, when raw militia 
are opposed to regular troops, it is safest for the former to act on the 
defensive. The advisability of providing a raft for crossing the bayou 
in case of defeat, was mentioned by some one, but, I think, was not dis- 
cussed. The council was then dismissed, the General reserving his own 
opinion. That of the majority has the fault of allowing the enemy time 
for farther reinforcements. One was as much as could be prudently let 
into the slaughter-pen. This was the first council of war solicited or 
held during the campaign. There was that morning a revival of the old 
distrust in the ranks because more had not been done the day before, 
and the discontent of the men probably suggested the request made by 
the officers. But Houston a few hours later showed that he was more 
in harmony with the former than the latter. 

Five or six miles above, where the two armies were encamped, 
Vince's bayou runs into the Buffalo on its right side. The branch, 
which was almost unfordable from its depth of mud, was crossed by 
what was known as Vince's bridge, over which both armies had passed 
in their downward march ; and it had now just been crossed by Cos and 
his reinforcement. Over it was the only road from either camp to the 
Brazos. After the council was dismissed, Houston sent two of his best 



338 THE BATTLE OF SAN JACINTO 

scouts, one of whom was Deaf Smith, a man of local fame, with orders 
to burn Vince's bridge. It was promptly done, and reported to the Gen- 
eral just before the impending battle began. It was one of Santa Ana's 
oversights that the safety of that bridge was not guarded, but not, as I 
believe, an oversight of Houston that the burning was not done sooner. 
As he is charged with too much forecast, he would hardly have neg- 
lected to have it done the night before, had his object been to impede 
the arrival of the first reinforcement ; and the man who did the burning, 
a confidential scout, would hardly have allowed the precaution to be 
forgotten, for he had an eye and brain as wary as his ear was defective. 

After the council, Houston had directed some of his officers to ascer- 
tain the disposition of the men in regard to offensive operations, and 
found it favorable. He soon after took a more effective mode of sound- 
ing them himself. Approaching a spot near the bayou, where a crowd 
of soldiers as well as officers was assembled, he cried out to them: 
*' Shall we fight now, or wait till to-morrow morning?" They had just 
heard with no little discontent of the disagreement of the council, and 
this appeal had electric force. The response was, " Fight now," and the 
repetition of it spread from one end of the camp to the other. It is 
worthy of note, that Houston assumed the offensive side of the late dis- 
cussion, and put the question only in regard to time. Half an hour 
later a muster was ordered, and the troops were formed for action. 

Houston's camp had Buffalo bayou in its rear; the junction of that 
stream with the San Jacinto bearing a mile or little less to his left. 
Santa Ana's camp fronted Houston's, three-quarters of a mile off, in a 
direction nearly at right angles with the bank of the bayou, the shore 
of Galveston bay being less than a mile to his right. "A marsh occupied 
the space between the two camps and the bay. On the outer edge of 
the marsh was a strip of timber occupied by the Mexican right wing, 
consisting of infantry. His centre, composed of the same, was covered 
by a breastwork formed of pack saddles, packages, and anything which 
could be made available on the spot, his twelve-pounder being planted 
in a gap left in the centre of that barrier. His left was another body of 
foot, partlv covered by the breastwork and flanked on the extreme left 
by his cavalry. These were the dispositions made of the troops when 
roused by alarm ; but when Houston's force moved, Santa Ana and his 
staff, with about half of his men, were asleep ; yet this, under the lights 
he then had, involved no irrational breach of caution. As Houston the 
day before stood strictly on the defensive, there seemed little chance of 
his now becoming the assailant of a strengthened force. Cos's men had 



THE BATTLE OF SAN JACINTO 339 

marched most of the previous night, and the commander ordered that 
they should be allowed to rest. The whole force, from